Texas
After overlooking O’Rourke, national Democrats show early confidence in Allred
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WASHINGTON — With more than four months left before Election Day 2018, Democrat Beto O’Rourke had campaigned in all of Texas’ 254 counties in his bid to unseat Republican U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz. It was a novel strategy central to breaking through in a Republican-controlled state that national Democrats had largely written off.
Six years later, U.S. Rep. Colin Allred is taking a much more traditional approach to campaigning as he tries to do what O’Rourke couldn’t: topple Cruz. Allred has made only 125 campaign stops so far, focusing instead on getting his message out early and directly to wide swaths of voters in TV, radio and digital ads. The Allred campaign isn’t skimping on the state’s expensive media markets, booking ads in the Houston, San Antonio, Laredo and Rio Grande Valley markets last month, and placing English and Spanish ads on digital platforms statewide.
Most notably, national Democrats are showing their confidence by investing in the state more proactively than in the past.
The change in tactic shows how the landscape in Texas has evolved for Democrats since the last time they tried to oust Cruz. Democrats outside of Texas have long thought the state is just too big, too expensive and too Republican to bother pouring in money. But the near-success of the 2018 O’Rourke campaign, the development of Democratic campaign infrastructure and the roster of U.S. Senate seats up for election this year are pushing the party to take Texas more seriously.
“In terms of Texas, we have a real opportunity there. Colin Allred is a strong candidate. He won decisively a primary. He is a man who was able to win a tough seat in the Dallas area, beating an entrenched Republican,” Sen. Gary Peters, who chairs the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, said in a March interview with MSNBC’s Morning Joe. “He knows how to win.”
To be sure, Democrats will be running uphill in the state, which Republicans have dominated for a generation. Cruz has made it clear he is not taking anything for granted after the 2018 scare when O’Rourke came within 3 points of beating him. That year was the closest Democrats came to breaking their long-running statewide drought.
Cruz maintains strong support among conservative voters in Texas, often polling close to Gov. Greg Abbott for most popular statewide elected official among registered Republicans. Cruz is better armed this cycle, with almost double the amount of cash on hand now than at the same point in 2018.
Cruz is also a more seasoned candidate than he was during his last run. He has greater seniority in the Senate and a roster of legislative accomplishments he is eagerly touting — many of which he achieved with members of the other party. As the top Republican on the Senate Commerce Committee, he oversaw his GOP colleagues in passing aviation safety legislation, and he has worked with Democrats on issues ranging from sexual assault in the military to cross-border commerce. For the first time, he’s making his bipartisanship and less-celebrated work a core part of his campaign.
National Democrats show their interest
The DSCC identified the state as one of its top two pick-up opportunities this year along with Florida. The group is funding staffers in the state and funneling money into advertising. And with several months until Election Day, Democratic strategists alert that the pushes will only amplify exponentially as the summer months progress.
The DSCC included Texas in a $79 million ad buy announced last fall, including a seven-figure digital advertising investment for the state. It has financed new staff positions in Texas dedicated to finding and pitching opposition material on Cruz, and ran an ad casting Cruz as pushing legislation that would curb Medicare and Social Security benefits.
Veterans of the O’Rourke campaign say no such support existed from national Democrats this early in the 2018 cycle.
“There wasn’t as much of a presumption of coordination in 2018 as there is now because Texas hadn’t been competitive statewide in 25 years,” said Katherine Fischer, a Beto campaign alumna who is now deputy executive director of Texas Majority PAC.
It took years for Texas Democrats to get their national counterparts to take their runs seriously. Former state Sen. Wendy Davis remembers during her 2014 gubernatorial run — which got intense coverage following her historic filibuster against an abortion bill the year before — that national Democrats often used her story to fundraise, only to send the money to other gubernatorial candidates in other states.
“Now, not only do you have the verbal support for calling from these groups, but what you’re starting to see is they’re going to make significant investments in this race,” Davis said. “And that’s the first time that we’ve had this kind of national political money coming in to help one of our statewide candidates.”
Matt Angle, director of the Lone Star Project, said Democrats outside of the state were much more interested in House races in 2018 than helping O’Rourke. Several districts were competitive that year and attracted millions in investment from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, including Allred’s House race that year.
Meanwhile, the DSCC was faced with an unfavorable map for Democrats and more attainable pick-up opportunities in the far less expensive swing states of Nevada and Arizona (Democrats won in both races that year). Texas contains two of the 10 most expensive media markets in the country (Dallas-Fort Worth and Houston), and the sheer vastness of the state makes it a daunting prospect.
“Beto gets most of the credit” for his 2018 successes, Angle said. “Whatever the DSCC did, they did late. That’s not surprising. That’s what I would expect: The DSCC first would have to protect their incumbents and Texas is a giant investment statewide for them.”
Zack Malitz, who was the field director of O’Rourke’s 2018 campaign, said the campaign’s aggressive investments in recruiting a large volunteer network could help future Democratic candidates.
“One built-in advantage that Texas campaigns have now is that you have tens of thousands of people who have volunteered on well-managed field programs in Texas and so the upfront investment to activate those people is a lot lower now,” Malitz.
A bad map for Dems, a good map for Texas Dems
National Democrats are zeroing in on Texas to a certain extent because there are no better alternatives for their attention. The Senate map this year is generally unfavorable for Democrats, who have several vulnerable incumbents up for reelection, while all Republicans up for reelection are in generally safe states.
Democrats are spending considerable funds to protect Sens. Sherrod Brown in Ohio and Jon Tester in Montana — both representing states that voted for former President Donald Trump in 2020 by significant margins. Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, an independent who was previously a Democrat, is not running for reelection in her swing state of Arizona.
Sens. Jacky Rosen, D-Nevada, and Bob Casey, D-Pennsylvania, will also be up for reelection this year in states that voted for President Joe Biden by a margin of less than three points. In Maryland, the popular former Republican Gov. Larry Hogan has the backing of the National Republican Senatorial Committee in his bid to replace retiring Democratic Sen. Ben Cardin.
Meanwhile, the Republican Senate seats up for election this year outside of Texas and Florida are in Wyoming, Tennessee, Indiana, North Dakota, Nebraska, Missouri, Utah and Mississippi. None are states Democrats are particularly optimistic about flipping.
“While the Senate calculus for where we pick up the state is pretty narrow, the Senate calculus for where we have to hold is actually pretty wide,” said Tory Gavito, president of Democratic donor network Way to Win. “There’s a lot of money that needs to go into Montana, Nevada, Arizona, where we already hold Senate seats.”
Fischer notes that trends could point favorably for Democrats in the future. Of states Biden lost in 2020, Texas had the third smallest margin behind Florida and North Carolina. North Carolina has no open Senate seats this year, and Florida has demonstrated a considerable rightward shift in the last several years, Fischer said.
“Texas is by far the best pick-up opportunity,” said Fischer. “They have to play some offense, too, and if they’re looking at offense, then Texas is definitely their best opportunity.”
Confidence in Allred
Allred polls relatively close to where O’Rourke was at this point in 2018. By May of 2018, polls showed Cruz comfortably ahead of O’Rourke by as much as 11 points in a Quinnipiac poll. An April poll by the University of Texas and The Texas Tribune show Cruz ahead of Allred by 13 points.
But it’s still early in the cycle, and investments into Texas could expand considerably later in the summer. The Senate Majority PAC, Democrats’ largest independent spending group, has not yet made public any plans to invest in Texas, but its leadership hinted it could later in the year. The group has already reserved $239 million in ads focusing on defending its incumbents in vulnerable states.
O’Rourke’s momentum also didn’t escalate until much later in 2018. He had exponential growth in fundraising in the final quarter of the year before November, surging to $70.2 million by Election Day. He had reported under $25 million up to the end of the prior quarter.
Democrats emphasize Allred is a strong candidate in his own right and has been aggressive in his messaging efforts to attack Cruz. Allred is running on a decidedly moderate platform in contrast with past statewide candidates — a strategy on display ahead of the primary when state Sen. Roland Gutierrez tried to win the nomination on a much more progressive message. It’s an approach that Davis said makes Allred more appealing to male and moderate voters.
“He appeals to people in a way that is unique, not just to Democrats, but to independents and to moderate Republicans as well because he is a person who doesn’t need to be the center of attention,” Davis said. “He just wants to do the work.”
Allred also outraised both Cruz (and O’Rourke’s 2018 campaign) in the first quarter of the year. Allred raised over $9.7 million in the first three months of the year to O’Rourke’s over $6.7 million in the first quarter of 2018. In the first quarter of this year, Cruz raised over $6.9 million through his principal campaign, but that figure goes up to $9.7 million when including his other fundraising operations, some of which is for other candidates.
Allred also has a record of winning a competitive seat in his Dallas-based district in 2018 against U.S. Rep. Pete Sessions, who was later elected in 2020 to represent Waco. Sessions was a formidable opponent, having overseen the National Republican Congressional Committee during the 2010 cycle — one of his party’s most successful in decades.
O’Rourke, who never represented a competitive district, did not have that track record to bolster confidence in his run among his D.C. counterparts.
“You don’t act on nostalgia. I mean, it’s cold blooded,” Angle said. “And you look at each election cycle in its cycle, and Beto gets plenty of credit for the success he had in 2018. But [national Democrats] are looking at what Colin Allred is doing.”
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Texas
Prescribed burns play regenerative role in Texas ecosystems. Here’s why
COVINGTON, TX – Clouds of grey and brown smoke rolled through the field as yards of fire roared across dead grass. About 30 acres of Austin and Kelli Rollins’ property burned on the March morning, leaving blackened remnants just a couple dozen yards from the house.
But what looked like a natural disaster was the result of careful planning.
Prescribed burns, like the one onthe Rollinses property, can benefit wildlife populations, encourage the growth of native prairie grasses and limit damage from wildfires. Throughout Texas’ history, fires occurred naturally every three to seven years. Most native species are fire-adapted, Texas A&M’s Prescribed Burn Coordinator David Brooke said, but human fire suppression tactics have substantially decreased fire frequency and changed the landscape.
“From the Edwards Plateau, Hill Country up towards Dallas [and the] Panhandle, our habitat was a lot more open. It’s supposed to be rolling plains, prairies … with intermittent tree cover. What we’re seeing now is woody encroachment,” Brooke said.
At the Rollinses, the prescribed burn began with an introductory meeting to discuss strategy and a test fire on a corner of the lot. The team, largely consisting of members of the North Texas Prescribed Burn Association, edged the field with a water line, creating a moisture barrier to prevent flames from spreading in the wrong direction. Just a few yards behind the lengthening water line, volunteers used drip torches to create a “black line,” a thin burned strip meant to contain the larger plumes of fire that would come later.
The tip of a drip torch is used to set fire to Austin and Kelli Rollins property outside of Covington, Texas, March 18, 2026. They used a controlled burn to regenerate the pasture surrounding their home. Tom Fox / Staff Photographer
The crew collaborated with the wind, starting the test fire at the most downwind corner and expanding the black lines perpendicularly. Winds whipped, around 20 miles per hour, approaching the regulatory safety limit. By working backwards from the fire’s natural destination, the team limited the chance of flames escaping their control.
“Essentially what we’re doing is building a catcher’s mitt so when we light everything up, [the black line] will be there to stop it,” Brandon Martin said, who serves on the board of the prescribed burn association.
North Texas Prescribed Burn Association members perform a controlled burn at a Covington, Texas ranch

Martin, dressed in a hard hat and flame retardant clothing, assisted with this prescribed burn as a volunteer, but he also knows fire professionally through his role in emergency management at the Tarrant Regional Water District. As well as providing advice, he actively spread flames with a drip torch. Torch canisters are filled with fuel that, when turned down, trickles past a burning wick and ignites as it falls to the ground.
This fire is part of an effort to return the field to native prairie, a landscape Martin said depends on fire to thrive. Regular burning limits the growth of saplings and bushes, keeping the environment clear of exotic species that can outcompete native grasses.

North Texas Prescribed Burn Association member Don Nelson radios wind speed and direction to the rest of the crew during a controlled burn on the property of Austin and Kelli Rollins outside of Covington, Texas, March 18, 2026.
Tom Fox / Staff Photographer
Brooke said fire isn’t only a natural land management process, it’s also cost-effective. Invasive species can be removed mechanically with chainsaws and digging, or with chemical application. But in either instance, the labor and equipment costs are usually significantly higher than burning, especially with bigger plots.
“From an economics standpoint, it’s a heck of a lot cheaper to use fire,” Brooke said.
The resulting ash is high in nitrogen and phosphorus, which fertilizes the soil. With a little rain, Brooke said fields are often covered in green shoots within a matter of weeks, with a reinvigorated landscape emerging in the following months.
However, Brooke noted “one burn isn’t a silver bullet,” since invasive species could also be fed by these fresh nutrients. But if landowners can commit to following the three- to seven-year historic fire frequency, “it gives your native species the edge.”

Austin Rollins grabs a pressure sprayer to extinguish a spot fire during a controlled burn on his property near Covington, Texas, March 18, 2026.
Tom Fox / Staff Photographer
New growth also attracts a variety of wildlife, as it is highly palatable and an ideal habitat to spot predators. Brooke said he’s seen a number of landowners undertake prescribed burns to improve the hunting prospects.
Prescribed burns are best known for their power to stopthe spread of wildfire. The lack of fuel for a wildfire after an intentional burn can lower the fire’s intensity and help save structures. Brooke pointed to the town of Borger, which has a history of proactive wildfire management.
In the fall of 2023, they burned a 7-mile-long, 250-foot wide strip along the edge of town, creating a “black line” that proved crucial months later. When one of the 2024 Panhandle wildfires approached the town, it stopped just outside of several neighborhoods at the fire break. Firefighters credited the work with saving homes and possibly lives.
For landowners considering undertaking controlled burns themselves, Brooke said Texas is a “right-to-burn” state – guaranteeing landowners the right to burn on their own property – but there are still regulations to follow. County burn bans must be observed, local authorities notified and some state agencies regulate weather conditions to manage the smoke.

The North Texas Prescribed Burn Association used a backing fire to control a burn on the property of Austin and Kelli Rollins outside of Covington, Texas, March 18, 2026. They burned approximately 30 acres.
Tom Fox / Staff Photographer
Wind speeds are required to be between six and 23 miles per hour during a burn. If the breeze is too low, smoke won’t clear properly and it could settle on nearby roads, potentially causing an accident. If gusts are too high, fire behavior becomes more unpredictable.
Some counties also require a copy of the burn plan to be submitted in advance, which accounts for things like weather, the crew, suppression tactics (such as water, specialized rakes and leaf blowers) and smoke modeling.
Ultimately, given the high winds, the team on the Rollinses land decided to burn back to the black line in smaller strips instead of one roaring blaze. But even those sections could generate significant heat as the orange glow jumped from stem to stem. The gusts cleared most smoke quickly, but each time a new strip ignited, the plumes towered into the distance.
When just a few smoldering spots remained, the group gathered to debrief and share H-E-B sandwich trays. Pairs inquired about other teams’ strategies, but mostly, the crew was pleased with the safety and their progress – finishing the project in about three hours.
“Man, it’s beautiful,” Kelli Rollins said as she took a picture of the charred field against the blue sky. “I know that’s a weird thing to say, but it is.”
Texas
Texas city named as 1 of 3 finalists for Elon Musk’s ‘Boring Company’ projects
A modified Tesla Model X drives into the tunnel entrance before an unveiling event for the Boring Company Hawthorne test tunnel in Hawthorne, south of Los Angeles, California on December 18, 2018. – On Tuesday night December 18, 2018, Boring Co. will
DALLAS – After a months-long competition to convince tech mogul Elon Musk’s Boring Company to choose a U.S. city for a transit tunnel project, one Texas city has made the cut for the final three in consideration.
‘Tunnel Vision Challenge’ finalists
What we know:
The “Thrilling Three” in the running for the Tunnel Vision Challenge, announced in January, are Dallas, New Orleans, LA, and Baltimore, MD.
Dallas is in consideration for a “University Hills Loop.” When the challenge first launched on Jan. 18, the options of “a Loop tunnel, a freight tunnel, a pedestrian tunnel, a utility tunnel, a water tunnel, or any other use case where a tunnel would be useful” were pitched. All three finalists are Loop tunnels, which the company tags as “Teslas in Tunnels!”
Wednesday’s announcement says the projects will be up to one mile long and 12 feet in diameter.
What’s next:
The Boring Company said in their Wednesday announcement that, if possible, it “would be awesome” to build all three Loops.
The company plans to, along with the project stakeholders, enter into a rigorous diligence process which includes “meetings with elected officials, regulators, community leaders, and business leaders; geotechnical borings; and utility and subsurface infra investigation.”
They say they plan to build any and all final projects that are found to be feasible.
Possible second Texas project
The company said there were other projects that caught their attention as interesting projects, which they plan to attempt in the near future.
These include the “Morgan’s Wonderland Tunnel” in San Antonio, as well as the “Hendersonville Utility Tunnel” in Tennessee.
The Source: Information in this article comes from The Boring Company.
Texas
Texas will require proof of legal immigration status for professional licenses
People seeking a host of professional licenses in Texas, from electricians to dog breeders, will soon have to prove they are in the country legally after the state’s Commission of Licensing and Regulation on Tuesday adopted a new rule that could affect thousands of workers.
Commissioners unanimously approved the change after hearing from a parade of speakers who largely asked them to do the opposite because of worries that it will hamper the state’s economy and burden immigrants trying to make an honest living. The speakers also argued the move will push people to work without a license, and erode state oversight of crucial industries.
The commission oversees the Texas Department of Licensing and Regulation, which plans to implement the rule May 1.
“TDLR has long been evaluating verification of license eligibility in line with federal law. With the transfer of the Texas Lottery to TDLR, the recent launch of our licensing system modernization project, and increased focus on combatting human trafficking, the department is moving forward with lawful presence verification,” Caroline M. Espinosa, a TDLR spokesperson, said Tuesday. “This ensures consistent, secure practices across all programs and strengthens our ability to identify and deter fraud, labor exploitation, and human trafficking.”
Despite the agency’s stated intent to follow federal statute and the concerns raised by workers across the state, TDLR lawyer Derek Burkhalter told commissioners that some noncitizens will still be able to get licenses — so long they meet one of the qualifications under a three-decade-old federal law underpinning the rule change and provide required documentation.
People can qualify for benefits under the federal law if they were granted asylum, admitted as a refugee or are recognized as a victim of human trafficking, for example.
“The proposed rules do not impose a citizenship requirement,” Burkhalter said. “Individuals who are not U.S. citizens may still be eligible for licensure if they meet the eligibility criteria.”
TDLR argues that the federal Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 prohibits people in the country unlawfully from receiving certain benefits, including professional licenses administered by the state, unless they qualify for certain exceptions. The lists of documents that can be used to apply for a license will be posted on TDLR’s website, officials said Tuesday.
TDLR joins at least three other state agencies that have cracked down on immigration through administrative and regulatory procedures since President Donald Trump returned to the White House last year. The Texas Department of Public Safety has stopped issuing commercial driver’s licenses to many noncitizens, the Texas Department of Motor Vehicles imposed new strict photo ID requirements for vehicle registrations, and the Texas Secretary of State’s Office has been on the hunt for noncitizens registered to vote, at times erroneously flagging Americans as potential noncitizens.
The changes mirror a presidential executive order from February 2025, when Trump ordered federal agencies to crack down on the same 1996 law to “defend against the waste of hard-earned taxpayer resources, and protect benefits for American citizens in need, including individuals with disabilities and veterans.”
It remains unclear how many undocumented workers will be affected in Texas by the new licensing requirement. The state is home to an estimated 1.7 million people without authorization who work in numerous key industries such as construction, hospitality and an assortment of others under the purview of TDLR.
Steve Bruno, the agency’s deputy executive director for licensing and regulatory services, told commissioners that fewer than 2% of the licenses issued by the agency did not have a Social Security number attached to them.
But TDLR could not assume those individuals were running afoul of federal law, agency officials said, because there are a number of ways for noncitizens to live and work in the country through federal programs.
The agency issued more than 1 million individual and business licenses during the 2025 fiscal year.
TDLR’s website currently contains guidance to apply for occupational licenses for those who do not have a Social Security number. The page links to a form, last updated by the commission in January, that instructs applicants to attach supporting documentation, such as a green card, immigrant visa or refugee travel document.
To offer commissioners context, Bruno said the agency had issued roughly 19,000 new licenses and renewed another 39,000 in February alone.
The information did little to assuage concerns from a variety of industries.
Agency officials received 450 comments about the proposed rule; of those, all but 28 were against it.
Among those who testified in person Tuesday morning was Rocio Gomez, a 35-year-old Austin resident who holds an eyelash extension specialist’s license and instructs at a beauty school in the capital city. Some of her students without legal status have been in great distress since the agency proposed the rule in January, at times crying to her about the uncertainty of their future, she said in an interview after testifying.
“Seeing how this has affected the students affects us too, emotionally. It appears that everything is at the whim of them,” Gomez said in an interview in Spanish, gesturing at the dais where the commissioners sat.
Other speakers — salon owners, educators and beyond — reminded commissioners about the strict requirements already in place to earn some licenses. Industries that will be affected range from dyslexia therapists to used car parts recyclers to dog breeders, according to TDLR’s proposal filed with the state.
Some of the licenses require many hours of practice and safety education. For instance, earning a cosmetology operator license in Texas can take more than a year as applicants learn about chemicals and hygiene as well as hair technique.
In barring undocumented people from getting licensed, the state will force them into the black market and lead to a proliferation of people providing services without oversight or proper permitting, speakers told commissioners.
The issue has already captured the attention of elected officials and immigration hardliners, who welcomed the new rule.
“For too long, benefits to illegal aliens have served as a magnet to entice migrants to enter the United States illegally,” Andrew Mahaleris, a spokesperson for Gov. Greg Abbott, said in a statement after the vote. “Texas will not reward illegal immigration by issuing professional licenses to those here unlawfully. These changes protect the integrity of our licensing system, uphold federal law, and ensure jobs go to hardworking Texans.”
State agencies must run proposed rule changes by the governor’s office before they are made available for public comment.
Democratic state Sen. Sarah Eckhardt of Austin, who is running for comptroller of public accounts, submitted a comment to TDLR in opposition to the change. Using published estimates by a variety of groups, the senator calculated that the rule change could result in a reduction of the state’s skilled workforce by 8 to 10%.
“Texas cannot afford to lose qualified and skilled licensees in these high-demand jobs,” Eckhardt wrote, urging the commission to study the potential effect. “The impact of TDLR’s proposed rule is likely more far-reaching than what was initially assessed by the agency.”
In their formal rule proposal filed with the state, agency officials wrote that there would be no anticipated economic impacts or effects on small and microbusinesses. In response to questions about this on Tuesday, they told commissioners that it was difficult to assess potential impact because they did not want to assume a licensee was afoul of federal law simply because they did not provide a Social Security number.
Commission Chair Rick Figueroa asked for frequent updates to the commission as the rule is implemented, acknowledging the agency was entering uncharted territory perhaps only in the company of the Department of Motor Vehicles, which made its change months ago.
“This is a front-burner issue in regards to information back to the commission,” Figueroa said. “I’m sure we’re building a plane and flying it a little bit.”
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