Colorado
Colorado breweries warn new tax hike bills could lead to more small business closures, job losses
Andrew Maciejewski/Summit Daily News
Colorado brewers are raising red flags over new bills that could increase taxes and fees on small alcohol businesses, many of which are already struggling to keep their doors open.
House Bill 1271, known as the Alcohol Impact & Recovery Enterprises bill, creates three government-run enterprises designed to fund programs for alcohol-related addiction prevention, treatment and recovery programs — all funded through fees imposed on alcoholic beverages. The bill is sponsored by four Democratic lawmakers.
Colorado per capita alcohol consumption is higher than the national average. The state also has one of the higher alcohol-related death rates in the country, with around 24 deaths per 100,000 residents as of 2023, according to data from Trust for America’s Health.
Data from the Colorado Health Institute shows not everyone who could benefit from treatment for alcohol use disorders currently receives it, largely due to factors like cost, accessibility and stigma.
Were the bill to pass, manufacturers and wholesale distributors would have to pay five cents in fees per gallon of beer, cider and apple wine, seven cents per liter of wine and 35 cents per liter of spirits to be used toward alcohol-related treatment and recovery programs. As state lawmakers plan cuts to balance a $850 million budget deficit, advocates for these programs argue the funding from the bill could help offset any potential losses.
For local breweries and wineries in the mountains, however, this would be a significant financial blow to an already struggling industry.
“This is not the time for us to be implementing new taxes on an industry that is hurting right now,” said Carlin Walsh, owner of Elevation Beer Company and chair of the Colorado Brewers Guild. “As a brewer, I feel like the state is looking a gift horse in the mouth.”
Beer, wine, cider and spirits generate around $22 billion in economic activity for Colorado, according to the Colorado Beverage Coalition. The state is home to nearly 420 breweries, 145 wineries, nearly 20 cideries and 100 distilleries.
Faced with rising costs and waning appetites, however, over 100 Colorado breweries have shuttered their doors since 2024, marking the first time since 2005 that more breweries closed than opened. Meanwhile, national surveys confirmed alcohol consumption in the U.S. is at a 90-year low.
Walsh said breweries already pay eight cents per gallon in taxes, which for a company like Elevation translates to roughly $30,000 in taxes annually. Fees from the new bill would add another $12,000 to its yearly expenses.
“The alcohol industry at large is one of the most regulated industries in the United States, period. We already pay a very heavy tax,” Walsh said, adding that breweries provide tens of millions of dollars to Colorado’s general fund. “Our position is that there’s already money available. Those dollars go to the general fund, and it’s really up to the state to manage what we already provide and to decide what is their priority. We don’t feel like it should be on our shoulders to increase the amount that we pay to the state just because the state wants to endeavour on new programs.”
The Colorado Beverage Coalition said the imposed fees would be a 60% cost increase on alcohol businesses. Paired with an estimated 100% increase in taxes from a referred ballot measure proposed last week — House Bill 1301 — the impacts would be disastrous for the industry, Walsh said.
House Bill 1301 would refer a measure to the November ballot that would increase excise taxes on alcohol and increase sales and excise taxes on marijuana in order to fund a mental health hospital in Aurora.
“Our brewery and so many other breweries, we just don’t have capacity for that. We’re already a low margin business to begin with,” Walsh said. “If this happens, this is going to drive further consolidation amongst our members. It’s going to drive further closures.”
Larger alcohol companies may be in a better position to absorb some of the costs from increased fees, said Shawnee Adelson, executive director for the Colorado Brewers Guild. Small businesses in rural resort markets, on the other hand, are not in that position.
“At a certain point when costs just keep going up and up and up, there’s no more place to cut,” Adelson said.
Colorado jobs, tourism could see ripple effects
The Colorado Beverage Coalition estimates House Bill 1271 would jeopardize 131,000 brewery, winery and distillery jobs in the state, in addition to “greatly increasing cost on consumers.” Walsh said an average brewery would “no doubt” have to cut jobs if either, or both, bills were to pass.
“Depending on the size of a brewery, it could be the cost of a full-time staff or multiple full-time staff to cover the cost of these (fees), so there is a real concern about job losses due to increased costs,” Adelson added.
The Colorado Distillers Guild also argues the bill would be a blow to the tourism industry, as visitors could be deterred by increased consumer costs and a dwindling beer culture.
“A lot of (breweries) will either have to absorb that cost or pass it on to the consumer. And right now, in the current state of the economy, we understand that a lot of consumers are price conscious right now, which is also contributing to lower consumption,” Adelson said. “Passing on that price is going to be really hard for consumers to swallow as well.”
The bill is not entirely new, as similar legislation by the same name was proposed in 2024. The original bill, which died in committee, received significant pushback from Gov. Jared Polis due to concerns that it would end up raising prices for consumers. Polis also requested that sponsors exempt beer companies from the fees.
Aside from a stakeholder meeting ahead of the bill’s introduction, Adelson said the Colorado Brewers Guild had not been contacted by lawmakers about the plan for an excise fee increase.
“We’ve had two years to sit down and have discussions with lawmakers about this. Nobody has reached out. Nobody has sat down with us to say, ‘Hey, this is our goal. We wanna get this done. How can you guys meet us halfway?’” Walsh said.
Being an enterprise fee rather than a tax, House Bill 1271 would not go to voters for approval. Instead, the change would be implemented through legislation only and automatically go live in July 2027. Because the bill would create three separate enterprise fees for beer, wine and spirits — each capped at $20 million annually per state law — the state could collect up to $60 million from all three.
The bill would also create a new 11-member board appointed by the governor to oversee the three enterprises, which would be made up of alcohol industry representatives, behavioral health professionals, public health experts and individuals in recovery.
On top of feeling that a financial change of that magnitude should be left up to voters, Walsh said he’s heard from businesses that are concerned about the potential for the board to increase fees in the future.
“There are very few guard rails around how this enterprise can operate, including the ability for them to raise the tax price that we’re currently paying. There’s very few restrictions within this bill that control how much they can increase that tax,” Walsh said. “In two years they could come back and say, ‘Oh we’re going to increase it another five cents or 10 cents.’”
For Adelson, the fees would impact more than just manufacturing facilities and business operations.
“They’re community gathering spaces and they’re third places,” Adelson said. “They give back a lot and so I think I just want to make sure that the consumer realizes that we’re not just talking about production facilities, but your local neighborhood brewery that’s down the street and that your neighbours own or your friends work at.”
Colorado
Contamination, climate change and political drama stall clean water for Colorado’s Arkansas Valley – High Country News
The western stretch of the Arkansas River, which flows from its headwaters in the Rocky Mountains across the plains of southeastern Colorado, is in trouble. That trouble is compounded by uncertainty about what, exactly, is polluting and drying the river, and how such problems can be fixed.
Overshadowed by the ongoing political brawl over the Colorado River, the Arkansas River Valley rarely appears in national news. But since Dec. 30, when President Donald Trump vetoed a bipartisan bill that would have secured favorable terms for funding to complete a $1.39 billion, 130-mile water pipeline, the region has become the stage for yet more drama about water in the Western U.S.
The Arkansas Valley Conduit is part of a decades-long effort to replace the dwindling, contaminated water in this stretch of the Arkansas Valley with clean water from Colorado’s Western Slope and the Pueblo Reservoir. If completed, it will supply water to roughly 50,000 valley residents, many of whom can no longer count on municipal supplies for safe drinking water.
Pundits portrayed Trump’s veto as retaliation against Colorado politicians: Republican Rep. Lauren Boebert, who helped force the November vote for the release of the Epstein files, and Democratic Gov. Jared Polis, who has resisted pressure to pardon Tina Peters, a county clerk in western Colorado convicted of tampering with voting machines during the 2020 election. Sens. Michael Bennet and John Hickenlooper, both Democrats, condemned the administration for “putting personal and political grievances ahead of Americans.” The Salida-based Ark Valley Voice declared a “Reign of Retribution Punishing Deep Red Southeastern Colorado.” The New York Times, emphasizing the same irony, observed that “A Trump Veto Leaves Republicans in Colorado Parched and Bewildered.”
For those managing the project, the veto is a setback but not a showstopper. The first dozen miles of the conduit have already been completed, and enough capital is on hand for at least three more years of construction. “Some (coverage) has been saying it’s the end of the project, which is totally false,” said Chris Woodka, senior policy and issues manager of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District. “It’s still being built; the veto was not for any reason that had anything to do with the project, and we’re working in every way we can to make this affordable.”
For valley residents, the issue is personal. This rural region is more culturally aligned with western Kansas than with Front Range cities. Like people throughout the Great Plains, the local residents are grappling with eroding social services and the rising cost of living. The scarcity of safe water magnifies uncertainty. “If you don’t have clean water,” said Jack Goble, general manager of the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District and a sixth-generation rancher, “you really don’t have anything.”

“HOW EASY IT IS,” wrote William Mills in his 1988 book The Arkansas, “to take a river for granted.”
The Arkansas Valley of Colorado is the ancestral homelands of the Plains Apache, Comanche, Kiowa, Cheyenne and Arapaho peoples. A geographical corridor across the Southern Plains, it was a route for incursions and ethnic cleansing by non-Native fur trappers, traders, military expeditions, hide hunters, railroad developers and settlers. Those settlers include my ancestors; I grew up in southwest Kansas, where generations of my family farmed and ranched along the dry Cimarron River. The Arkansas Valley, with its dwindling water and flatlands, feels like home.
By 1900, settlers had diverted the Arkansas into a maze of ditches. Irrigation and migrant labor supported sugar beet factories, vegetable cultivation and Rocky Ford’s famous melons. Such practices remade the riverbed, increased salinity, and reduced flow. As with the Colorado River, water rights were assigned partly on wishful thinking. Today, the Arkansas Valley is one of the region’s most over-appropriated basins, and the river’s annual flow has dramatically declined. A short distance past the Kansas line, the river is entirely dry.
The Arkansas is being drained in new ways. Climate change and a record-breaking snow drought are intensifying the scarcity. Over the last half-century, growing Front Range cities have purchased water rights from farmers in the valley. Exchange agreements allow cities to swap these rights for ones farther upstream, leaving the downstream flow diminished and dirtier. Between 1978 and 2022, nearly 44% of the irrigated farmland in the Lower Arkansas Valley Water Conservancy District was taken out of production.
Critics call it “buy-and-dry.” They say the removal of water has disastrous consequences for an agricultural region. “If you take all of that water out of an economy that completely depends on it,” Goble said, “it just breaks a community.” Faced with the prospect of litigation from local water districts, cities like Aurora claim to be developing more sustainable arrangements.
“If you don’t have clean water, you really don’t have anything.”
THE ARKANSAS’ WATER is changing, too. The river is diverted into dozens of canals and fields. What doesn’t evaporate or get absorbed returns as runoff or sinks through the alluvial gravels that connect to the riverbed. Each time a drop of water returns, it carries more dissolved minerals. As the river’s volume lessens, the concentration increases in what is left. By the time the river reaches the Kansas border, the water regularly contains 4,000 milligrams or more per liter — making it about eight times saltier than a typical sports drink and unsuitable for growing many crops.
Minerals are not the only problem. The river basin and alluvial gravels are also contaminated with radium and uranium. Last year, a study by the Colorado Geological Survey found that the levels of radioactivity in more than 60% of the private wells sampled in the valley exceeded federal standards.
The radionuclides are called “naturally occurring.” But natural uranium usually stays locked in rock. In the valley, irrigated agriculture sets it into motion. Uranium is mobilized by complex interactions between oxygen, sediments, water, microbes and nitrate. Nitrate is a common fertilizer. One study found that valley farmers had over-applied it for decades. This pulls out radionuclides, turns them loose, and flushes them into the river’s shallow aquifer. Levels rise as the river moves east through agricultural lands.
Contamination is not news in the valley. People have worked on cooperative solutions for decades. To meet safe water standards while the conduit is under construction, the towns of La Junta and Las Animas installed filtration systems. But cleaning the water creates hyper-contaminated wastewater, which is currently diluted and poured back into the river. “The only true solution,” said Bill Long, president of the Southeastern Colorado Water Conservancy District board, “is a new source.”

THE CONDUIT WOULD PROVIDE safe water to a region too often disregarded. But the project also raises questions about what can truly be bypassed and what cannot, and about the fate of the river itself.
Near Cañon City, upstream from the conduit, the Lincoln Park/Cotter Superfund site contains a former uranium mill, millions of tons of radioactive waste, coal mineworks and tailing ponds. The site sits less than two miles from the Arkansas River. It is known to be contaminated with the same compounds — radionuclides, selenium, sulfates — that affect communities downstream.
Local residents have worked for decades to raise awareness and hold a revolving cast of agencies, regulators and owners accountable for the pollution. “It has taken us a lifetime,” said Jeri Fry, co-chair of Colorado Citizens Against Toxic Waste. “As the years have gone by, we have been the ones holding the memory.”
“The only true solution is a new source.”
Without memory, they say, contamination is normalized as background, treated as an isolated issue, or denied. “We’ve been stonewalled on many of our legitimate concerns,” said Carol Dunn, vice-chairperson of the Lincoln Park/Cotter Community Advisory Group. She believes state regulators avoid testing for fear of uncovering inconvenient facts.
The most inconvenient would suggest connections between contamination in the valley and industrial pollution upstream, which affects not only Cañon City but the communities of Leadville, Pueblo and Fountain Creek. For Fry, all of the known and unknown pressures on the river point to the same fundamental problem. “We are not treating our water as though it is a sacred thing,” she said. “And it is. It’s got to be.”

We welcome reader letters. Email High Country News at editor@hcn.org or submit a letter to the editor. See our letters to the editor policy.
This article appeared in the May 2026 print edition of the magazine with the headline “The absence of clean water.”
This story is part of High Country News’ Conservation Beyond Boundaries project, which is supported by the BAND Foundation and the Mighty Arrow Family Foundation.
Colorado
2026 Rockies’ good, bad and tradeable at the season’s quarter mark
By almost every measure, the 2026 Rockies are better than the ’25 Rockies. And, by almost every measure, the Rockies have a long way to go to become a contending big-league baseball team.
After getting bludgeoned by Kyle Schwarber and shut down by ace lefty Cristopher Sanchez in a 6-0 loss at Philadelphia on Sunday, the Rockies are 16-25 with one-quarter of the season in the books.
Schwarber hit solo home runs in the first and second innings off right-hander Tomoyuki Sugano, who gave up five runs on seven hits over five innings. Sanchez dominated Colorado for seven innings, giving up six hits, striking out seven, and walking none. He reduced his ERA to 2.11.
It was a step back for Colorado, but a week ago, Paul DePodesta, president of baseball operations, said, “We’re certainly encouraged by a lot of what’s going on, but at the same time, far from satisfied.”
Here’s a look at the state of the Rockies at the quarter pole:
• On pace: The Rockies’ .390 winning percentage has them pointed toward a 63-99 record. That would be a 20-game improvement over their 119-loss season in 2025 and enable them to avoid the infamy of being the first team since the 1961-64 Washington Senators to post four consecutive 100-loss seasons.
• White Sox meter: Chicago’s Southsiders lost a major league record 121 games in 2024. At the quarter pole last year, they were a miserable 12-29, but they eventually finished with a 60-102 record. That was a 19-game improvement.
• Road conditions: Colorado was laughably bad on the road last season, going 18-63, averaging just 2.81 runs per game, and getting outscored by 213 runs. The ’26 Rockies no longer look like automatic roadkill. They are 8-14 away from Coors Field but 6-4 over their last 10 games. They are averaging 3.95 runs per game on the road.
• Rotation in motion: The ’25 Rockies finished with a starters ERA of 6.65, the worst in the majors since ERA became an official statistic in 1913. This season’s starters own a 5.27 ERA, still the worst in the majors, but an improvement. Toss out the innings thrown by “openers” and the starters’ ERA is 5.11.
• Ace in the making? Right-hander Chase Dollander, who has the pure best stuff on the staff, is exponentially better this season than last — 3.35 ERA vs. 6.98 ERA as a rookie. On Friday, he held the Phillies to two runs and three hits in 5 2/3 innings, but walked five in the Rockies’ wild, 9-7, 11-inning victory. Dollander’s command was not sharp, but he didn’t implode as he might have last season.
“Every outing is different, for everybody,” Rockies manager Warren Schaeffer told MLB.com. “Today, for Chase, he had to battle command issues, but his stuff is so good that he was able to stay in it. He competed, and he kept grinding without his best command.”
Trade material: Except for Dollander, Colorado’s four other starters are all veterans in the final year of their contracts. That makes them possible trade candidates at the Aug. 3 deadline, if not before.
However, after a strong start to the season, the starters are beginning to fade. Lefty Kyle Freeland (1-4, 6.00 ERA) has a vesting option worth $17 million for 2027, but he needs to pitch 170 innings to activate that option, and it’s doubtful he will. There is a $9 million team option for right-hander Michael Lorenzen, but considering that he is 2-4 with a 6.92 ERA and a 3.56 batting average against, it’s doubtful the Rockies would pick up his option. But are either Lorenzen or Freeland tradeable?
That leaves lefty Jose Quintana (1-2, 3.90 ERA) and Sugano (3-3, 4.07 ERA) as the most attractive trade pieces. And throw in reliever Antonio Senzatela (2-0, 1.11 ERA), too, because he’s also in the final year of his contract.
Somehow, someway, the Rockies are going to have to restock their pitching cupboard for next season and beyond. It’s a predicament that DePodesta and company will have to solve.
Men of mystery: The hope was that this would be corner outfielder Jordan Beck’s breakout season, and that centerfielder Brenton Doyle and shortstop Ezequiel Tovar would bounce back. It’s early, but it’s not happening.
After going 1 for 3 on Sunday, Beck is hitting .169 with a .490 OPS. Doyle (.196, .529, 33.6% strikeout rate) is showing signs of rebounding, as is Tovar (.197, .277, 28.6%), who had two singles on Sunday. Still, the trio is underperforming. Beck and Doyle are often supplanted in the lineup by Mickey Moniak and newcomers Troy Johnston and Jake McCarthy.

After a 1-for-4 performance on Sunday, Moniak is hitting .303 with a 1.004 OPS and leads the Rockies with 11 home runs. Moniak has had hot streaks before with the Angels, but then faded. However, the Rockies believe he can sustain his success.
He’s arbitration-eligible for one more season, leading to plenty of internet trade speculation. But if the Rockies don’t believe their outfield prospects are ready to carry the load, signing Moniak to a reasonable contract extension makes sense. He’s making $4 million this season.
First addition: Utility infielders Edouard Julien and Willi Castro, and outfielders Johnston and McCarthy have all contributed to Colorado’s improvement. But it’s rookie first baseman TJ Rumfield who looks like part of the Rockies’ foundation for the future.
He’s slashing .272/.337/.429 with five home runs and is tied with Moniak for the team lead with 21 RBIs. Among all qualified rookies, he is tied for first in games played (40), second in hits (40), fifth in RBIs (21), and eighth in batting average. He’s also a terrific fielder.
Rumfield is everything the Rockies hoped Michael Toglia would be.
Pitching probables
Monday: Off day
Tuesday: Rockies RHP Michael Lorenzen (2-4, 6.92 ERA) at Pirates RHP Paul Skenes (5-2, 2.36 ERA), 4:40 p.m.
Wednesday: Rockies LHP Jose Quintana (1-2, 3.90) at Pirates RHP Mitch Keller (4-1, 2.87 ERA), 4:40 p.m.
Thursday: RHP Chase Dollander (3-2, 3.35) at Pirates RHP Carmen Mlodzinski (2-3, 4.50 ERA), 10:35 a.m.
TV: Rockies.TV
Radio: KOA 850 AM/94.1 FM
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Colorado
Colorado man sentenced to over 40 years in prison for murder of ex-girlfriend
A Boulder County man was sentenced to 48 years in prison for murdering his ex-girlfriend and dumping her body in 2024.
The Boulder County Sheriff’s Office said Christine Barron Olivas’s body was discovered in a remote area of unincorporated Boulder County on Sept. 14, 2024. She was last seen leaving the neighborhood with her boyfriend, Carlos Dosal, the week prior.
The coroner’s office determined the cause of her death was strangulation.
In Feb. 2026, Dosal pleaded guilty to second-degree murder as a crime of domestic violence in her death. On Saturday, the judge sentenced him to 48 years in the Colorado Department of Corrections.
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