Arizona
Latino voters want more action on climate and clean energy in Arizona, new poll finds
Arizona group promotes citizenship, voter registration and turnout
The Mi Familia Vota team shares with The Republic’s weekly news show how they connect with the community to get out the vote.
In Arizona, the 2020 Latino vote was decisive.
And this November, Arizona’s Latinos may be more motivated than ever by climate and clean energy issues, a new poll by the environmental justice organization Chispa AZ suggests. More than 70% of the poll’s 520 registered voter respondents expressed concern about climate change and 60% support Arizona increasing clean energy requirements for electric utilities.
Those views could make a difference, analysts say, in a state where fewer than 11,000 votes pushed President Joe Biden across the finish line in 2020 to beat incumbent Donald Trump and become the first Democrat to win the state since 1996. Only Georgia had a narrower margin in the popular vote count in that first matchup of this year’s presumptive presidential candidates.
A report by the University of California Los Angeles’s Latino Policy and Politics Initiative determined much of that 2020 nudge of Arizona’s political lever from red to blue came from high-density Latino precincts. That demographic has only grown in the state since, and nonpartisan voter registration efforts seek to further amplify the Latino voice.
Latinos are expected to cast more than 855,000 votes in Arizona this election cycle, according to the NALEO Educational Fund, a 57% increase over 2016 numbers. With the intervening eight years also bringing dozens of broken heat records, skyrocketing heat-associated deaths, worsened drought and higher energy demands to the state — all exacerbated by the heat-trapping influence of greenhouse gases emitted primarily by burning fossil fuels — that increase comes with a shift in priorities.
More for Latino voters: Latino voter campaign ramps up in battleground Arizona and Nevada
Polling ahead of the 2022 midterms by Univision in collaboration with Arizona State University and Northern Arizona University suggested that inflation, abortion, jobs and gun safety were top issues for Latino voters in Arizona the last time they headed for national polls. A majority of those surveyed favored liberal candidates’ solutions.
Now, following Arizona’s boom in solar installation jobs and escalating impacts of climate change like heat and asthma that disproportionately affect low-income and minority communities, the Chispa AZ poll indicates Arizona’s Latino vote may align even more with what Democrats are offering.
With Latinos making up nearly a quarter of expected voters in this key battleground state, that means the selection of the next leader of the free world could hinge on policies related to Arizona’s scorched and sunny climate.
Arizona’s Latino voters show strong support for climate and clean energy
Working with Embold Research, Chispa AZ advertised its 27-question poll in April to registered voters who live in Arizona and identify as Latino via text messages and social media posts. Of the 520 people who participated, 55% identified as Democrats, 32% as Republicans and 13% as Independents. A majority were between the ages of 18 and 34. The research was funded by donations to Chispa AZ, a 501(c)(4) branch of the League of Conservation Voters, and by pro-democracy groups, said Nuvia Enriquez, the organization’s communications director.
The primary motivation for the poll, Enriquez said, was to gauge awareness within this demographic about the actions and relevance of the Arizona Corporation Commission, the state’s five elected utility regulators who vote to approve new gas or renewable energy projects, set statewide goals for energy efficiency and clean electricity generation and determine incentives like the “value of solar,” or homeowner buyback rates for rooftop solar energy.
Regulators reconsider solar incentives: Corporation Commission reopens ‘value of solar’ rate discussions despite strong opposition
Only 36% of people surveyed indicated they were familiar with the ACC. After then reading short descriptions of the entity’s recent actions, a majority opposed regulators’ 2022 decision to halt a rule that would have required Arizona utilities to generate 15% of electricity from clean sources by 2025, their 2023 addition of a monthly charge to residential rooftop solar customers and recent rate increases at the state’s largest electricity provider.
These responses align with values Arizona Latinos expressed in answer to other poll questions, including 63% who view the state’s reliance on coal and gas as a serious problem, 63% who are concerned about pollution from electricity generation and 59% who feel the state is moving too slowly toward cleaner options like wind and solar.
When asked about specific energy sources, from 84% to 67% of people surveyed indicated support for rooftop solar, solar farms, hydroelectricity and wind farms, in that order. Support for fossil fuel-based energy sources was somewhat lower, with 64% to 34% of respondents indicating support for natural gas, nuclear plants, coal and methane (which is the main ingredient of natural gas — that distinction was left unclear in poll questions).
The poll’s strongest consensus was a 93% agreement that the rising cost of electricity is a serious problem. This is despite Arizona’s lower-than-average electricity costs compared to other states, according to recent data from the U.S. Energy Information Administration.
Enriquez said the results will be used to inform Chispa AZ’s upcoming communication efforts, which she said will “continue as long as the (Arizona Corporation Commission) is making bad decisions.”
“A key aspect of this awareness campaign is to just make sure people know who is having power over their lives,” she said.
Who will voters give power over Arizona’s power sources?
This year’s presidential race will determine who has power over future power generation between two candidates who could arguably not be further apart on climate and clean energy issues. The same divide is true farther down the ballot.
Trump has repeatedly used the phrase “drill, baby drill” to affirm support for burning more of the fossil fuels scientists (and oil companies) have long understood to be causing rising average temperatures and costly drought, crop failures and wildfires, including at the Republican National Convention earlier this week.
The former president is also under investigation by the U.S. Senate Budget and Finance committees for alleged promises to oil companies to roll back environmental regulations and climate policies to streamline drilling access in exchange for $1 billion in donations to his campaign. His previous administration weakened at least 74 environmental protections, as tabulated by the nonpartisan research organization the Brookings Institution.
The Biden administration, on the other hand, has taken historic action on climate and environmental justice issues with the passage of the $369 billion Inflation Reduction Act in August 2022 which has brought more than $10 billion and 14,000 jobs to Arizona in climate and clean energy investments as of March, according to the research and advocacy organization Climate Power. While not all Arizonans support this priority in the White House, some youth groups in the state feel Biden could be doing even more to address the consequences of climate change that will impact them most.
Beyond that top race, the candidates running for the U.S. Senate seat left open by Sen. Kyrsten Synema, I-Ariz., also vastly differ on climate and energy issues.
Republican candidate Kari Lake has echoed Trump’s enthusiasm for drilling and cutting environmental safeguards while accepting large campaign donations from the oil and natural gas industries.
In contrast, her Democratic opponent, Rep. Ruben Gallego, voted for Biden’s IRA and lists the environment as a priority for his campaign, though his website does not spell out many details and his response to recent questions from The Arizona Republic about his top issues mentioned abortion and immigration but not climate or clean energy. Green party candidates Mike Norton and Eduardo Quintana were the only ones to mention climate in their responses to The Republic. Lake did not provide answers.
Both Lake and Gallego recently courted the Latino vote in Arizona with targeted campaign events, though Lake’s Latino-themed event did not appear to attract many Hispanics.
Democracy is a two-way street
With more than three months to go before election day and the Democratic presidential candidate not yet officially confirmed, a lot could still shift in what the world will see from Arizona voters, perhaps especially from the state’s Latino communities.
Stephen Nuno-Perez, a professor of politics and international affairs at Northern Arizona University who helped direct the polling with ASU and Univision ahead of the 2022 midterms, will track it closely. He plans to head into the field after the primary in late July to survey Latinos and perhaps also non-Latinos, depending on funding, about the issues most important to them.
Nuno-Perez is particularly interested in understanding how attitudes about climate change have evolved over the last two years. He told The Republic he was not surprised by the results of Chispa AZ’s poll and thinks unclean water, heat and asthma are consistent concerns for Arizona’s Latinos even if they don’t always associate them with a warming climate.
“One of the reasons we’re doing more survey work on climate change is because it’s an identifying issue for Democrats,” Nuno-Perez said. “It used to be immigration where the Democrats could say ‘Clearly we’re on your side, clearly we are different than Republicans.’ In the last four years, climate change and the environment has become one of those issues where Democrats can go to Latinos and say ‘We are the party for you.’”
Our latest energy investigation: In sunny Arizona, a relocated gas plant ignites questions over who profits and who pays
With Latinos now also broadly supporting abortion rights and working solar installation jobs, Nuno-Perez thinks this demographic could be heard in a big way in November, not because the system has done a better job of integrating and listening to them, but “more just the fact that there are more Latinos than there have been.”
“I think one of the things that makes Latinos so pivotal is that they’re an emerging group,” Nuno-Perez said. “Even though Arizona has a long relationship with Latinos in the United States and Latinos have been here before Arizona (was a state), it’s one of the groups that tends to be less engaged, largely because the system is less engaged with Latinos. Our democracy is not a one-way street.”
Joe Garcia, Chicanos Por La Causa’s director of public policy and leader of the nonpartisan organization’s “Get out the vote” campaign, aims to increase Latino engagement by going after “low propensity voters” to help get that traffic of the democratic process flowing in both directions so it can better address the needs of all Arizonans.
Speaking to The Republic from the Unidos Conference in Nevada, the other swing state where CPLC has launched a Latino voter registration campaign, Garcia said he views getting more Latinos to vote as part of Arizona’s “maturation process” toward becoming representative of its residents.
“You look at the state Legislature now, there are so many Latino-elected officials, whereas one time only a couple of decades ago, there’s just a couple,” he said.
CPLC’s nonpartisan efforts to register more Latino voters regardless of how they might vote could shake things up beyond what current polling of already-registered voters can predict. Garcia doesn’t think this would be because Latino communities diverge much culturally from white communities, but because they tend to be younger and to therefore align with the issues important to people who are not yet established and are more concerned about the future. That may be why the Latino vote, when activated, often buoys Democrats.
Read our climate series: The latest from Joan Meiners at azcentral on climate change
Like Chispa AZ, Garcia wants Arizona’s Latinos to be more informed about murkier governmental entities like the Arizona Corporation Commission, to talk about the issues and to feel less intimidated about the ballot. He acknowledged that many Latinos, and young people in general, are feeling disillusioned by the options for president, causing them to think “I’m not going to vote. I’ve seen this movie, and I don’t like either of them.”
That’s why he thinks it’s critical to raise awareness about down-ballot contests and propositions rather than focusing on individual candidates, which, as a nonpartisan organization, they avoid discussing anyway. With that approach, both parties will be forced to listen to what younger people want for their children and grandchildren, he said, which is important because issues like climate change “will be here for a long, long time.”
“The trick is not letting them become so jaded that they decide not to vote at all,” Garcia said. “That’s the danger.”
Joan Meiners is the climate news and storytelling reporter at The Arizona Republic and azcentral.com. Before becoming a journalist, she completed a doctorate in ecology. Follow Joan on Twitter at @beecycles or email her at joan.meiners@arizonarepublic.com. Read more of her coverage at environment.azcentral.com.
Sign up for AZ Climate, The Republic’s weekly climate and environment newsletter.
Arizona
11 illegal Indian national truck drivers arrested at Arizona border last month
Eleven illegal Indian national truck drivers were arrested at the Arizona border in the month of February.
The Yuma Sector Border Patrol arrested 11 total Indian national truck drivers in Yuma, Arizona in February 2026.
According to a Facebook post by the Yuma Sector Border Patrol, all 11 truck drivers held commercial drivers licenses from the states of Florida, New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and California. All were “found to be present in the United States illegally.”
“Border Patrol remains committed to upholding immigration laws and protecting our communities,” the post continued.
Arizona
Arizona Independent Party to appeal ruling erasing name
Ballot processing at Maricopa County Tabulation and Election Center
Election workers process ballots at the Maricopa County Tabulation and Election Center on Nov. 6, 2024, in Phoenix.
The Arizona Independent Party will appeal a court ruling that invalidated its name, guaranteeing more legal limbo and possibly a new chapter of confusion in the effort to give unaffiliated voters a viable third-party option at the ballot box.
Party chair Paul Johnson confirmed he would appeal the ruling from Maricopa County Superior Court Judge Greg Como, which forces the party to revert to its prior name: the No Labels Party. The ruling ordered elections officials in Arizona to follow suit.
The decision was a high-profile loss for Secretary of State Adrian Fontes, who Como said had permitted a “bait and switch” on voters by allowing the name change.
“We were given due process, the judge did a fair job,” Johnson said. “I don’t agree with his final position, but I like the way our country works in terms of the rule of the law.”
“I don’t feel discouraged at all,” Johnson said, adding that an appeal could proceed in federal court and raise claims of First and Fourteenth Amendment violations.
It is unclear how the judge’s order, if it stands, could impact candidates who submitted signatures to qualify for the ballot under the Arizona Independent Party label.
“The commission’s position has been that this would cause confusion,” said Tom Collins, executive director of the Clean Elections Commission, which was part of the case. “This is an example of that confusion.”
The number of signatures required to make the ballot is a percentage of registered voters for each party, but unaffiliated candidates had to collect roughly six times as many as Republican or Democratic candidates. Running with the Arizona Independent Party meant only 1,771 signatures were needed.
Como’s order was signed March 19 but made public on March 25, after a March 23 deadline for candidates to file signatures to make the ballot.
“Unfortunately due to the court order, this question is left unaddressed,” said Calli Jones, a spokesperson for Fontes. “This question will be left to the challenge process or other court proceedings.”
Clarity could come through any lawsuits filed challenging Arizona Independent Party candidates’ signatures. No such challenges had been filed as of March 25, and the deadline is April 6.
What’s preventing ‘Arizona Nazi Party’ or the ‘Arizona Anarchists’?
Last October, Fontes agreed to change the name of the No Labels Party to the Arizona Independent Party, saying to do so was not explicitly prohibited in law. The change was done at the request of Johnson, a former Phoenix mayor and advocate for open primaries. To Johnson, the party is something of a can’t-beat-them-join-them way to put independent candidates on an even playing field with those from the two major parties.
The name change quickly led to a trio of lawsuits filed by the state’s voter education agency, the Arizona Citizens Clean Elections Commission, and the Arizona Republican Party and Arizona Democratic Party. Those cases were merged into one, which ultimately led to the March ruling.
The commission and political parties argued the name change would create confusion for voters and election officials in terms of distinguishing when someone wanted to be part of the new party versus and independent voter in a colloquial sense, which means not registering with any party. Fontes did not dispute there could be confusion.
State law does not directly address when a political party wants to change its name, but Como said that request should follow the process for creating a new party. That includes gathering signatures from supportive voters. Como has been on the bench since 2015.
Como raised concerns of transparency, noting that voters who registered for the old party may not support the new party name. He said a party could gather support with an “innocuous sounding name,” then change it entirely. Como offered a grave example.
“Would the same 41,000 people who signed petitions to recognize the No Labels Party have signed to support the ‘Arizona Nazi Party’ or the ‘Arizona Anarchists’?” he wrote.
His ruling is guided by and affirms Arizona court precedent that statewide elected officials’ powers are only those that are given explicitly to them in statute or the constitution.
Legal challenges needed to bring clarity
Jones, Fontes’ spokesperson, said the office had no power to address whether signatures were valid, because the office presumes “anyone who met the requirements at the time of filing their signatures are valid candidates.” Fontes, a Democrat seeking reelection this year, said he would not appeal the ruling given the “fast approach of the election and the challenging job election administrators have before them.”
He also stood by his decision, but said the court ruled with voters. “Both approaches, being reasonable, the Court entered an order with a lean towards the voters, not the party leaders,” Fontes said.
Como did not find Fontes’ approach was reasonable, saying it was beyond Fontes’ authority.
“The judge noted that even Fontes admitted this issue would cause confusion for the voters, but Fontes disregarded that concern and the obvious truth, and proceeded to allow them to continue the charade,” Arizona Republic Party Chair Sergio Arellano said, responding to the ruling.
That Fontes will not appeal was welcome, because “he has already cost taxpayers too much money” and “further eroded trust in our election officials at a time when that trust is already at an all-time low,” Arellano said.
Eleven candidates are running for office with the Arizona Independent Party name, or whatever it turns out to be. That includes candidates for Congress, governor and state Legislature. Hugh Lytle, the party’s preferred candidate for governor, said in a statement the ruling proves “how far the political parties will go to protect their grip on power.”
Lytle is among the candidates who could face a challenge to his just over 6,000 signatures. Of those, just 132 were gathered via the state’s online system, which requires verification before signing. The remaining could be more vulnerable to objections.
Ultimately, Lytle said, the judge’s ruling wouldn’t change much.
“We are on the ballot,” he said.
Reach reporter Stacey Barchenger at stacey.barchenger@arizonarepublic.com or 480-416-5669.
Arizona
Arizona Senate committee passes three bills aimed at reforming the Department of Child Safety
A state Senate committee passed three bills Wednesday morning aimed at reforming the Arizona Department of Child Safety.
The bills are part of a search for solutions following the murders of three girls known to Arizona’s child welfare system in 2025.
One of the bills strengthens the rules to place children with relatives or other adults they know. HB2035 would make kinship care presumptive and require a written explanation if a different placement were made.
Another bill, HB4004, encourages DCS to investigate new reports of child abuse, even if caseworkers had designated a “protective parent” who would shield the child from harm.
The third bill, HB2611, aims to improve the conditions of group homes. This includes improved building security, allowing foster children to participate in enrichment activities and live free from bullying, and randomly drug testing group home workers.
Hayden L’Heureux, who lived in foster group homes, spoke about the conditions youth face.
“For many foster youth group homes are not experienced as places of healing but as places of punishment or setback,” L’Heureux said.
Angelina Trammell also lived in foster group homes and shared her experience.
“I’ve been through things no child should ever have to go through in the hardest part. A lot of it could’ve been prevented,” Trammell said.
All three bills have already passed the state House and will move forward for consideration by the full Senate.
This story was reported on-air by a journalist and has been converted to this platform with the assistance of AI. Our editorial team verifies all reporting on all platforms for fairness and accuracy.
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