Texas
U.S. House Jan. 6 committee investigated four Texas conservative figures, transcripts reveal
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WASHINGTON — The U.S. Home committee investigating the Jan. 6, 2021, assault on the U.S. Capitol launched a trove of interview transcripts Wednesday from its probe, together with testimonies from 4 Texas conservative figures.
The Texans embody the chief of a right-wing militia who was not too long ago discovered responsible of seditious conspiracy, a state Senate candidate and shut political allies of former President Donald Trump, together with radio host and conspiracy theorist Alex Jones.
Most of these interviewed refused to reply questions. Stewart Rhodes, founding father of the right-wing Oath Keepers militia, provided intensive accounts about his group’s actions in Texas however declined to reply most questions in regards to the lead-up to the Jan. 6 Capitol assault.
The transcript launch adopted the committee’s last listening to Monday, when it really helpful that the Justice Division criminally prosecute Trump, his authorized adviser John Eastman and different unnamed figures they are saying incited the riot and sought to undermine the 2020 presidential election’s certification, regardless of realizing that there was no widespread voter fraud. The costs included obstruction of an official continuing, conspiracy to defraud america authorities, conspiracy to make a false assertion and serving to these concerned in an rebellion.
The committee’s suggestion is essentially symbolic; the Justice Division has the ultimate say in the way it conducts its felony investigations. The committee nonetheless plans to launch its full report later this week.
Rhodes, who lived in Granbury, was discovered responsible final month of seditious conspiracy and obstructing an official continuing, amongst different expenses. Prosecutors mentioned Rhodes and different members of the Oath Keepers deliberate to carry weapons to the capital through the Jan. 6 rally, and that Rhodes had advised members in regards to the want for violence.
“We’re not getting via this with out a civil conflict,” Rhodes advised followers after the 2020 election. “Put together your thoughts, physique and spirit.”
The Oath Keepers, which Rhodes based in 2009, is an extremist right-wing group that rails in opposition to giant authorities and mainstream conservatism. It has 1000’s of members, most of them former army members, unfold all through the nation.
Rhodes’ testimony shed new gentle on the membership of the Oath Keepers: At its peak a couple of years in the past, Rhodes advised the committee, the Oath Keepers had roughly 40,000 dues-paying members — roughly 20% of whom he mentioned labored in legislation enforcement. Rhodes named Hood County Constable John Shirley as one member. Shirley reportedly served because the group’s Texas chapter president and was with the group for greater than 10 years. Shirley mentioned he left the group in 2020.
Throughout his interview, Rhodes mentioned he was persecuted by the federal government and in contrast himself to a Jew dwelling in Nazi-era Germany.
He additionally spoke of assembly Kellye SoRelle, a Granbury legal professional who later represented the Oath Keepers, at a neighborhood protest over COVID-19 restrictions. SoRelle was arrested in Junction in September after being indicted on expenses of destroying and hiding potential proof associated to the Jan. 6 assault on the Capitol and conspiracy to impede Congress’ certification of President Joe Biden’s win, amongst different expenses.
SoRelle is amongst not less than 75 Texans who’ve been charged with crimes associated to the rebellion, in response to NPR. Amongst them: Wylie resident Man Reffitt, who prosecutors allege “lit the match” of the riot on the Capitol. He was sentenced in August to greater than seven years in jail.
One other Texan charged for a task within the rebellion, Garret Miller of Richardson, mentioned he was motivated to carry a gun to the Capitol due to Trump. “I believed I used to be following the directions of former President Trump and he was my president,” Miller mentioned, in response to an govt abstract of the Jan. 6 committee’s last report that was launched Monday. “His statements additionally had me believing the election was stolen from him.”
Eastman’s testimony was included among the many transcripts launched Wednesday, which present he was requested if he had ever clerked for U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas. Whereas he answered that he had, he pleaded the Fifth Modification to virtually all different questions, together with whether or not he had had any communications with Cruz on “efforts to alter the result of the 2020 election.” Eastman additionally declined to reply when requested if Cruz and U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Missouri, have been invited to talk on the “Cease the Steal” rally, which Trump held simply earlier than rioters stormed the Capitol.
Jones, who is predicated out of Austin, performed a significant position in spreading misinformation in regards to the “Cease the Steal” motion to overturn the 2020 election. Jones sought immunity from federal prosecutors investigating the Capitol riot previous to the committee’s subpoena.
In his interview, he pleaded the Fifth for each query however one. Jones was requested a couple of dialog he had with former Trump adviser and Republican strategist Roger Stone concerning the group and funding of the “Cease the Steal” rally. He responded by criticizing U.S. Rep. Adam Schiff, D-California, saying he “forges paperwork,” earlier than his lawyer intervened.
Stone was a paid host on Infowars, one among Jones’ reveals, in 2015. Stone linked Jones with Trump for an Infowars interview in December 2016.
One other one of many Texas witnesses, James P. Waldron, who goes by Phil, is a Dripping Springs resident and retired Military colonel who specialised in data warfare, and who reportedly spoke to White Home Chief of Workers Mark Meadows quite a few instances after the 2020 election. In accordance with his LinkedIn profile, Waldron served within the U.S. Military from 1986 to 2017. In 2007, he based One Warrior Any Weapon, a Dripping Springs-based fight and defensive coaching enterprise.
Waldron declined to reply many of the committee’s questions.
Waldron beforehand claimed to have visited the White Home on a number of events after the election, and he advised The Washington Submit that he spoke with Meadows “perhaps eight to 10 instances.” He additionally reportedly briefed a number of members of Congress on election fraud theories and created a PowerPoint presentation that was “given to, or described for,” Republican members of Congress on the eve of Jan. 6. The 38-page PowerPoint presentation, titled “Election Fraud, International Interference, & Choices for six JAN,” reportedly included plans for declaring a nationwide safety emergency and the seizure of paper ballots.
Waldron was additionally reportedly on the Willard Lodge in Washington in early January 2021.
“Mr. Waldron reportedly performed a task in selling claims of election fraud and circulating potential methods for difficult outcomes of the 2020 election. He was additionally apparently in communication with officers within the Trump White Home and in Congress discussing his theories within the weeks main as much as the January sixth assault,” Rep. Bennie Thompson, who chairs the choose committee, mentioned in a press release final 12 months. “The doc he reportedly supplied to Administration officers and Members of Congress is an alarming blueprint for overturning a nationwide election.”
Among the many witnesses on the “Cease the Steal” rally in Washington, D.C., was Bianca Gracia, the pinnacle of Latinos for Trump. Gracia helped manage the rally simply earlier than the violent mob stormed the Capitol. She additionally helped fundraise for Trump’s reelection marketing campaign as the manager director of a political motion committee focusing on Latino voters.
Federal prosecutors launched video earlier this 12 months exhibiting Gracia assembly with Proud Boys chief Enrique Tarrio and Rhodes earlier than the rally.
Gracia, a Houston resident, went on to run unsuccessfully to symbolize Texas’ eleventh Senate District. She misplaced the 2022 Republican major race to Texas Rep. Mayes Middleton, who gained the seat after the final election was canceled. Gracia pleaded the Fifth Modification to just about all questions apart from the place she lived.
Texas
A&M-Texas rivalry is back where it belongs
My Aggie loyalty started in high school, when my future alma mater mailed a poster of Bonfire to a ZIP code at the very top of Texas. That was about all the recruiting I received from Aggieland, but it was enough. That poster hung on my wall (between Michael Jordan and a Porsche) and I memorized the only words on it:
Some may boast of prowess bold,
of the school they think so grand.
But there’s a spirit can ne’er be told.
It’s the Spirit of Aggieland.
My enrollment at what was then the third-largest university in the nation was a sea change for me, and a culture shock. It’s when I stitched the High Plains together with the rest of Texas and started to get perspective about the history, personalities and traditions that shape our state. One of those traditions will be renewed Saturday when maroon and burnt orange take the field together, for the first time in 13 years, below the roar of the 12th Man.
This rivalry started in 1894, and was renewed 97 consecutive times from 1915 to 2011. Altogether, the game has been played 118 times. It used to unite the state, and it used to divide families. In recent years, jokes about tension over Thanksgiving dinner because of the A&M-UT game have been replaced by dread of Thanksgiving dinner over political talk. With the election behind us, it’ll be good for Texans to get back to the old ways.
This rivalry has created our state’s own version of mixed marriages. Kevin Scheible, one of my closest friends from college, married a member of the Longhorn Band. Kevin and Sharon live in San Antonio now. They’ve somehow made it work, though it’s an arrangement I would counsel most young lovers to avoid.
A dozen years ago, right around the time the rivalry was being suspended, my Aggie wife and I found ourselves in a Bible study group that was evenly split between Aggies and Longhorns. It included two mixed marriages. Those people are still some of our closest friends. Only the supernatural bonds of the Holy Spirit could have kept us from cracking in half. That, plus we don’t watch the game together.
College football has changed enormously since this game was played last, let alone since it was played first. The crowds are larger. The record size of the 12th Man is 110,663; this game will almost certainly surpass that.
The payouts are bigger too. The era of Name, Image and Likeness (NIL) sponsorships has created a breed that would have been unthinkable in 1894: millionaire college athletes.
Two of the 10 highest paid college athletes in the nation are Longhorn quarterbacks Quinn Ewers and Arch Manning, according to Yahoo! Sports.
In the new Aggie tradition of paying football personalities not to contribute, benched quarterback Conner Weigman will earn his $628,000 NIL valuation from the sideline.
But at least the venue will be simple. The Aggies play at Kyle Field, the state’s largest stadium, named after Texas A&M horticulture professor E.J. Kyle, who created the school’s football field in 1904.
In contrast, the name of the Longhorns’ haunt is something like Campbell-Williams Field at Darrell K Royal-Texas Memorial Stadium presented by Bud Light in association with Hemp-It-Up-America Political Action Committee.
Both schools have storied programs. The Longhorns have Darrell Royal, Earl Campbell, Ricky Williams and four national championships if you include the one in 1970 when they lost to Notre Dame in the Cotton Bowl but United Press International writers awarded them the title anyway because the media loves them. Some things never change.
The Aggies have Bear Bryant, Gene Stallings and Jackie Sherrill (for the purposes of this column, please forget the state of Alabama exists), as well as Heisman Trophy winners John David Crow and Johnny Football Manziel. When I was a student, Aggies claimed just one national championship, back in 1939. But then other schools started putting such achievements in big letters on their stadiums and we demanded a recount. Now, Aggies include the undefeated seasons in 1919 and 1927 under Coach D.X. Bible who later coached at, you guessed it, UT.
The rivalry has included its share of pranks. The official story (and by “official” I mean made up by Aggies) of how UT mascot Bevo got its name is that a group of Aggie students snuck over to Austin one night, long ago, after the horns had lost to A&M 13-0, and branded the cow with the score. In a mascot cover-up, UT students converted the 13 to a B, the – to an E and added a V before the 0 to create the name.
It is true that A&M beat UT 13-0 in 1915, and it’s true that some Aggies branded the mascot. But the brand-conversion part remains unconfirmed and Longhorns refuse to admit the obvious: that this is a terrific story that should live long in Texas lore.
For all the differences between these schools, there is still more that unites us than divides us, as it’s popular to say these days. Both institutions are doing important work in research and molding the next generation of Texas leaders. Aggies and Longhorns love their state. We love our schools. And we would love to see our rivals lose. Both school’s songs mention the other.
That poster on my bedroom wall would be as close as I would come to the real Bonfire until I stood on Duncan Drill Field watching it burn in the fall of 1991. My unit in the Corps of Cadets was known for building Bonfire. We had spent thousands of man hours in exhausting manual labor kindling Bonfire’s purpose: the burning desire to beat the hell outta UT.
I remember watching the news just a few years later, heartbroken by the loss of 12 Aggies who were making their own Bonfire memories when tragedy struck. Aggies everywhere remembered them this week.
Longhorns did too. I’ll never forget how Austin dropped the rivalry taunts and stood shoulder-to-shoulder with grieving Aggies in the wake of that tragedy. UT showed its class that year. The school canceled its Hex Rally, the ritual that traditionally preceded the game. The UT Tower went dark and the Aggie War Hymn was played there — the one that derides the “orange and the white.” It’s the only time in UT history that has happened, I’m told. At the game, the Longhorn Band played Taps, a fitting salute at a school with military roots.
Longhorn coach Mack Brown offered to postpone the game and he said he has shed tears over the loss of those 12 Aggies. His staff organized a blood drive. Brown was a great coach whose players would have run through a wall for him. In November 1999, I think a lot of Aggies would have too.
Two weeks ago, Mrs. Aggie and I attended a gathering sponsored by the Coppell Aggie Moms Club where we got to meet the Texana artist Benjamin Knox. Knox was in the Aggie Cadet Corps just a few years before I was. He went on to paint the school spirit at several Texas institutions, including commissions by the State of Texas, and the George Bush Presidential Library and Museum.
Knox showed us a new painting he created to mark the revival of this Texas Thanksgiving tradition. And because I accosted him after the meeting, he agreed to let The Dallas Morning News reproduce it here.
From a folded poster hung with thumbtacks to a work of art by one of Texas’ great painters, this rivalry has produced a lot of memorable images. If the Aggies don’t run out of time, I look forward to treasuring the image of the Kyle Field scoreboard Saturday, and sharing it with a few of my Longhorn friends.
Editor’s note: Over Sanders’ loud objections, this column was edited for a variety of blatant biases and subtle but consistent grammatical slights (such as the use of “tu”) that did not meet our editorial standards.
We welcome your thoughts in a letter to the editor. See the guidelines and submit your letter here. If you have problems with the form, you can submit via email at letters@dallasnews.com
Texas
TCU Volleyball Dominates Texas Tech on Senior Night
A common theme for No. 22 TCU has been their complete dominance on their home floor this season. The Horned Frogs finished the year 14-1 at Schollmaier Arena. On Friday night, in front of over 3,000 fans, TCU swept Texas Tech (25-14, 26-24, 25-11).
The four seniors honored by TCU were Melanie Parra, Cecily Bramschreiber, Stephanie Young and Ashlyn Bourland. All four players found ways to contribute as Parra finished with 14 kills and seven digs. Bramschreiber filled up the stat sheet with four kills, four aces and seven digs. Both Young and Bourland got an ace.
Both teams traded points in the early going, but Bramschreiber sparked a 7-2 run to give the Frogs a 16-9 lead. TCU hit .417 in the first set and dominated the first set capped off by a Becca Kelley ace.
In set two, Texas Tech made things much closer jumping out to a 8-5 lead. A 4-0 run from TCU put them back in front. This set included multiple runs and it was Tech that got it to set point leading 24-22. TCU was able to end the set on a 4-0 run courtesy of kills from Jalyn Gibson and Parra paired with aces from Bramschreiber.
Trying to keeps things alive, TCU wasn’t met with much resistance from the Red Raiders in the third set. The Frogs kept up the pressure with multiple runs to build a massive 17-8 lead. Bourland picked up her first career ace and an attack error ended things.
It was a fun night for the seniors that played in front of the TCU crowd for the last time. The 14 wins at home tied the school record for most wins at home in a single season. They also picked up the most wins in a season since 2015. What Jason Williams has done for this program in such a short time has been remarkable to watch.
The Frogs move to 19-7 overall 11-5 in conference. They still are fifth in the Big 12 standings with two games to go. They will travel to Morgantown on Wednesday to take on West Virginia at 6 p.m. and then to Cincinnati on Friday at 1 p.m.
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Texas
Texas AG sues Dallas for decriminalizing marijuana
Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton announced a lawsuit Thursday targeting the blue city of Dallas over a ballot measure that decriminalizes marijuana.
Paxton alleges that Proposition R, which “prohibits the Dallas Police Department from making arrests or issuing citations for marijuana possession or considering the odor of marijuana as probable cause for search or seizure,” violates state law.
The attorney general argues in the lawsuit that the ballot measure is preempted by Texas law, which criminalizes the possession and distribution of marijuana. Paxton also claims the Texas Constitution prohibits municipalities from adopting an ordinance that conflicts with laws enacted by the state legislature.
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“Cities cannot pick and choose which State laws they follow,” Paxton said in a statement. “The City of Dallas has no authority to override Texas drug laws or prohibit the police from enforcing them.”
Paxton called the ballot measure “a backdoor attempt to violate the Texas Constitution” and threatened to sue any other city that “tries to constrain police in this fashion.”
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The lawsuit comes after interim Dallas Police Department Chief Michael Igo directed Dallas police officers not to enforce marijuana laws against those found to be in possession of less than 4 ounces.
Ground Game Texas, a progressive nonprofit group that campaigned in favor of the ballot measure, argued it would help “keep people out of jail for marijuana possession,” “reduce racially biased policing” and “save millions in public funding.”
TEXAS AG PAXTON FILES CRIMINAL REFERRAL AGAINST DOJ FROM ‘SUSPICIOUS DONATIONS’ THROUGH DEMOCRATIC GROUP
“It’s unfortunate but not surprising that Attorney General Ken Paxton has apparently chosen to waste everyone’s time and money by filing yet another baseless lawsuit against marijuana decriminalization,” said Catina Voellinger, executive director for Ground Game Texas.
“Judges in Travis and Hays counties have already dismissed identical lawsuits filed there. The Dallas Freedom Act was overwhelmingly approved by 67% of voters — this is democracy in action.”
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Since January 2024, Paxton has filed lawsuits against five Texas cities that decriminalized marijuana possession, arguing these policies promote crime, drug abuse and violence.
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