North Carolina
North Carolina Proposes Total Abortion Ban
Click to skip ahead: Hands Off has a few of my favorite protest signs from this weekend. The 12-Week Lie looks at the new total abortion ban proposed in North Carolina—two years after they promised they’d stop at 12 weeks. Truth Wars warns about social media ‘fact checking.’ All Eyes on Extremism with news on a new ‘equal protection’ bill in Alabama. In the States, news from Texas, Pennsylvania, Kansas, Michigan, Colorado, and more. In the Nation reports that the new solicitor general of the United States believes that some kinds of contraception are actually ‘abortifacients.’ Coming Soon has a glimpse of what’s in tomorrow’s newsletter.
Before we delve into today’s news, just a quick gallery of some of my favorite signs from the Hands Off protests across the country:
Nearly two years ago, North Carolina passed its 12-week abortion ban—with Republicans calling it “common sense, reasonable” legislation that voters should see as a “compromise.” Never mind that the law forced women to carry doomed pregnancies to term, or required suicidal patients to stay pregnant against their will. Republicans had their talking point.
At the time, I warned they would never stop at 12 weeks—that banning abortion after the first trimester was just their first step. (I even wrote a column called “The 12-Week Lie.”)
And now here we are: Republican Representative Keith Kidwell has introduced HB 804, a total abortion ban that allows care only if a woman would die without it. Under Kidwell’s bill, performing an abortion would be a felony punishable by life in prison.
So the question is: Will Republican legislators stick to the 12-week promise they made to their constituents—or is punishing women even further just too tempting to pass up?
While we’re waiting to find out, a few things about HB 804: It only allows for miscarriage treatment if the fetus has expired; it defines personhood as beginning at fertilization; and it requires doctors to perform abortions “in a manner that…provides the best opportunity for the unborn child to survive.” That’s language we’ve seen before—it’s meant to force doctors to perform c-sections and induce labor rather than provide a standard abortion procedure.
Like the 12-week ban/lie that came before it, HB 804 also claims to allow life-saving care—but with a deliberate and telling exception: suicide. The bill’s language makes it clear that the risk of death doesn’t count if it comes from “a claim or diagnosis that the female would engage in conduct that may result in the female’s death.”
In other words: Even if your doctor determines that you’re at risk of killing yourself, the law would still force you to stay pregnant against your will. I’ve always found these caveats to be among the most revealing: Republicans know their bans will make women want to kill themselves—and they’ve written into law that they don’t care.
I’ll keep you updated as HB 804 moves forward.
When I woke up this morning, I found that one of my tweets—about the young woman arrested for her miscarriage in Georgia—had been hit with a ‘community note.’ For those of you lucky enough to have escaped Twitter (sorry, X), community notes are supposed to be crowdsourced fact-checks. In reality, they’re just another way for the conservative mob to decide what counts as truth—and to train the platform’s algorithm to reflect their worldview. What could go wrong?!
In this case, the “context” added to my tweet claimed the Georgia woman was charged with disposing of her “dead baby,” and reminded readers that “having a miscarriage is not a criminal offense in Georgia.”
This terrifies me. We are watching, in real time, as the right wing rewrites reality—replacing facts with whatever narrative suits them. Conservatives have always ignored the truth when it comes to abortion, but now they get to present their bullshit as if it’s objective fact in one of the country’s most visible online spaces.
The last time I got a community note, it was for sharing images of what early pregnancy/abortion actually look like. Determined to convince the public that an 8-week embryo resembles one of those plastic baby dolls they hand out outside clinics, anti-abortion activists claimed the images were fake or doctored. The community note echoed that lie.
And this isn’t just an X problem. Right around the time Trump took office, Mark Zuckerberg announced that Meta was ditching its partnership with fact-checking organizations that were supposed to keep the platform free from disinformation. Just as absurd: he claimed the move was about protecting free speech and fighting censorship—even as information about abortion continues to be suppressed.
More and more, I’m worried we’re losing the internet as a tool for truth—and that speaking honestly about abortion online is only going to get harder. (Keep an eye out for a separate email from me about this soon.)
Alabama has become the 12th state to introduce legislation that would punish abortion patients as murderers.
Introduced by Rep. Ernie Yarbrough, Alabama’s “Prenatal Equal Protection Act” (aka House Bill 518) would mandate that abortions be prosecuted as homicides, and eliminate a provision in state law that protects patients from being charged with murder.
The bill also says that while women could use “duress” as a defense, they would not be able to do so if they “intentionally or recklessly placed himself or herself in a situation in which it was probable that he or she would be subjected to duress.”
Want to know what that means? Consider Marshae Jones: She’s the Alabama woman who was charged with murder after she lost her pregnancy after being shot in the stomach. The state argued that she put herself in a bad situation which resulted in her pregnancy loss. (Seriously.) Or think about a woman who was beat up by her husband; this legislation would allow the state to charge her with murder if she miscarries. Because why didn’t she leave?
Unfortunately, the possibilities are endless with this kind of bill. While no ‘equal protection’ bill has passed yet, these radical calls to punish women are gaining steam—along with sponsors and support. Find out more here.
More evidence this week that the abortion rights fight is increasingly happening at the local level: Less than 24 hours after the San Antonio City Council voted to allocate $100,000 towards helping people travel out of the state to get abortions, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton filed a suit against the city.
As Eleanor Klibanoff at the Texas Tribune points out, the suit wasn’t a surprise; Paxton did the same thing when Austin created an abortion fund. In his current suit, the Republican AG calls the San Antonio fund “an illegal abortion procurement scheme,” and asks the court for a temporary injunction.
San Antonio councilwoman and mayoral candidate Melissa Cabello Havrda said, “I’ve got one job up here, and it’s to protect the people I represent.”
Since Roe was overturned, we’ve seen a handful of progressive cities try to soften the blow of their states’ bans. The anti-abortion movement has also targeted towns and counties—proposing and passing local ordinances that make it more difficult for women to leave their states for care. For a glimpse at what that looked like for the activists in one Texas town, read this guest post from the Amarillo Reproductive Freedom Alliance:
How to Stop An ‘Abortion Trafficking’ Ordinance
Meanwhile, a Pennsylvania Democrat is urging her fellow legislators to enshrine the federal FACE Act, which protects abortion clinics from violence and harassment, into state law. Rep. Lindsay Powell’s bill comes in the wake of the Trump Justice department announcing they won’t pursue FACE Act cases—essentially giving anti-abortion activists a green light to harass and hurt patients, clinic staff, and doctors. From Powell:
“My deepest fear is if the federal government fails us and we don’t have a failsafe in Pennsylvania, we could be repeating the dangerous and dark history we’ve seen before the FACE Act existed.”
Read more about how the Trump administration has declared open season on clinics here.
The Kansas Reflector got their hands on more than 1,500 public comments submitted to the Republican-led state Senate Committee on Government Efficiency. About 300 of those—sent in during February and March—were about abortion:
“Most begged legislators to leave the issue alone, as voters made their opinions clear in the August 2022 primary, during which a constitutional amendment to eliminate abortion rights failed by a 59-41 margin.”
Consider it just another reminder that Republicans don’t give a shit about what voters want.
Speaking of ignoring the will of voters: In the wake of Trump’s Title X cuts, Planned Parenthood of Michigan has announced that they’re permanently shuttering three clinics.
The healthcare centers in Jackson, Petoskey, and Marquette will shut down on April 30, with the latest patient appointments happening on April 25th. The group is also cutting 10% of their staff. I’m so sorry for the people in Michigan—especially for the communities served by these three clinics. Donate to Planned Parenthood of Michigan here.
In better news, Colorado continues to lead the way in abortion rights: A bill is advancing through the legislature that will repeal the state’s prohibition on public funds for abortion. Remember, voters already approved a constitutional amendment in November to allow public funding—this bill is how lawmakers will put that amendment into action.
Quick hits:
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Wyoming’s new abortion law is forcing patients to travel hundreds of miles out of state;
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MSNBC on the ruling prohibiting Alabama from prosecuting abortion funds that help patients get out-of-state care;
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And the Arkansas Times has its latest installment of their series on what went wrong with the Arkansas abortion rights ballot measure.
The country’s new solicitor general—a role sometimes referred to as the “tenth justice”—isn’t just anti-abortion. D. John Sauer opposes contraception, and has argued as much to the Supreme Court. Good times.
Remember the Hobby Lobby case? This landmark SCOTUS ruling allowed the craft store giant to deny employees insurance plans that cover contraception. In 2014, Sauer submitted an amicus brief in support of Hobby Lobby, arguing that some kinds of birth control “function as abortifacients.”
If you’ve been reading the newsletter for a while, you know that conservatives have been quietly advancing this argument for years—laying the groundwork to ban birth control. They claim that IUDs, emergency contraception, and sometimes any hormonal contraceptive interrupt the implantation of a fertilized egg—and are therefore ‘abortions.’
That’s exactly Sauer’s argument:
“Regardless of the Government’s definition of ‘abortion,’ the Catholic faith views the destruction of a human embryo at any time after conception—including during ‘the interval between conception and implantation of the embryo’—as an abortion, and gravely wrongful.”
One of the reasons conservatives are so hot on this argument is that it allows them to target birth control while claiming they’d never ever target birth control. After all, they say—they’re just banning ‘abortion’! Read more from Abortion, Every Day on this tactic below:
The GOP’s Plan to Ban Birth Control (Part I)
The New York Times published a piece last week digging into Sauer’s anti-abortion bonafides, which is worth a read if you’d like to learn more. In addition to his work on Hobby Lobby, Sauer has done trainings with Alliance Defending Freedom (the group that overturned Roe), represented the anti-abortion activists behind deceptively edited videos attacking Planned Parenthood, and—just to round things out—his father founded Missouri Roundtable for Life.
Freya Riedlin, the senior federal policy counsel for the Center for Reproductive Rights, told the Times that between him and Attorney General Pam Bondi, “they’re in a position to really cause grave and longstanding damage to reproductive rights.”
Quick hits:
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New data from the Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI) reports that more than six in 10 Americans support abortion rights;
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Rachel Rebouché is at The Nation explaining why the SCOTUS abortion case is about more than ‘defunding’ Planned Parenthood;
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Finally, a Live Action anti-abortion activist was punched in the face after antagonizing a New York woman in a gotcha ‘interview’. No link because the only places covering this are right-wing, but thought you all might want to know!
“If we stop, they’ve won. If we stop, my baby’s death was in vain. I’m not stopping.”
– Shanette Williams, whose daughter Amber Nicole Thurman was killed by a Georgia abortion ban
In the newsletter tomorrow: More on the Trojan Horse bill in Texas that was in front of a House committee; a study showing the impact of abortion bans on teenagers; two states that had their Title X funding restored; and Trump cuts to the CDC that will impact reproductive and maternal health.
North Carolina
North Carolina Rep. Valerie Foushee holds narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam
Nida Allam in 2022; Rep. Valerie Foushee (D-NC) in 2025.
Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images
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Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images
Incumbent Rep. Valerie Foushee holds a narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam in the Democratic primary for North Carolina’s 4th Congressional district as ballots continue to be counted.
In a race seen as an early test of whether Democratic voters desire generational change within the party, Foushee holds a lead of just over 1,000 votes with 99% of results in so far, according to the Associated Press.
Under state law, provisional votes will be counted in the coming days in a district that includes Durham and Chapel Hill. If the election results end up within a 1% margin, Allam could request a recount.
Successfully ousting an incumbent lawmaker is often extremely difficult and rare. However, there have been recent upsets in races as some voters are calling for new leaders and several sitting members of Congress face primary challengers this cycle.
Allam, a 32-year-old Durham County Commissioner, is running to the left of Foushee, 69, framing her candidacy as part of a broader rejection of longtime Democratic norms.
On the campaign trail, Allam ran on an anti-establishment message, pledging to be a stronger fighter than Foushee in Congress, both in standing up against President Trump’s agenda and when pushing for more ambitious policy.
“North Carolina is a purple state that often gets labeled red, but we’re not a red state,” she told NPR in an interview last month, emphasizing the need to address affordability concerns. “We are a state of working-class folks who just want their elected officials to champion the issues that are impacting them.”
She drew a contrast with the congresswoman on immigration, voicing support for abolishing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Foushee has declined to go that far, advocating instead for ICE to be defunded and for broader reforms to the federal immigration system.
Allam also clashed with Foushee over U.S. policy towards Israel. As a vocal opponent of Israel’s war in Gaza, Allam swore off campaign donations from pro-Israel lobbying groups, such as AIPAC, and repeatedly criticized Foushee for previously accepting such funds.
Though Foushee announced last year that she would not accept AIPAC donations this cycle, she and Allam continued to spar over the broader role of outside spending in the race.
Their matchup comes four years after the candidates first squared off in 2022, when Allam lost to Foushee in what became the most expensive primary in the state’s history, with outside groups spending more than $3.8 million.
However, this year is poised to break that record. Outside groups have reported spending more than $4.4 million on the primary matchup, according to Federal Election Commission filings.
WUNC’s Colin Campbell contributed to this report.
North Carolina
Building for tomorrow’s storms: North Carolina updates flood strategy
North Carolina is beginning to plan for floods that have not happened yet.
State officials this year advanced the next phase of the state’s Flood Resiliency Blueprint, incorporating updated modeling that factors in heavier rainfall, future development and sea-level rise — a shift away from relying solely on historic data and FEMA’s regulatory maps.
“We can make decisions and plan for that future, not just the exposure to flooding that we see now,” said Stuart Brown, who manages the Flood Resiliency Blueprint for the North Carolina Department of Environmental Quality.
For a state that has endured record-breaking rainfall from Hurricane Helene in the mountains to Tropical Storm Chantal in the Triangle, the move reflects a growing recognition: past standards no longer capture present risk.
Beyond outdated flood lines
Multiple North Carolina studies have found that between 43% and 60% of flood damage occurs outside FEMA’s regulatory flood zones. Those maps shape insurance requirements and local zoning decisions, yet they are largely based on historical rainfall data.
“A lot of the regulatory floodplains really haven’t kept up with what we know is happening,” said Elizabeth Losos, executive in residence at Duke University’s Nicholas Institute for Energy, Environment and Sustainability.
Climate data show rainfall intensity in the Triangle has increased by about 21% since 1970. Warmer air holds more moisture, fueling heavier downpours that overwhelm drainage systems designed for a different climate.
“Fixing what we know is flooding right now is good,” Losos said. “It’s better than nothing, but it’s definitely not enough.”
Brown said the blueprint incorporates projections for future precipitation and development — a critical factor in one of the fastest-growing states in the country.
“Development can be an issue for flooding in two categories,” Brown said. “One is when that development is occurring in areas that are flood prone. The other is when that development is done in ways that don’t account for the additional stormwater that will be produced.”
Thousands of projects, limited dollars
Unlike states that rely on massive levee systems, North Carolina’s flood risk is scattered across river basins, coastal plains and rapidly developing suburbs. Brown said resilience here will require thousands of localized projects.
“We were asked by the General Assembly to provide specific, actionable projects,” Brown said. “We want to know what specific geography and what specific action is proposed.”
That planning push comes as federal support for flood research and mitigation is shrinking.
The Trump administration has proposed a roughly 30% cut to NOAA’s 2026 budget, targeting climate research and ocean services that provide the rainfall and coastal data states use to model flood risk. At FEMA, the administration has cut staff by more than 6%, reduced funding for local hazard mitigation projects and added new approval layers for grants.
For North Carolina, that means fewer dollars for buyouts, drainage upgrades and flood control projects — and less federal data to guide long-term planning — just as the state is trying to build a more forward-looking flood strategy.
Brown said North Carolina is trying to “leverage the limited dollars that we have in the state with any federal sources that are available” and embed resilience into routine investments in transportation, water treatment and conservation.
“Funding is always going to be an issue,” Brown said.
The policy gap
Researchers have long argued that resilience investments save money. Studies show every $1 spent on mitigation can yield $4 to $13 in avoided losses.
“The problem is that the policies don’t align the people who pay the cost with the people who get the benefit,” Losos said.
A developer may not directly benefit from downstream flood reduction. A town may shoulder upfront infrastructure costs while insurers, neighboring communities or future taxpayers capture part of the savings.
Without policy changes that align costs and benefits, resilience can remain politically and financially difficult.
“In the most severe cases, there are some communities that will have to eventually abandon if they don’t begin to think about how they can adapt to these conditions,” Losos said.
North Carolina now has updated tools to better measure future flood risk. Whether the state can secure stable federal support — and align its own policies with the risks ahead — will determine how effectively communities prepare for the next storm rather than recover from the last one.
North Carolina
North Carolina primary could mean Roy Cooper vs Michael Whatley in pivotal fall Senate race
RALEIGH, N.C. — North Carolina’s primary will be the official starting gun for one of the country’s most closely watched U.S. Senate campaigns, likely pitting former Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper against former Republican National Committee Chairman Michael Whatley.
Each candidate is the most high-profile contender for their party’s nomination, which should be sealed on Tuesday. Scores of other races also are on the ballot, including for the U.S. House, state legislature and judicial seats.
North Carolina, a traditional battleground where Democrats have been able to hold the governor’s seat even as voters helped send President Donald Trump to the White House, is one of three states kicking off this year’s midterm elections, along with Texas and Arkansas. Tuesday’s slate of primaries comes against the backdrop of the U.S. and Israel attack on Iran.
The war, which began over the weekend, has killed at least six U.S. service members, spiraled into a regional confrontation as Iran retaliated and sent oil and natural gas prices soaring. The president, who campaigned on an isolationist “America First” agenda and went to war without authorization from Congress, faces mounting questions over its rationale and an exit strategy.
North Carolina’s election this year could be crucial for determining which party controls the U.S. Senate, where Republicans currently have the majority. The seat is open because Sen. Thom Tillis decided to retire after clashing with President Donald Trump. Political experts say a typhoon of outside money could make the race the most expensive Senate campaigns in U.S. history, perhaps reaching $1 billion.
Many Democrats see Cooper, who served two terms as governor and has been successful in state politics for decades, as the party’s best shot at victory. Democrats need to pick up four seats to take back control of the Senate, and they view the most likely path as winning in North Carolina, Maine, Alaska and Ohio.
Cooper faces five lesser-known rivals on Tuesday. Other Republicans on the Senate ballot include Navy officer Don Brown and Michele Morrow, who was the party’s nominee for state schools chief in 2024.
Republican U.S. Senate candidate Michael Whatley, arrives to an early voting site to cast his vote on Thursday, Feb. 12, 2026, in Gastonia, N.C. Credit: AP/Erik Verduzco
Cooper formally entered the race weeks after Tillis announced last summer he wouldn’t seek a third term, as did Whatley, who was buoyed by Trump’s backing when the president’s daughter-in-law Lara Trump declined to enter. The two candidates have been campaigning for months against each other with little focus on intraparty opposition.
Whatley promises to keep pushing Trump’s agenda if elected, one that he says has cut taxes and spending and restored U.S. military might.
“It’s very important for us to have a conservative champion and for President Trump to have an ally in the Senate,” he said while voting early in Gastonia. “We’re going to be fighting for every family and every community in North Carolina.”
Some primary voters say Congress needs Democratic control as a counterweight to Trump and what they consider disastrous policies.
President Donald Trump listens as Michael Whatley speaks to soldiers and their families at Fort Bragg, N.C., Friday, Feb. 13, 2026. Credit: AP/Matt Rourke
“I think we need to send a message. And I think the more Democrats that show up, and the more independents that show up for this midterm election, and the more seats we can take from the Republicans, the more he might get the message,” said Lisa Frucht, 67, said as she cast a ballot for Cooper at an early voting site north of Raleigh.
Republican voter Gary Grimes, who chose Whatley, said Democratic control of Congress could lead to more impeachment efforts against Trump that ultimately won’t succeed.
“It’ll be a repeat of what they did to Trump in the first term,” said Grimes, 71, “And they can’t see anything except getting Trump, at any cost.”
A Democrat hasn’t won a Senate race in North Carolina since 2008. Meanwhile, Cooper, 68, hasn’t lost a North Carolina election going back to first running for the state House in the mid-1980s, leading to 16 years as attorney general and eight as governor through 2024.
Whatley, 57, previously worked in President George W. Bush’s administration, for then-North Carolina Sen. Elizabeth Dole and as an energy lobbyist.
Cooper and his allies have centered campaign attacks on Whatley’s allegiance to the president and Trump policies, saying he backs higher tariffs and Medicaid spending reductions and must take blame for slow Hurricane Helene recovery aid.
Voting recently in Raleigh, Cooper said he wants to “make sure that I’m a strong, independent senator who can work with this president when I can, stand up to him when I need to and recognize that people are struggling right now.”
Whatley, Trump and other Republicans have blistered Cooper on criminal justice matters, accusing him of promoting soft-on-crime policies while governor. They’ve repeatedly highlighted last August’s fatal stabbing of Ukrainian refugee Iryna Zarutska on a Charlotte light-rail train. Trump identified Zarutska’s mother in attendance at last week’s State of the Union address.
Cooper told reporters recently that his career is about “prosecuting violent criminals and keeping thousands of them behind bars.”
Tuesday’s election also includes primary elections in all but one of North Carolina’s U.S. House districts. They include a five-candidate GOP primary in the northeastern 1st Congressional District, which is currently represented by Democratic Rep. Don Davis, who faced no primary opposition.
The Republican-controlled General Assembly created last fall a more right-leaning 1st District to join Trump’s multistate redistricting campaign ahead of the 2026 elections to retain the House. Davis won in 2024 by less than 2 percentage points.
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