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For a state with a lengthy history of dirty politics, the 2000 primary is widely considered the low point. Now that title could be up for grabs.
Former president Donald Trump aims to knock former South Carolina governor Nikki Haley out of the Republican presidential race in her home state’s primary on Feb. 24. And his no-holds-barred approach paired with South Carolina’s anything-goes reputation could be a combustible combination.
“I think he’s going to use it as a license to be even uglier,” said Chip Felkel, a longtime South Carolina Republican consultant. “We’re going to hear about her ethnicity. We’re going to hear this allegation and that allegation . . . we’re probably going to hear a lot of innuendo.”
But Trump and his campaign advisers, who have publicly said Haley should prepare to be “absolutely demolished” in South Carolina, could overplay their hand, Felkel said — even in a state accustomed to scorched-earth politics.
“With a very, very long and justified reputation for being a bare-knuckled state, I think he could take that the wrong way and go too far,” Felkel said. “The risk he’s running is offending, and then motivating, a segment of the electorate that would vote for her.”
Haley has a sense of what she could be facing after being called a “raghead” and hit with allegations of two extramarital affairs during her successful 2010 campaign for governor. Haley denied the allegations, which resurfaced in January.
“Politics in South Carolina has a sad reputation as a blood sport,” she wrote in her 2012 memoir, “Can’t Is Not An Option: My American Story.”
The rotten roots can be traced back to South Carolina Republican operative Lee Atwater.
He was infamous for stoking racial fears in the 1988 presidential campaign with what became an infamous general election ad against Democratic nominee Michael Dukakis. It featured Willie Horton, a Black man convicted of raping a white woman while furloughed from a Massachusetts prison when Dukakis was governor. Atwater later said he had vowed to “strip the bark off the little bastard” and “make Willie Horton his running mate.”
Atwater had honed dark political arts in his home state. During a 1980 congressional campaign, he dismissed the Democratic nominee, Tom Turnipseed, a candidate who had spoken openly about receiving electroshock treatments for depression when he was a teenager, as someone who had been “hooked up to jumper cables.”
“I definitely think the national reputation we’ve had for rough politics probably comes as much from Atwater as anybody else,” said Danielle Vinson, a professor of politics and international affairs at Furman University in Greenville, S.C.
Atwater had engineered South Carolina’s shift to an early primary state in 1980, raising the stakes there and fueling the growth of a political consultant industry that used his tactics as its template, said Wesley Donehue, another longtime Republican consultant in the state.
“South Carolina became like the last stand in every race, and by our Southern nature, we’re probably a little more aggressive than those folks up in Iowa and New Hampshire,” Donehue said. “All the other consultants kind of took their lead from him. They were kind of disciples of Atwater.”
South Carolina politics took on Atwater’s style: combative and creative, with seemingly no limits.
In a 1990 congressional race, Rod Shealy, a Republican consultant and Atwater protégé, tried to exploit racial bias and drive up white turnout in a key part of the state for his sister’s lieutenant governor bid by helping pay for a Black fisherman to run for Congress. Shealy later was fined $500 for a campaign finance violation related to the incident.
It wasn’t the only time an unlikely candidate turned up in a South Carolina race.
In 2010, Alvin Greene stunningly won the Democratic primary to take on incumbent Republican Senator Jim DeMint without appearing to campaign at all. An unknown Army veteran, his name was listed first on the ballot alphabetically. After his victory, news broke that he was facing obscenity charges. Representative Jim Clyburn suggested at the time that Greene was “a Republican plant,” which Greene denied. DeMint sailed to victory.
The importance of the South Carolina presidential primary continued to fuel underhanded campaigning.
As the 2008 Republican primary approached, some voters received a Christmas card purporting to be from the family of Mitt Romney, who is Mormon, that included the line, “We have now clearly shown that God the Father had a plurality of wives.” In 2012, fliers were placed on the windshields of cars at an antiabortion event targeting the wife of Rick Santorum for an affair she had before she married him with a doctor who performed abortions.
“It is a very tough environment,” Felkel said. “I was quoted many years ago as saying, ‘Bring your big boy pants,’ because it’s not for the faint of heart.”
Felkel worked for Atwater early in his career and said he “learned a lot.”
“He was brilliant. He made mistakes. He realized it in the end,” Felkel said. As Atwater was dying from a brain tumor in the early 1990s, he apologized to Turnipseed and the public for some of his actions.
Still, the Atwater playbook stayed in place. But it might be losing its effectiveness, Vinson said, citing Haley’s victory in the 2010 governor’s race.
“There were some really nasty ugly personal attacks against her during that campaign, and it ultimately, I think, helped her in the long run,” Vinson said. “There were a lot of people that felt like she wasn’t being given a fair shot.”
But in Donehue’s view, the state’s tolerance for political dirt has only grown. He said Haley will try to play the victim in her race against Trump but that he doesn’t think it will help her in South Carolina.
“There’s going to be no backlash to getting nasty here,” Donehue said. “The state is used to it.”
And with the rise since 2000 of the 24-hour cable news cycle, social media, and finally of Trump’s flame-throwing style, he argued the state is no longer such an outlier. You can see comments as bad as the illegitimate child attack on McCain or the raghead slur against Haley every day on X and other platforms, Donehue noted.
“Politics,” he said, “has caught up with South Carolina.”
Jim Puzzanghera can be reached at jim.puzzanghera@globe.com. Follow him @JimPuzzanghera.
