Connect with us

Louisiana

U.S. citizen stopped in Lafayette, shackled, and detained in Louisiana ICE facility | The Lens

Published

on

U.S. citizen stopped in Lafayette, shackled, and detained in Louisiana ICE facility | The Lens


LAFAYETTE, LOUISIANA

On Wednesday, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detained a U.S.-born woman at a checkpoint in a residential area of Lafayette. 

The young mother of four, who is Spanish-speaking, was already anxious as she approached the checkpoint that morning, because her baby daughter was spiking a high fever. At the agents’ request, she showed her ID and social security card. But they called it fake, and she was detained, handcuffed, shackled at the ankles, interrogated, and ultimately transported to South Louisiana ICE Processing Center in Basile. ICE held here there for about five hours, away from her sick child, and released the woman around 2 a.m. after a lawyer intervened on her behalf.

The woman asked that her name not be published for fear of retaliation against herself and her family.

Advertisement

Her ordeal began early Wednesday morning, as her 7-year-old daughter was waiting for the school bus, when she was alerted to the presence of ICE agents at the entrance to her apartment complex. She wasn’t worried for herself — she was born in Colorado — but she feared that ICE might stop her daughter, who is Mexican-American. 

But when the mother approached the checkpoint on foot around 8 a.m., a deputy from the Lafayette Sheriff’s Office waved her over and demanded identification. She presented the deputies with her state-issued Louisiana ID and Social Security card, which she keeps on her at all times.

At first, she wasn’t worried. “I wasn’t hiding anything,” she explained through a translator. “I’m not doing anything illegal.”

But the deputies looked and insisted that both her ID and Social Security card were fake. They asked her where she was born. She answered their questions, but they soon called over ICE agents, who also accused her of providing a forged ID, she says.

“He said, ‘Who is making these IDs in numbers for you guys? Because I also have another one from another person, and it looks just like this. So they are fake. Yours is fake too.’”

Advertisement

When she tried to speak up and explain, they told her to stay silent.

Detained and interrogated 

For the next 20 minutes, she said, the agents had her wait. She saw them talking on the phone — she wasn’t sure if the call was about her — but they kept coming back saying the ID was forged. 

Agents then detained her, put her into a white unmarked vehicle, and took her to what appears to be an unlisted U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) field office in Lafayette. While it is not listed on the USCIS website, two other Lafayette residents confirmed that ICE brings detained people to that office, and that it has government seals on its signage and framed photos of President Trump and Vice President JD Vance on the wall. 

There, she was handcuffed and shackled at the ankles. Agents interrogated her, demanding that she name the person who “did these fake papers for you.”

Advertisement

The woman pleaded with them to contact authorities in Colorado to verify her Social Security card. She even provided additional paperwork from her phone, including tax documents for the IRS.

Her ordeal illustrates how ICE’s aggressive new policies and warrant-less arrests have led to what legal experts say are an alarming pattern of rights violations against both immigrants and U.S. citizens.

The woman was incorrectly assigned an Alien Registration number in 2022 when she entered the U.S. from Mexico and presented a Mexican ID at the border. 

At the time, she was appointed a lawyer who told her that since she was a U.S. citizen, her immigration case would be dropped. Yet somehow, the case appears to have proceeded without her knowledge or involvement. An immigration judge in New Orleans issued a final order of removal in January 2024.

The Lens reviewed a copy of the woman’s ID and was able to quickly confirm its authenticity by entering her name and license number into the state’s official digital credential app, LA Wallet. The app brought up an image of the same ID with her photo, full name, and date of birth, and identifies the ID as valid. 

Advertisement

The Lens has also reviewed a copy of the woman’s birth certificate, which lists the  same full name and date of birth, and her place of birth in Colorado.

Accusations of forgery seem to have become part of the ICE playbook, especially with Latino people, as recounted by other U.S. citizens who have been detained. “They kept telling me I’m a criminal because I’m showing false papers, and that my penalty was going to be much higher because I’m hiding the person who created them,” the woman said.

That same day, one of the woman’s neighbors began working on her release. The neighbor, who also asked his name be withheld for safety reasons, had watched a sheriff’s bus and unmarked cars without plates begin setting up what appeared to be a checkpoint around 6 a.m. on Wednesday, he said. The checkpoint was at the only entrance to their apartment complex, where most residents are Black and Hispanic, he said.

Few residents wanted to drive through a law-enforcement checkpoint, he said. “People were scared to go to work.”

After hearing that the woman had been wrongly detained, the neighbor, who is also U.S.-born and Latino, sprang into action. He picked up the woman’s birth certificate from her distraught mother, who was “trying hard not to cry in front of her grandchildren,” he said.

Advertisement

He then made a copy of the birth certificate and brought that to the ICE office. But that still wasn’t enough for the agents. “They said, ‘Oh, we need the original copy…because this could be AI.’”

The neighbor tried to convince them, but stopped when an agent raised his voice in anger and said that they would not be releasing the woman.

Taken to Basile in shackles

After hours of questioning, ICE transported the shackled young mother to Basile, about an hour away, arriving around 6 p.m. She was processed and booked into the South Louisiana ICE Processing Center, which is operated by the private prison company GEO Group.

There she was put inside a shared detention area with people awaiting deportation. “I thought of my kids,” she said. “And my little five-month-old, because she had a high fever.” Before ICE took her, she’d wanted to take the baby to the doctor. Her mother, who was now watching the children, was frightened and would be unable to bring the baby to the hospital if the fever worsened.

Advertisement

“The whole time that I was there, I was just thinking about my kids and being afraid for my little one,” she said. While she was hopeful that she would be released soon, she knew some damage could never be undone. “If something were to happen to my five-month-old, they [ICE] wouldn’t be able to bring her back,” she said.

Immigration attorney Bridget Pranzatelli was able to secure the woman’s release by sending identification documents to ICE over email. Around 2 a.m., about 18 hours after she’d first encountered the deputies, the woman was released. ICE agents drove her back to Lafayette.

She never got an apology, nor an explanation. ICE kept her Social Security card. They also told her she cannot leave the state, she says. Though immigration courts have no jurisdiction over U.S. citizens, ICE officers gave her instructional documents, also reviewed by The Lens.

One form, labeled “Order of Supervision,” instructs her to report back to ICE in person next month. The other document is a letter about her release, saying that “ICE will continue to make efforts to obtain your travel document that will allow the United States government to carry out your removal.”

The woman plans to go to the ICE check-in accompanied by an immigration lawyer to clarify to the agency that she is in fact a U.S. citizen.

Advertisement

The ordeal suggests serious gaps in ICE’s ability or willingness to investigate people’s immigration status before arresting them, amid what has long been called a “detain first, investigate second” approach. “There is just no justification for a U.S. citizen to be in immigration customs enforcement detention,” Pranzatelli emphasized. 

In jurisdictions like Lafayette with 287(g) agreements, “where the local law enforcement ends up getting deputized to do these federal immigration enforcement functions,” that risk of unjustified detentions is heightened, Pranzatelli said. “No one along that chain is doing the due diligence necessary to be sure this sort of thing doesn’t happen.”

Local law enforcement often lacks immigration expertise

Lafayette Parish Sheriff Mark Garber has praised his department’s partnership with ICE — specifically noting that it would help his deputies quickly determine a person’s immigration status. But there is little to back his claims that the partnership enhances public safety. Research instead shows that involving local law enforcement in federal immigration matters puts public safety at risk by making undocumented victims less likely to report crimes, for fear of being asked about their immigration status.

That should matter in Lafayette Parish, in the heart of Cajun country, which has become the fastest-growing place in the state thanks to both domestic and international migration, Census data shows. Lafayette’s growth makes it an outlier in Louisiana, which is grappling with severe population decline.

Advertisement

But in December, the Lafayette sheriff’s office entered a 287(g) agreement with ICE, which empowers deputies to detain individuals suspected of immigration infractions, even if they aren’t suspected of having committed a crime. Over the last year, sheriff’s offices across the state have signed agreements with ICE. Sheriff Garber opted to partner with ICE under the “warrant service officer and task force models,” a particularly aggressive form of the partnership, which allows specially trained deputies to arrest people suspected of immigration offenses, according to The Current, an online newsroom in Lafayette. 

The task force program has been criticized for encouraging racial profiling. The 287(g) agreement has faced significant pushback from religious and civil rights leaders and sparked protests in Lafayette. 

The task force program is what allowed sheriff’s deputies to work alongside ICE agents to create the checkpoint that resulted in the woman’s arrest.

When reached for comment Friday, Staff Sgt. Chris Cormier of the Lafayette Parish Sheriff’s Office confirmed that the “interaction” took place. But he incorrectly maintained that the woman’s ID was fake. Some of his claims about other key details were also inconsistent with The Lens’ findings.

“She approached our deputies with her phony ID,” Cormier said. “She approached us, okay? She approached us. She had a fake ID.” When asked how deputies made that determination, he said that “our databases will tell us that it’s fake or not.”

Advertisement

When asked why deputies then handed her over to ICE, Cormier said it was “because she couldn’t prove her citizenship.” He claimed that “a lot of people a lot of times have forged IDs, and they try to bamboozle us.” Since Lafayette is a college town that presumably sees its share of underage drinking, The Lens asked whether it was standard practice to transfer all people with suspected fake IDs into ICE custody. 

“On occasion we can do that, and have,” Cormier said.

The office’s new federal partnership with ICE made the woman’s detention possible, he said. “That’s part of what the 287(g) program allows, is when you can’t determine someone’s citizenship, we can contact ICE and they can further investigate.” ICE should have determined the woman’s citizenship status before detaining her in a facility, he said.

Despite the woman’s release and proof of life-long citizenship, Cormier seemed to maintain, incorrectly, that she was deportable. “If I’m not mistaken, she was already deported a time before,” he told The Lens.

This is untrue. U.S. citizens cannot be legally deported.

Advertisement

Deputies go through an online training put on by the Office of Homeland Security to take part in the task force partnership with ICE, Cormier said. ICE did not respond to a media inquiry about the situation by press time.

The woman plans to pursue a lawsuit against the Sheriff’s Office and ICE. “My kids have trauma,” she said.



Source link

Advertisement

Louisiana

Senate amendment to bill would allow active climate change lawsuits

Published

on

Senate amendment to bill would allow active climate change lawsuits


play

Advertisement
  • Louisiana lawmakers are advancing legislation to protect companies from climate change lawsuits.
  • A last-minute amendment exempts all lawsuits filed before the bill becomes law.
  • The bill’s original author aims to prevent lawsuits against fossil fuel companies and others for damages related to climate change.
  • Opponents argue the bill is unnecessary and could unintentionally shield companies from liability in local pollution cases.

(The Center Square) — Legislation designed to shield Louisiana companies from climate change litigation is moving toward final passage in the State Legislature, but an amendment added just before a Senate committee vote fundamentally altered the bill’s scope.

The “Louisiana Energy Protection Act,” or House Bill 804, authored by Rep. Brett Geymann, R-Lake Charles, was aimed in its original form at granting Louisiana companies sweeping, retroactive immunity against lawsuits seeking damages from climate change.

The last-minute amendment adopted by the Senate Natural Resources Committee on Tuesday added a grandfathering clause to the legislation that exempts all lawsuits filed before the bill becomes law.

Victor Marcello, a partner at Talbot, Carmouche & Marcello, which represents clients in several coastal erosion lawsuits, reviewed the newly filed amendment on his cell phone just before testifying.

Even with the amendment, Marcello maintained that the Louisiana Energy Protection Act remains “a solution in search of a problem.” He said that most climate-related lawsuits filed nationwide are actually cases accusing oil companies of misleading the public about environmental impacts.

Advertisement

“No one in this state has made such a claim, and I doubt anyone in this state, city, or parish will ever make such a claim,” Marcello said at the hearing. He contended the legal definitions in the bill are overly broad, and he said this could accidentally allow corporate legal defense teams in Louisiana to dodge liability for routine, localized land contamination and pollution lawsuits.

Geymann, chair of the House Committee on Natural Resources and Environment, said in previous testimony that Louisiana is not acting alone, noting Oklahoma and Utah already have adopted legislation or are currently considering similar legal prohibitions.

“The purpose is to prevent lawsuits against fossil fuel companies, against people, against businesses, against government agencies, against nonprofits, for a claim for damages related to climate change,” Geymann said at a committee meeting last week.

Geymann said the bill is focused on the nature of the claim rather than the defendant, which could prevent ordinary Louisianans from being targeted.

Advertisement

“If you were a landowner and you had a lease with an oil company for a pipeline or a well, and that company was sued… you too could be swept up in that,” Geymann said.



Source link

Continue Reading

Louisiana

Portion of Louisiana Highway 1 to be named after fallen Vivian officer

Published

on

Portion of Louisiana Highway 1 to be named after fallen Vivian officer


SHREVEPORT, La. (KSLA) – A fallen Vivian police officer will soon be honored with a memorial highway designation.

Sen. Sam L. Jenkins Jr. announced Gov. Jeff Landry has signed Senate Bill 70, which will name a portion of Louisiana Highway 1 the “Officer Marc Brock Memorial Highway.”

Brock was killed in the line of duty while serving with the Vivian Police Department. Jenkins said the timing of the bill’s signing is especially significant ahead of Memorial Day.

“It is especially meaningful that this legislation was signed just in time for Memorial Day, as we prepare to honor those who made the ultimate sacrifice in service to others,” Jenkins said. “For the Town of Vivian, this will also be the first Memorial Day season remembering Officer Marc Brock—a son, brother, nephew, fiancé, friend, officer, and youth sports coach who touched so many lives.”

Advertisement

“Marc Brock was more than a badge,” Jenkins added. “Whether serving his community or mentoring young people through sports, he represented the very best of public service, leadership, and compassion.”

Details on a future dedication ceremony have not been released and will be announced at a later date. The new designation takes effect Aug. 1, 2026.

Copyright 2026 KSLA. All rights reserved.



Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Louisiana

Louisiana’s Tough-on-Crime Policies Stand to Cost Taxpayers Millions More for Years to Come

Published

on

Louisiana’s Tough-on-Crime Policies Stand to Cost Taxpayers Millions More for Years to Come


The day after a shooting last month killed a teenager and injured five people at the Mall of Louisiana, Gov. Jeff Landry blasted what he referred to as “hug-a-thug” policies — reforms put in place prior to his tenure when the state was trying to shed its reputation as the nation’s incarceration capital. He also demanded harsher penalties for violent minors.

“I’m done with them. It doesn’t matter how old they are,” Landry, a Republican, said during a news conference in Baton Rouge. “We’ve got 18,000 acres at Angola — if it was up to me, I would send them all there for the rest of their lives.”’

Landry’s push for harsher punishments that would keep people in prison longer came as little surprise. Soon after his 2024 inauguration, he won a package of tough-on-crime bills that drastically changed the state’s sentencing laws. A Landry spokesperson at the time brushed off concerns from civil rights groups and incarceration experts that it would swell the prison population and plunge the state into financial disaster, insisting that “less crime means greater economic opportunity for everyone.”

Two years later, the governor wants to add hundreds more beds in Louisiana’s largest prison and spend more on medical costs as prisoners stay longer behind bars. His proposed $798 million corrections budget, which the Republican-controlled legislature is expected to pass by June 1, represents a 9% increase from the inflation-adjusted total spent in fiscal year 2024, the last budget passed before his tenure. The increased budget is the first indication that the rising inmate population resulting from Landry’s policies is costing Louisiana taxpayers.

Advertisement

ProPublica and Verite News have spent more than two years investigating how Landry’s policies have impacted Louisiana’s criminal justice system. The number of prisoners paroled under Landry has plummeted to its lowest point in 20 years, due in part to a law he signed that cedes much of the power of the parole board to a computerized algorithm. And the prison population as a whole is expected to become older and sicker since Landry and the legislature eliminated medical parole.

Landry also ushered in a law that lowered the age at which the justice system must treat defendants as adults from 18 to 17 years old to combat what he characterized as an epidemic of violent crime committed by minors. But an investigation by ProPublica and Verite News found that 69% of 17-year olds in three of the state’s largest parishes were arrested for offenses that Louisiana law does not consider violent crimes.

Many experts say the full impact of these changes won’t be felt for at least another decade. The Crime and Justice Institute, a Boston-based nonpartisan public-safety research organization, predicts that by 2034, Landry’s rollback of inmates’ ability to shave time off their sentences through good behavior will double the size of the state’s prison population, double the number of nonviolent offenders being held and cost an estimated $2 billion for new prisons to accommodate the population.

Here is how Landry’s policies have already begun to impact Louisiana’s prisons and budget.

Prison Population Change

In the two years after Landry took office, the number of state prisoners has increased by about 8%, and Landry’s budget indicates that number will continue to rise. The governor is asking for an additional 688 beds at the state’s largest prison, the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola, which will require the hiring of 150 correctional officers.

Advertisement

A corrections department spokesperson said the increased capacity is necessary because under the previous administration, “beds were significantly decreased, correctional officer positions were cut, facilities closed, and funding [was] eliminated.”

In 2017, a bipartisan coalition of Louisiana legislators had passed an ambitious package of bills designed to reduce the number of nonviolent offenders behind bars — and with it the state’s nation-leading prison population.

By 2021, the number of nonviolent offenders in state prisons and jails dropped by 55% and the overall prison population by 26%, according to the U.S. Department of Justice.

Louisiana’s Prison Population Has Continued to Go Up Under Gov. Jeff Landry

After years of steady decline due to a bipartisan prison-reform package, the state’s incarcerated population started climbing again in 2022, after the height of the coronavirus pandemic, as courts reopened and crime rates rose. The increase has continued as a result of Landry’s criminal justice rollbacks.


Advertisement

Gov. Landry’s

term began in

January

Advertisement

Gov. Landry’s term

began in January

Advertisement

Gov. Landry’s term

began in January

Advertisement

Gov. Landry’s

term began in

January

Advertisement

Gov. Landry’s term

began in January

Advertisement

Gov. Landry’s term

began in January

Advertisement

Note: Prison population totals as of Dec. 31 of each year. Source: Louisiana Department of Public Safety and Corrections.

Chris Alcantara/ProPublica

But in early 2024, Landry signed a series of bills that repealed most of those reforms. The governor and his allies in the legislature eliminated parole for anyone convicted of a crime committed after Aug. 1, 2024, and required prisoners to serve at least 85% of their sentences before they can reduce their time through good behavior. The elimination of parole also got rid of medical parole and put additional restrictions on medical furlough — both of which had been offered to severely ill or injured inmates.

The rising number of prisoners has applied additional pressure on overcrowded local jails, where more than half of Louisiana’s inmates are held instead of state-run prisons. Landry is asking the legislature for an additional $17 million to increase the rate paid to local sheriffs to house state inmates by $3 per day, from $26 to $29.

Advertisement

Louisiana Has More State Prisoners in Local Jails Than Any Other State in the Nation

More than half of Louisiana inmates are held in local jails instead of state-run prisons.


Share of prisoners in local jails

Advertisement

Share of prisoners in local jails

Advertisement

Share of prisoners in local jails

Advertisement

Share of prisoners in local jails

Share of prisoners in local jails

Advertisement

Share of prisoners in local jails

Advertisement

Note: Data as of 2023. Source: Department of Justice report on prison population released in September.

Chris Alcantara/ProPublica

Some lawmakers and prison reform advocates say there are indications that the Department of Corrections is seeing the need for a shift in strategy.

State Rep. Mandie Landry (no relation), a Democrat from New Orleans, said corrections department officials asked her to sponsor a bill that allows prisoners who earn an associate’s degree to shave 90 days off their sentences. And while that might not seem like much, she said, it’s a move in the right direction. “I think they’re realizing that what the legislature did a few years ago is going to explode into a nightmare in prison,” she said.

The legislature passed the bipartisan bill in April.

Advertisement

A corrections department spokesperson declined to respond to questions concerning the impact of Landry’s policies on the prison population and corrections budget, how those policies are impacting inmate medical care and if the department is seeking to gradually reverse any of Landry’s policies. Landry’s spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment.

Rising Corrections Budget

Landry is asking for an additional $82 million for next year’s corrections budget — 11% more than currently allotted. Over the past decade, the amount of state tax dollars spent on correctional services has fluctuated, especially during the coronavirus pandemic, when federal aid temporarily supplemented the corrections budget. But Landry’s policies will ensure the need for additional funds, said James Austin, a national corrections policy expert.

Landry’s Proposed Budget Could Push Statewide Prison Spending to Its Highest Level in a Decade

The actual spending in 2027 by the Department of Corrections could be even higher, based on past trends.


Advertisement

$750 million spent on

correctional services

Gov. Landry’s term

began in January

Advertisement

Proposed

$33 million addition

Advertisement

Proposed

$33 million

addition

Advertisement

Gov. Landry’s term

began in January

$750 million spent on correctional services

Advertisement

Gov. Landry’s term

began in January

Advertisement

Proposed

$33 million

addition

$750 million spent on correctional services

Advertisement

$750 million spent on

correctional services

Advertisement

Gov. Landry’s term

began in January

Proposed

Advertisement

$33 million addition

Proposed

Advertisement

$33 million

addition

Gov. Landry’s term

began in January

Advertisement

$750 million spent on correctional services

Advertisement

Gov. Landry’s term

began in January

Proposed

$33 million

Advertisement

addition

$750 million spent on correctional services

Advertisement

Note: Louisiana’s fiscal year runs from July 1 to June 30. Fiscal years 2016 to 2025 represent actual taxpayer spending on corrections after adjusting for inflation, using the most recent rate as of April. The amount of state funding dropped in fiscal years 2020 and 2021 because the state used federal pandemic aid to supplement its corrections budget. A key reason for the state funding increase in fiscal year 2025 was the cost of major repairs at two prisons. The figures for fiscal year 2026 represent the department’s budget as of December 2025 plus an additional amount the Landry administration has requested through June. Source: Louisiana Division of Administration.

Chris Alcantara/ProPublica

While overall state spending during Landry’s tenure is projected to drop by 2% when adjusted for inflation, corrections spending will increase by 9% if the governor’s proposed budget passes.

“There’s no indication that the need for more beds and more staff is going to flatten out. And I don’t think this governor will talk about increasing taxes,” Austin said. “All that’s left is to cut programs in other areas.”

A new report by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities in Washington, D.C., determined that the proposed increase in corrections spending would come at the expense of education. Landry has proposed cutting $165 million in education funding, including $40 million for state colleges and universities and $125 million for K-12 education, including teacher pay. (Landry backed a measure that would have paid for teacher raises by liquidating three education trust funds, but voters rejected the proposal in the May 16 election.)

“They have made the decision to boost the funding for prisons while deprioritizing the investments in teachers,” said Michael Mitchell, author of the report.

Advertisement

The state is forced to make cuts because Landry and the Republican-controlled legislature pushed through their 2024 criminal justice bills in less than two weeks without the typical debate over costs, said Sarah Omojola, director of the Louisiana office of the Vera Institute of Justice, a nonprofit focused on criminal justice reform.

“These rollbacks were very partisan and not supported by research, data or even fiscally sound policy,” Omojola said. “They just approved the bills before the legislative staff even computed what the full expenses were.”

A Landry spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment.

Rep. Debbie Villio, a Republican from Kenner who sponsored the 2024 bills that eliminated parole and significantly reduced the ability of prisoners to reduce their sentences through good behavior, did not respond to a request for comment.

“It is my position that this legislation will not ramp up prison population and costs,” Villio texted the Times-Picayune at the time the bills were passed.

Advertisement

An Older, Sicker Prison Population

The need for additional healthcare funds is yet another indicator of the costs associated with Landry’s changes to the state’s sentencing laws, said Bruce Reilly, deputy director of Voice of the Experienced, a New Orleans nonprofit that advocates for the rights of incarcerated people. Without the benefit of parole or the ability to reduce their sentences through good behavior, inmates will spend more time behind bars. That extra time will create an older and sicker population, Reilly said.

The number of older prisoners was already on the rise prior to Landry due, in part, to lengthy sentences secured in the 1980s to 2000s by previous New Orleans district attorneys.

Landry has asked for an increase of $14.3 million to pay for medical care in prisons for the next fiscal year, which begins in July. The administration is also asking for an additional $33 million for the current fiscal year to pay for medical care, overtime and supplies.

Louisiana Prisoners Over the Age of 70 Experienced the Highest Change in Population Since 2019

Since Landry took office in 2024, the population of prisoners over 70 has gone up 28%, while the overall prison population rose by 8%. Prisoners over 70 typically represent a small portion of the overall prison population.


Advertisement

Change in Louisiana prison

population by age group

Advertisement

Change in Louisiana prison population by age group

Advertisement

Change in Louisiana prison population by age group

Change in Louisiana prison

Advertisement

population by age group

Change in Louisiana prison population by age group

Advertisement

Change in Louisiana prison population by age group

Advertisement

Note: Prison totals used to calculate the rate for each age group are from Dec. 31 of each year. Source: Louisiana Department of Public Safety and Corrections.

Chris Alcantara/ProPublica

A 2024 investigation by Verite News and ProPublica detailed allegations of unconstitutional medical care provided to inmates being held in Angola’s medical ward. Austin, the corrections expert, said that a medical system that for decades has struggled to care for its most vulnerable will “only worsen” under the strain of a rapidly expanding and aging population.

In March, a federal appeals court threw out a lower-court order to have a court-appointed team oversee medical care at Angola, calling the proposed remedy “micromanagement” that violated the federal Prison Litigation Reform Act. The case has been sent back to the lower court.

For years, as both attorney general and governor, Landry has defended Angola’s healthcare system, claiming that inmates are entitled to only “adequate” medical care — not specialized care or the best care possible.

Advertisement

The legislature proposed two healthcare bills this year that would reduce medical costs. One that would restore medical parole and medical furlough as exceptions to the elimination of parole recently passed. Another, which would expand the time an inmate can be released into hospice, is still being considered.

Current law allows prison officials to release terminally ill prisoners two months prior to their expected death, which is the shortest hospice-release window in the country, according to Families Against Mandatory Minimums, a nonprofit focused on criminal justice reform. The proposed bill would double that time to four months, which would still be the shortest by a wide margin. Alabama, South Carolina and Tennessee have the next shortest window, at six months.

“These people are on their death bed. Some of these people don’t even realize they’re in prison,” said corrections secretary Gary Westcott at a March hearing on the proposed bill. And the costs associated with caring for these inmates can be extraordinarily high, Westcott said.

“We’re talking about changing diapers, feeding them. Most of them cannot do anything on their own,” he said, noting that once they are transferred to a hospital, those costs are picked up by Medicaid.



Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading
Advertisement

Trending