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North Carolina football job profile: Pluses, minuses and candidates to replace Mack Brown

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North Carolina football job profile: Pluses, minuses and candidates to replace Mack Brown


The North Carolina job is open. Mack Brown was fired on Tuesday, a day after saying he intended to return next season. Turns out, the school wanted to go in a new direction. Brown will still coach the finale against NC State.

Brown is the winningest coach in UNC history and took the Tar Heels to a bowl in each of the six seasons in his second stint, after a decade in Chapel Hill from 1988 to 1997. But that second stint produced a 44-32 overall record. North Carolina lost at least five games in all but one of those seasons, never reaching the highs of Brown’s first run. Many people in the industry had their eyes on this job opening, given Brown’s age and his express consideration of retirement earlier in the season after a 70-50 loss to James Madison, comments he walked back the next week.

This is the first Power 4 opening on the coaching carousel and one that expects to get a ton of interest regardless of how the rest of the cycle plays out.

So how good is the North Carolina job? What names could get in the mix? Based on conversations with industry sources, here is a breakdown of the job and the potential names to watch.

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Recent history/tradition: B

The potential has always felt bigger here than the reality. UNC has reached 14 bowl games since 2008, but the Tar Heels have won 10 games in a season just once since the final year of Brown’s first stint. Brown twice left the program better than he found it, but he never won a conference title. The program’s last ACC title came in 1980, a stunningly long time. Is there really potential to unlock for this program located in a great recruiting region with a national brand? Or is simply going to bowl games all UNC football is?

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On-field outlook: B+

Junior running back Omarion Hampton is one of the best running backs in the country, with nearly 1,500 rushing yards this year, but he could be NFL-bound. The Heels have struggled to pass the ball, in part because transfer quarterback Max Johnson was lost for the season with a broken leg in Week 1. Johnson said he planned to return in 2025, but how will Brown’s departure impact things?

UNC is fourth in the ACC and 22nd nationally in 247Sports’ Team Talent rankings, which uses high school recruiting rankings. The incoming recruiting class ranks fourth in the ACC and 26th nationally, but that could change with Brown out. There is talent here, but in the portal era, it’s impossible to know how much stays and how much a new coach will change.

Still, the program operates in a recruiting area flush with good players, especially defensive linemen, and UNC has done a really good job developing quarterbacks over the past decade.

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Money matters: B+

Brown’s $5 million salary ranked 42nd in the country, but UNC wasn’t competing with other schools for his services and can pay a lot more, and his $2.8 million buyout isn’t much. If this remains a quiet Power 4 coaching carousel, perhaps UNC won’t need to compete with many others in its search for a replacement this time around, either. UNC is third in the ACC in football spending, according to Sportico’s database, but quite a bit behind Florida State and Clemson.

Brown and UNC have been behind much of the country when it comes to NIL and transfers. Heading into a revenue sharing era, UNC needs a coach who will actively navigate that world, something Brown didn’t do as much. Other schools have been coming into the state, spending money and getting the best players. UNC has commitments from just two of the top 10 recruits in the state, per 247Sports.

University stability: B+

UNC just hired a new president this summer after its previous president left for Michigan State in an awkward departure. Athletic director Bubba Cunningham has been in charge since 2011 and is one of the most respected voices in the sport, one who talks openly about the changes to college football and how to approach them. But the alignment from top to bottom hasn’t always been there for football, and it’s needed more than ever with revenue sharing ahead.

Florida State and Clemson’s lawsuits to attempt to get out of the ACC have shaken up the league, but it’s still hard to know when a resolution could come. If the ACC were to become destabilized, UNC could actually be the most attractive potential target for the Big Ten or SEC.

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Coach pool: A-

Tulane head coach Jon Sumrall has been destined for a Power 4 job since he turned Troy into an immediate winner. Sumrall is 32-6 as a head coach at Troy and Tulane, with four of those losses coming to Power 4 opponents and one coming on a Hail Mary from Appalachian State. He replaced Willie Fritz at Tulane and didn’t miss a step despite the departure of key players. But the Green Wave are set to play in the AAC Championship Game and still have a path to the College Football Playoff. Could that timeline impact Sumrall’s availability?

Liberty head coach Jamey Chadwell is 42-9 as a head coach since 2020, winning at least 11 games three times across stints at Coastal Carolina and Liberty, including a Fiesta Bowl appearance last year. The East Tennessee native has won big everywhere he’s been and runs an exciting offense. His lack of Power 4 experience has hurt his candidacy for some SEC jobs, but he has shown at Liberty he can take advantage of resources. He also might have a conference championship to play for.

UNLV head coach Barry Odom is 18-7 in two seasons with the Rebels, the best run for the program in half a century. They hadn’t won more than eight games in a season in 40 years. Odom has made smart staff hires and improved from his 25-25 run as Missouri head coach. He, too, could have a conference championship game to play in.

Georgia defensive coordinator Glenn Schumann has been Kirby Smart’s right-hand man at Georgia and Alabama, winning a lot of national championships. The 34-year-old has been getting in the mix for more head coaching jobs and would bring a winning pedigree.

Notre Dame defensive coordinator Al Golden has done a really good job since arriving in South Bend in 2022, leading a defense that is third nationally in yards per play allowed and finished fifth last year. As a head coach, he took Temple to two seasons of eight-plus wins in the late 2000s after decades of losing. He went 32-25 as Miami head coach while dealing with NCAA penalties from the previous staff, and he spent 2016 to ’21 in the NFL.

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Pittsburgh Steelers offensive coordinator Arthur Smith is a former UNC player and graduate assistant, and the former Atlanta Falcons head coach has been in the NFL since 2011. He has ties to the program and has some people in his corner. Smith is also the son of billionaire FedEx founder Fred Smith, and remember that FedEx recently committed $25 million in NIL money to Memphis over five years. Perhaps Smith could get some money flowing to the Tar Heels.

Former Florida head coach Dan Mullen has been floating around some openings in recent years while working for ESPN, waiting for a good job. He’s 103-61 as a head coach, took Mississippi State to a No. 1 ranking and reached three New Year’s Six bowls in four years at Florida. He’s a good offensive mind who has won national championships; he just couldn’t recruit at an SEC level before NIL took off. But UNC hired Brown out of the TV booth. Would it do that a second time in a row?

Former Arizona Cardinals head coach Steve Wilks is from Charlotte and worked with the Carolina Panthers for six seasons. He most recently helped out at Charlotte as a volunteer advisor this season. He previously coached in college as Missouri’s defensive coordinator in 2021.

Army head coach Jeff Monken continues to win at a tough job, winning at least nine games in a season five times since 2017. The Black Knights are 9-1 this year and were recently a Top 25 team. Monken has made clear he doesn’t have to be a triple-option coach elsewhere, and Ken Niumatalolo’s success at San Jose State this year should help get that stigma off of service academy coaches.

Overall grade: B+

The upside has always been here, but coaches have rarely tapped into it. That won’t discourage anyone from feeling they’re the person who can finally unlock the potential. This should be one of the best jobs in the ACC, and if the infrastructure can improve to match the right coach, we’re still going to believe this can be a big-time program.

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(Photo: Grant Halverson / Getty Images)



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North Carolina Rep. Valerie Foushee holds narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam

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North Carolina Rep. Valerie Foushee holds narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam


Nida Allam in 2022; Rep. Valerie Foushee (D-NC) in 2025.

Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images


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Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

Incumbent Rep. Valerie Foushee holds a narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam in the Democratic primary for North Carolina’s 4th Congressional district as ballots continue to be counted.

In a race seen as an early test of whether Democratic voters desire generational change within the party, Foushee holds a lead of just over 1,000 votes with 99% of results in so far, according to the Associated Press.

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Under state law, provisional votes will be counted in the coming days in a district that includes Durham and Chapel Hill. If the election results end up within a 1% margin, Allam could request a recount.

Successfully ousting an incumbent lawmaker is often extremely difficult and rare. However, there have been recent upsets in races as some voters are calling for new leaders and several sitting members of Congress face primary challengers this cycle.

Allam, a 32-year-old Durham County Commissioner, is running to the left of Foushee, 69, framing her candidacy as part of a broader rejection of longtime Democratic norms.

On the campaign trail, Allam ran on an anti-establishment message, pledging to be a stronger fighter than Foushee in Congress, both in standing up against President Trump’s agenda and when pushing for more ambitious policy.

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“North Carolina is a purple state that often gets labeled red, but we’re not a red state,” she told NPR in an interview last month, emphasizing the need to address affordability concerns. “We are a state of working-class folks who just want their elected officials to champion the issues that are impacting them.”

She drew a contrast with the congresswoman on immigration, voicing support for abolishing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Foushee has declined to go that far, advocating instead for ICE to be defunded and for broader reforms to the federal immigration system.

Allam also clashed with Foushee over U.S. policy towards Israel. As a vocal opponent of Israel’s war in Gaza, Allam swore off campaign donations from pro-Israel lobbying groups, such as AIPAC, and repeatedly criticized Foushee for previously accepting such funds.

Though Foushee announced last year that she would not accept AIPAC donations this cycle, she and Allam continued to spar over the broader role of outside spending in the race.

Their matchup comes four years after the candidates first squared off in 2022, when Allam lost to Foushee in what became the most expensive primary in the state’s history, with outside groups spending more than $3.8 million.

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However, this year is poised to break that record. Outside groups have reported spending more than $4.4 million on the primary matchup, according to Federal Election Commission filings.

WUNC’s Colin Campbell contributed to this report.



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Building for tomorrow’s storms: North Carolina updates flood strategy

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Building for tomorrow’s storms: North Carolina updates flood strategy


North Carolina is beginning to plan for floods that have not happened yet.

State officials this year advanced the next phase of the state’s Flood Resiliency Blueprint, incorporating updated modeling that factors in heavier rainfall, future development and sea-level rise — a shift away from relying solely on historic data and FEMA’s regulatory maps.

“We can make decisions and plan for that future, not just the exposure to flooding that we see now,” said Stuart Brown, who manages the Flood Resiliency Blueprint for the North Carolina Department of Environmental Quality.

For a state that has endured record-breaking rainfall from Hurricane Helene in the mountains to Tropical Storm Chantal in the Triangle, the move reflects a growing recognition: past standards no longer capture present risk.

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Beyond outdated flood lines

Multiple North Carolina studies have found that between 43% and 60% of flood damage occurs outside FEMA’s regulatory flood zones. Those maps shape insurance requirements and local zoning decisions, yet they are largely based on historical rainfall data.

“A lot of the regulatory floodplains really haven’t kept up with what we know is happening,” said Elizabeth Losos, executive in residence at Duke University’s Nicholas Institute for Energy, Environment and Sustainability.

Climate data show rainfall intensity in the Triangle has increased by about 21% since 1970. Warmer air holds more moisture, fueling heavier downpours that overwhelm drainage systems designed for a different climate.

“Fixing what we know is flooding right now is good,” Losos said. “It’s better than nothing, but it’s definitely not enough.”

Brown said the blueprint incorporates projections for future precipitation and development — a critical factor in one of the fastest-growing states in the country.

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“Development can be an issue for flooding in two categories,” Brown said. “One is when that development is occurring in areas that are flood prone. The other is when that development is done in ways that don’t account for the additional stormwater that will be produced.”

Thousands of projects, limited dollars

Unlike states that rely on massive levee systems, North Carolina’s flood risk is scattered across river basins, coastal plains and rapidly developing suburbs. Brown said resilience here will require thousands of localized projects.

“We were asked by the General Assembly to provide specific, actionable projects,” Brown said. “We want to know what specific geography and what specific action is proposed.”

That planning push comes as federal support for flood research and mitigation is shrinking.

The Trump administration has proposed a roughly 30% cut to NOAA’s 2026 budget, targeting climate research and ocean services that provide the rainfall and coastal data states use to model flood risk. At FEMA, the administration has cut staff by more than 6%, reduced funding for local hazard mitigation projects and added new approval layers for grants.

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For North Carolina, that means fewer dollars for buyouts, drainage upgrades and flood control projects — and less federal data to guide long-term planning — just as the state is trying to build a more forward-looking flood strategy.

Brown said North Carolina is trying to “leverage the limited dollars that we have in the state with any federal sources that are available” and embed resilience into routine investments in transportation, water treatment and conservation.

“Funding is always going to be an issue,” Brown said.

The policy gap

Researchers have long argued that resilience investments save money. Studies show every $1 spent on mitigation can yield $4 to $13 in avoided losses.

“The problem is that the policies don’t align the people who pay the cost with the people who get the benefit,” Losos said.

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A developer may not directly benefit from downstream flood reduction. A town may shoulder upfront infrastructure costs while insurers, neighboring communities or future taxpayers capture part of the savings.

Without policy changes that align costs and benefits, resilience can remain politically and financially difficult.

“In the most severe cases, there are some communities that will have to eventually abandon if they don’t begin to think about how they can adapt to these conditions,” Losos said.

North Carolina now has updated tools to better measure future flood risk. Whether the state can secure stable federal support — and align its own policies with the risks ahead — will determine how effectively communities prepare for the next storm rather than recover from the last one.

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North Carolina primary could mean Roy Cooper vs Michael Whatley in pivotal fall Senate race

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North Carolina primary could mean Roy Cooper vs Michael Whatley in pivotal fall Senate race


RALEIGH, N.C. — North Carolina’s primary will be the official starting gun for one of the country’s most closely watched U.S. Senate campaigns, likely pitting former Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper against former Republican National Committee Chairman Michael Whatley.

Each candidate is the most high-profile contender for their party’s nomination, which should be sealed on Tuesday. Scores of other races also are on the ballot, including for the U.S. House, state legislature and judicial seats.

North Carolina, a traditional battleground where Democrats have been able to hold the governor’s seat even as voters helped send President Donald Trump to the White House, is one of three states kicking off this year’s midterm elections, along with Texas and Arkansas. Tuesday’s slate of primaries comes against the backdrop of the U.S. and Israel attack on Iran.

The war, which began over the weekend, has killed at least six U.S. service members, spiraled into a regional confrontation as Iran retaliated and sent oil and natural gas prices soaring. The president, who campaigned on an isolationist “America First” agenda and went to war without authorization from Congress, faces mounting questions over its rationale and an exit strategy.

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North Carolina’s election this year could be crucial for determining which party controls the U.S. Senate, where Republicans currently have the majority. The seat is open because Sen. Thom Tillis decided to retire after clashing with President Donald Trump. Political experts say a typhoon of outside money could make the race the most expensive Senate campaigns in U.S. history, perhaps reaching $1 billion.

Many Democrats see Cooper, who served two terms as governor and has been successful in state politics for decades, as the party’s best shot at victory. Democrats need to pick up four seats to take back control of the Senate, and they view the most likely path as winning in North Carolina, Maine, Alaska and Ohio.

Cooper faces five lesser-known rivals on Tuesday. Other Republicans on the Senate ballot include Navy officer Don Brown and Michele Morrow, who was the party’s nominee for state schools chief in 2024.

Republican U.S. Senate candidate Michael Whatley, arrives to an early voting site to cast his vote on Thursday, Feb. 12, 2026, in Gastonia, N.C. Credit: AP/Erik Verduzco

Cooper formally entered the race weeks after Tillis announced last summer he wouldn’t seek a third term, as did Whatley, who was buoyed by Trump’s backing when the president’s daughter-in-law Lara Trump declined to enter. The two candidates have been campaigning for months against each other with little focus on intraparty opposition.

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Whatley promises to keep pushing Trump’s agenda if elected, one that he says has cut taxes and spending and restored U.S. military might.

“It’s very important for us to have a conservative champion and for President Trump to have an ally in the Senate,” he said while voting early in Gastonia. “We’re going to be fighting for every family and every community in North Carolina.”

Some primary voters say Congress needs Democratic control as a counterweight to Trump and what they consider disastrous policies.

President Donald Trump listens as Michael Whatley speaks to soldiers...

President Donald Trump listens as Michael Whatley speaks to soldiers and their families at Fort Bragg, N.C., Friday, Feb. 13, 2026. Credit: AP/Matt Rourke

“I think we need to send a message. And I think the more Democrats that show up, and the more independents that show up for this midterm election, and the more seats we can take from the Republicans, the more he might get the message,” said Lisa Frucht, 67, said as she cast a ballot for Cooper at an early voting site north of Raleigh.

Republican voter Gary Grimes, who chose Whatley, said Democratic control of Congress could lead to more impeachment efforts against Trump that ultimately won’t succeed.

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“It’ll be a repeat of what they did to Trump in the first term,” said Grimes, 71, “And they can’t see anything except getting Trump, at any cost.”

A Democrat hasn’t won a Senate race in North Carolina since 2008. Meanwhile, Cooper, 68, hasn’t lost a North Carolina election going back to first running for the state House in the mid-1980s, leading to 16 years as attorney general and eight as governor through 2024.

Whatley, 57, previously worked in President George W. Bush’s administration, for then-North Carolina Sen. Elizabeth Dole and as an energy lobbyist.

Cooper and his allies have centered campaign attacks on Whatley’s allegiance to the president and Trump policies, saying he backs higher tariffs and Medicaid spending reductions and must take blame for slow Hurricane Helene recovery aid.

Voting recently in Raleigh, Cooper said he wants to “make sure that I’m a strong, independent senator who can work with this president when I can, stand up to him when I need to and recognize that people are struggling right now.”

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Whatley, Trump and other Republicans have blistered Cooper on criminal justice matters, accusing him of promoting soft-on-crime policies while governor. They’ve repeatedly highlighted last August’s fatal stabbing of Ukrainian refugee Iryna Zarutska on a Charlotte light-rail train. Trump identified Zarutska’s mother in attendance at last week’s State of the Union address.

Cooper told reporters recently that his career is about “prosecuting violent criminals and keeping thousands of them behind bars.”

Tuesday’s election also includes primary elections in all but one of North Carolina’s U.S. House districts. They include a five-candidate GOP primary in the northeastern 1st Congressional District, which is currently represented by Democratic Rep. Don Davis, who faced no primary opposition.

The Republican-controlled General Assembly created last fall a more right-leaning 1st District to join Trump’s multistate redistricting campaign ahead of the 2026 elections to retain the House. Davis won in 2024 by less than 2 percentage points.



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