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New sickle cell treatment could cure thousands in Louisiana

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New sickle cell treatment could cure thousands in Louisiana


LAKE CHARLES, La. (KPLC) – Kelsi Victorian, 30, has been in and out of the hospital her whole life dealing with a disease that affects millions in the world.

“I was diagnosed at maybe around the age of two or three years old because I continued to get sick. The disease was present from the time I was born, and it’s been an uphill battle, but it’s definitely something that has made me stronger,” said Victorian.

She was tested at birth because no one in her immediate family had the disease.

But since she was around two years old, she has had to travel either out of state or to larger cities to seek help.

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Most of her schooling was even done in a hospital bed.

The disease has not only taken effects on her physical abilities but her mental, as well.

“Sickle cell has taken things away from me, but it’s also maybe to realize that I have to be stronger than the average person. I like to think of it as my luggage. It’s something that I must carry with me, but it’s up to myself as to how heavy I pack it,” said Victorian.

In New York, a 21-year-old man has been cured of sickle cell anemia.

In a groundbreaking treatment, doctors used his own bone marrow in IV transfusions to create normal red blood cells – making him the first person to be cured of this devastating disease using this treatment.

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Victorian says this gives her hope, that one day millions can be cured of this debilitating weight they carry.

“So being able to see that they have used his own bone marrow is a tremendous innovation. It’s something that gives so many people a great outlook on what can be done to affect the lives of those who suffer with sickle cell,” said Victorian.



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Judge denies Tufts student's release from detention in Louisiana

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Judge denies Tufts student's release from detention in Louisiana


Rümeysa Öztürk. (Photo courtesy Eliot-Pearson Department of Child Study and Human Development at Tufts University)

An immigration judge denied bond Wednesday to Rümeysa Öztürk, the Tufts University student who was picked up by federal agents and quickly transferred to a Louisiana detention center last month, her attorneys said.

In a hearing that was closed to the press, the Louisiana judge was asked to determine whether Öztürk posed a flight risk or a danger to her community, according to her attorneys.

The Department of Homeland Security argued that Öztürk posed a flight risk. The judge agreed and determined she should continue to be held.

The denial of bond narrows the pathways available to Öztürk to be released from detention.

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A separate challenge to the legitimacy of her arrest and detention is playing out concurrently in a Vermont federal court. Her attorneys are asking the judge there to have her released or returned to Vermont by April 18.

This is a developing story and will be updated. 



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American Rendition: Journey to a Louisiana Cell

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American Rendition: Journey to a Louisiana Cell


The arrest and detention of Rümeysa Öztürk, a child development researcher who has not been charged with a crime, reveals what President Donald Trump’s deportation campaign looks like on the ground. Hanna Allam reports. 

With a line of cars waiting behind them at the train station, the two women hugged tightly as they said goodbye at the end of a spring break that hadn’t turned out to be the relaxing vacation they’d imagined. Their girls trip had transformed into endless conversations about security precautions as one of the friends, 30-year-old Turkish national Rümeysa Öztürk, grew increasingly worried she would become a target of the Trump administration’s deportation campaign.

Öztürk, a former Fulbright scholar in a doctoral program at Tufts University, was stunned to find out in early March that she had been targeted by a pro-Israel group that highlighted an op-ed she co-wrote last year criticizing the school’s response to the war in Gaza. Her concern deepened days later with the detention of former Columbia University graduate student Mahmoud Khalil, a permanent resident the government is trying to deport over his role in pro-Palestinian demonstrations on campus.

By the time of Öztürk’s spring break trip on March 15, she was consumed with anxiety, said her friend E., an Arab American academic on the East Coast who asked to withhold her name and other identifying details for security reasons. During their reunion in E.’s hometown, the first time they’d been together since the summer, the friends looked up know-your-rights tutorials and discussed whether Öztürk should cut short her doctoral program.

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They spent their last day together filling out intake forms for legal aid groups — just in case. Right up until their last minutes together at the train station, they wrestled with how cautious Öztürk should be when she returned to Massachusetts. Öztürk wondered if she should avoid communal dinners, a feature of Muslim social life during the holy month of Ramadan.

“I told her to keep going out, to be with her community. I wanted her to live her life,” E. recalled, her voice breaking. “And then she got abducted in broad daylight.” By now, much of the country has seen the footage of Oztürk’s capture.

Surveillance video from March 25 shows her walking to dinner in Somerville, Massachusetts, near the Tufts campus, chatting on the phone with her mother when she is swarmed by six masked plainclothes officers. Öztürk screams. Within three minutes, she’s bundled into an unmarked car and whisked away, a jarring scene that showed the nation what President Donald Trump’s deportation campaign looks like on the street level: federal agents ambushing a Muslim woman who co-wrote an op-ed in a college newspaper.

Plainclothes DHS agents are seen detaining Rumeysa Ozturk on March 25 in Somerville, Massachusetts. (Wikimedia Commons/ Public Domain)

The footage drew worldwide outrage and turned Öztürk into a powerful symbol of the Department of Homeland Security dragnet. To piece together what’s happened since then, ProPublica examined court filings and interviewed attorneys and Öztürk’s close friend, who regularly speaks to her in detention. What emerges is a more intimate picture of Öztürk and how a child development researcher charged with no crime ended up in a crowded cell in Louisiana.

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The interviews and court records also provide a glimpse into a sprawling, opaque apparatus designed to deport the maximum number of people with minimum accountability. Her lawyers describe it as the story of a Trump-era rendition, a callback to the post-9/11 practice of federal agents grabbing Muslim suspects off the street and taking them to locations known for harsh conditions and shoddy oversight.

Öztürk is among nearly 1,000 students whose visas have been revoked, according to a tally by the Association of International Educators. And she is among several students and professors who have been detained. Her detention was exceptional, immigration attorneys said, because it was caught on camera. What’s scariest, they say, is how fast the removals happen and how little is known about them.

Homeland Security spokespeople did not respond to requests for comment.

The video of Öztürk’s arrest surfaced because Boston-area activists had set up a hotline for locals to report interactions with Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The call that came in about Öztürk reported a “kidnapping,” said Fatema Ahmad of the Muslim Justice League, part of the advocacy network that obtained the footage. “What broke me was her screaming. And knowing that the same thing had just happened to almost 400 people in the Boston area the week before,” she said, referring to a recent six-day ICE operation.

After her arrest, Öztürk was held by ICE incommunicado for nearly 24 hours, her attorneys said, during which time she suffered the first of four asthma attacks. Only later, through court filings and conversations with Öztürk, her attorneys learned that in the course of a single night she was taken from Massachusetts to New Hampshire and then Vermont, where the next morning, she was loaded onto a plane and flown to an ICE outpost in Alexandria, Louisiana.

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Her last stop was a detention center in Basile about an hour away, where she remains, one of two dozen women in a damp, mouse-infested cell built to hold 14, according to court filings. ICE officials say in court documents they couldn’t find a bed for Öztürk in New England, adding that out-of-state transfers are “routinely conducted after arrest, due to operational necessity.”

Immigration attorneys say the late-night hopscotch was an ICE tactic to complicate jurisdiction and thwart legal attempts to stop Öztürk’s removal. Louisiana and Texas, they say, are favored destinations because the courts there are viewed as friendlier to the Trump administration’s MAGA agenda, issuing decisions limiting migrant rights. “It was like a relay race, and she was the baton,” Öztürk’s attorney Mahsa Khanbabai said.

‘Whole Other Level of Terror’

On March 4, two weeks before their spring break reunion, Öztürk texted her friend E. to say she’d been “doxxed” by Canary Mission, part of an array of shadowy, right-wing Jewish groups that are criticized for using cherry-picked statements and distorted context to portray even mild criticism of Israel as antisemitism or support for terrorism.

For more than a decade, hard-line pro-Israel groups have publicized the names of pro-Palestinian activists, academics and students, often with scant or dubious “evidence” to back allegations of anti-Jewish bigotry.

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The goal, civil liberties advocates say, is to silence protesters through campaigns that have cost targets jobs and led to death threats. On its website, Canary Mission said it is “motivated by a desire to combat” antisemitism on college campuses. It says it investigates individuals and groups “across the North American political spectrum, including the far-right, far-left and anti-Israel activists.”

“Free Rumeysa Ozturk” signs at a protest in Hyannis, Massachusetts, March 29. (Santuit Studio/ Flickr/ Public Domain)

The effort was stepped up during the wave of student protests that erupted in opposition to the war in Gaza. Öztürk’s entry on the Canary Mission site, posted in February, claims she “engaged in anti-Israel activism in 2024,” citing the op-ed she co-wrote more than a year ago that accused Tufts of ignoring students’ calls to divest from companies with ties to Israel over human rights concerns.

“I can not believe how much time people have,” Öztürk texted her friend when she saw the post. E. responded with an open-mouthed “shocked” emoji.

The Canary Mission entry, she said, had unlocked “a whole other level of terror” for Öztürk. “It was that feeling of having your privacy be so violated — for people to spend all this time and energy on one op-ed,” E. said. The op-ed published in The Tufts Daily was signed by four authors, including Öztürk, and endorsed by more than 30 other unnamed students. The language echoed the statements of United Nations officials and international war crimes investigators about the death toll in Gaza, which according to health officials there has passed 50,000, with about a third of the casualties under 18.

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Öztürk, an advocate for children in communities plagued by violence, was personally heartsick over images of burned and mangled Palestinian children. But she was not a prominent activist or a fixture at campus protests, her friends and attorneys say. Öztürk’s attorneys, who appeared Monday before before a federal judge in Vermont, say the sole basis for revoking her visa appears to be the op-ed highlighted by Canary Mission.

Ramzi Kassem, a lawyer representing Öztürk, said pro-Israel groups are providing the administration with lists of targets for its deportation campaign against noncitizen student protesters. “The sequence of events,” he said, “is op-ed, doxxing, detention.”

Pro-Israel groups, including Canary Mission, have boasted about their influence on the Trump administration’s targeting of student protesters.

Immigration officials insist that they make their own removal decisions based on a number of factors, including a hard line on criticism of Israel. Secretary of State Marco Rubio says he has revoked more than 300 student visas, including for Khalil and Öztürk, under the Immigration and Nationality Act, which permits the deportation of noncitizens who are deemed “adversarial to the foreign policy and national security interests” of the United States.

“We gave you a visa to come and study and get a degree, not to become a social activist who tears up our university campuses,” Rubio told a news conference last month in response to a question about Öztürk’s detention. “Every day I find one of these lunatics, I take away their visa.”

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Rubio during a visit to Israel in February. (U.S. Embassy Jerusalem/ CC BY 2.0)

A spokesperson said the State Department does not comment on ongoing litigation. In a call with reporters on Thursday, attorney Marc Van Der Hout of Khalil’s legal team said the authority Rubio cites was intended for rare occasions involving high-level diplomatic matters, “not to be used to go after people for First Amendment-protected activity.”

Overnight Odyssey

Surrounded by masked officers on March 25, Öztürk had no idea who was seizing her or where she was being taken, according to a statement filed last Thursday in federal court. The operatives were dressed in civilian clothes, she wrote, so at first she worried they were vigilantes spurred by Canary Mission. “I had never seen police approach and take someone away like this,” she wrote. “I thought they were people who had doxxed me and I was afraid for my safety.”

Öztürk’s statement details her harrowing night being shuttled across New England with little food after a day of fasting for Ramadan. She describes being shackled by her feet and stomach and then driven to different sites for meetings with unidentified men, some in uniform and some not. One group so unsettled her, Öztürk wrote, that she “was sure they were going to kill me.”

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At another stop, described in the statement as an isolated parking lot, Öztürk repeatedly asked an officer if she was in physical danger. “He seemed to feel guilty and said ‘we are not monsters,’” Öztürk wrote. At the last stop in Vermont, Öztürk wrote, she arrived famished and with “a lot of motion sickness from all the driving.” Officers took her biometric data and a DNA sample. She would stay there for the night, in a cell with just a hard bench and a toilet.

Officers gained access to her cellphone, she wrote, including personal photos of her without her religious headscarf. “During the night they came to my cell multiple times and asked me questions about wanting to apply for asylum and if I was a member of a terrorist organization,” Öztürk wrote. “I tried to be helpful and answer their questions but I was so tired and didn’t understand what was happening to me.”

Around 4 the next morning, she wrote, she was shackled again in preparation for a trip to the airport. She was told the destination was Louisiana. Her statement to the court recounts the parting words of one of her jailers: “I hope we treated you with respect.” At nearly every stage of her detention, Öztürk, who takes daily preventative medication for asthma, experienced asthma attacks, which she says are triggered by fumes, mold or stress, court files say.

During one in Louisiana, Öztürk wrote, a nurse took her temperature and said, “You need to take that thing off your head,” before removing her hijab without asking. When Öztürk protested, the nurse told her, “This is for your health.” By her fourth wheezing episode, Öztürk wrote, she didn’t bother to seek attention from her jailers in Louisiana: “I didn’t feel safe at the medical center.”

After the portrait Öztürk paints of ICE detention, her statement turns back to her old life, a reminder of how abruptly her world has shifted. From her cell in Louisiana, she described the plans she had in the coming months. Completing her dissertation. A conference in Minnesota. Students to mentor. A summer class to teach.“I want to return to Tufts to resume all of my cherished work,” she concluded.

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Reunion Interrupted

Öztürk and E. bonded in 2018 after meeting at a Muslim study group in New York, where they were both attending Columbia University. They were in their 20s then, two bookish cat lovers who were serious about their studies and their faith. They went on nature walks and liked afternoon naps. “Old ladies,” E. said with a laugh.

They remained close and took turns visiting after Öztürk left for Tufts and E. moved away from the city. Over the years, the pressures of grad school and distance had made their visits less frequent, E. said, so they’d been looking forward to their three-day spring break catch-up. During the visit, E. said, the women broke their fast together and visited a mosque for late-night Ramadan prayers. They stopped by a children’s library Öztürk wanted to visit.

They stayed up late talking, gaming out how to keep Öztürk safe from the Trump administration’s crackdown. “She said, ‘I think this is going to be the last time I get to visit you,’” E. recalled. “I told her, ‘No, no, you’re going to be able to come again, don’t worry, and I’m going to come visit you.’ That all turned out to be wrong.”

The friends had kept in touch daily after parting at the train station. They exchanged mundane texts and voice notes about doing taxes and eating cookies. E. sent Öztürk a photo of the park where they had walked during their visit. “Rümeysa! The trees are starting to bloom again,” she wrote. They last texted on March 25, a couple hours before Öztürk was detained on the way to dinner in Somerville.

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E. didn’t find out what happened until the next morning, when she stumbled out of bed before dawn for the early meal Muslims eat before the daily Ramadan fast. Sipping her tea, E. scrolled through her phone and spotted a message that said, “Have you seen this?” alongside an alert about Öztürk’s arrest. “It was like: ‘Is this real? Am I still asleep?’” she recalled.

E. said the idea of her gentle friend being swept into ICE custody still didn’t seem real until later that morning, when the video was released and she saw a familiar figure, in the same white jacket she’d worn on her visit. “It was utterly nauseating to watch,” E. said. “So horrifying and so heartbreaking to see her have to be so violently taken that way.”

Trying to Be a ‘Good Detainee’

Two days after Öztürk’s transfer to Louisiana, E. received a call from a strange number that came up on her phone as “Prison/Jail.” It was Öztürk, in the first of what would become regular check-ins at random times of the day. In interviews, E. showed ProPublica corroborating photos, text messages and voice notes of her interactions with her friend.

“She always starts with, ‘Is this a good time to talk?’ And I’m, like, ‘I’ve been waiting for this,’” E. said. Some days, Öztürk sounds upbeat. Turkish diplomats, she told E., had delivered her a new hijab. Öztürk found a cookbook and noted a citrus salad recipe she might try someday. She cracked jokes about being too old to climb into a bunk bed every night.

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In one call, Öztürk expressed relief that she’d filed her taxes before getting detained — a perfect example, E. said, of her overachieving friend’s wry sense of humor. “She read the detainee handbook two times,” E. said. “She said, ‘I’m trying to be a good detainee.’”

Other calls are not as easy, E. said, adding that she didn’t want to divulge specifics out of respect for her friend’s privacy. In those harder talks, E. said, she wishes she could “be there to tell her it’ll be OK, give her a hug.” Their conversations are sprinkled with reminders that Öztürk’s nightmare might not end soon. She asked for help canceling appointments and returning library books. She’s also in the process of requesting a single paperback, per detention regulations.

If approved, she wants E. to find her a guide for writing children’s literature, preferably with exercises she could do from her cell. E. said her heart ached when Öztürk asked her to make the book a long one. The calls and tasks ease feelings of helplessness, E. said, an antidote for the guilt that sneaks up on her when she walks outside on a sunny day.

“How is it that we’re moving forward,” she said, “while my closest friend is rotting in this place?”

Hanna Allam covers national security issues, with a focus on militant movements and counterterrorism efforts.

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This article is from ProPublica and republished under Creative Commons License (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). 

Views expressed in this article and may or may not reflect those of Consortium News.



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33 Southwest Louisiana Teams Make LHSAA Baseball Playoffs

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33 Southwest Louisiana Teams Make LHSAA Baseball Playoffs


LAKE CHARLES, La. (KPLC) – The LHSAA Baseball playoff brackets were released on Tuesday with 33 teams from Southwest Louisiana making it.

Non-Select Division I (three-game series’):

  • 2. Barbe
    • 30-4 regular season record, 24-consecutive wins
    • Bi-district round bye, will host winner of 15. Central – Baton Rouge and 18. Destrehan in regional round
  • 11. Sam Houston
    • 27-7 regular season record
    • Will host 22. St. Amant in bi-district round
      • Game one: Wednesday, April 16th, 6:30 PM
      • Game two: Thursday, April 17th, 4:00 PM
      • Game three*: Thursday, April 17th, 6:30 PM
  • 20. Sulphur
    • 16-18 regular season
    • Will play at 13. Covington in bi-district round
      • Game one: Friday, April 18th, 6:00 PM
      • Game two: Saturday, April 19th, 12:00 PM
      • Game three*: Saturday, April 19th, 3:00 PM

Non-Select Division II (three-game series’):

  • 5. Iowa
    • 15-13 regular season record
    • Bi-district round bye, will host winner of 12. Pearl River and 21. Plaquemine in regional round
  • 8. Iota
    • 20-9 regular season record
    • Bi-district round bye, will host winner of 9. North Vermilion and 24. Beau Chene in regional round
  • 20. Jennings
    • 13-14 regular season record
    • Will play at 13. South Terrebonne in bi-district round
      • Game one: Thursday, April 17th, 4:00 PM
      • Game two: Saturday, April 19th, 12:00 PM
      • Game three*: Saturday, April 19th, 3:00 PM

Non-Select Division III (three-game series’):

  • 3. South Beauregard
    • 20-9 regular season record
    • Bi-district round bye, will host winner of 14. Loreauville and 19. Port Allen in regional round
  • 4. Westlake
    • 22-10 regular season record
    • Bi-district round bye, will host winner of 13. Lakeside and 20. Crowley in regional round
  • 8. Kinder
    • 18-11 regular season record
    • Bi-district round bye, will host winner of 9. French Settlement and 24. North Webster in regional round

Non-Select Division IV (one-game rounds):

  • 2. Welsh
    • 20-10 regular season record
    • Bi-district round bye, will host winner of 15. Franklin and 18. Oberlin in regional round
  • 3. DeQuincy
    • 22-11 regular season record
    • Bi-district round bye, will host winner of 14. LaSalle and 19. Homer in regional round
  • 5. Oakdale
    • 18-12 regular season record
    • Bi-district round bye, will host winner of 12. East Iberville and 21. Lakeview in regional round
  • 6. Vinton
    • 16-11 regular season record
    • Bi-district round bye, will host winner of 11. Logansport and 22. South Plaquemines in regional round
  • 7. Grand Lake
    • 21-7 regular season record
    • Bi-district round bye, will host winner of 10. Delcambre and 23. West St. John in regional round
  • 16. Lake Arthur
    • 12-16 regular season record
    • Will host 17. Merryville in bi-district round
  • 17. Merryville
    • 10-9 regular season record
    • Will play at 16. Lake Arthur in bi-district round
  • 18. Oberlin
    • 7-14 regular season record
    • Will play at 15. Franklin in bi-district round
      • Tuesday, April 22nd, 6:00 PM
  • 24. East Beauregard
    • 3-17 regular season record
    • Will play at 9. Montgomery in bi-district round

Select Division II (three-game series’):

  • 15. Leesville
    • 11-15 regular season record
    • Will host 18. McDonogh #35 in bi-district round
  • 17. Lake Charles College Prep
    • 13-18 regular season record
    • Will play at 16. Tara in bi-district round

Select Division III (three-game series’):

  • 5. St. Louis Catholic
    • 14-18 regular season record
    • Will host 12. Holy Savior Menard in regional round
  • 11. Rosepine
    • 20-10 regular season record
    • Will play at 6. Episcopal in regional round

Class B (one-game rounds):

  • 1. Pitkin
    • 19-7 regular season record
    • Bi-district round bye, will host winner of 16. Zwolle and 17. Simsboro in regional round
  • 4. Hicks
    • 15-10 regular season record
    • Bi-district round bye, will host winner of 13. Stanley and 20. Fairview in regional round
  • 7. Elizabeth
    • 23-10 regular season record
    • Will host 10. Lacassine in regional round
  • 10. Lacassine
    • 11-12 regular season record
    • Will play at 7. Elizabeth in regional round
  • 11. Anacoco
    • 12-16 regular season record
    • Will play at 6. Holden in regional round
  • 20. Fairview
    • 11-8 regular season record
    • Will play at 13. Stanley in bi-district round

Class C (one-game rounds):

  • 5. Hackberry
    • 10-10 regular season record
    • Will host 12. Simpson in regional round
  • 15. Reeves
    • 10-15 regular season record
    • Will host 18. Starks in bi-district round
  • 18. Starks
    • 7-12 regular season record
    • Will play at 15. Reeves in bi-district round
  • 19. Evans
    • 7-10 regular season record
    • Will play at 14. Plainview in bi-district round
      • Thursday, April 24th, 4:30 PM
  • 20. Singer
    • 7-17 regular season record
    • Will play at 13. Northside Christian in bi-district round

*=Game if necessary



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