Louisiana
After Texas anti-ICE terror conviction, Louisiana can’t afford to stay silent | The Lens
Less than two months after ICE deployed in large numbers to Louisiana, nine protesters in Texas were convicted of federal charges including “terror” for a noise demonstration in support of immigrants held at the Prairieland Detention Center in Alvarado last July.
Just a state away in Louisiana, the silence is as deafening as it is dangerous. Texas and Louisiana operate as a unit to help the Trump administration execute mass deportation and the criminalization of those who resist it.
It’s past time to speak up: about the central role our two states play in the brutal federal deportation campaign, our state governors’ eagerness to create their own state-run immigration empire, and the Prairieland protest of July 4, 2025, which ended with anti-ICE protesters convicted as terrorists.
As Texas’s partners in crime, Louisiana is actively participating in the federal system that these defendants are fighting. And as the repression that stems from Prairieland spreads, the path leads next to Louisiana.
In December, the widespread organizing in Louisiana in response to Catahoula Crunch brought a glimpse of what local resistance to ICE and DHS could look like. The agencies left Louisiana early, relocating their show of force from New Orleans to Minneapolis. But their attack on immigrants and the people who support them across the Gulf South continues. We cannot afford to lose focus or momentum.
At this moment in Louisiana, that means keeping all eyes on the Prairieland defendants and the ways our fate will be tied to theirs.
Since the beginning of the second Trump administration, the highly visible brutality of ICE and resulting demonstrations like the one in Prairieland have brought increased attention to what is designed to be an invisible matrix for the disappearance, detention, and deportation of people living in the US.
Together, Texas and Louisiana make up the center of ICE activity, working as a logistical and political unit to maintain the world’s largest immigration incarceration regime. Nearly half of the nation’s detainees are held in these two states.
Though Southern states have long housed the majority of ICE detainees, over the last year the agency has increasingly transported people arrested in other regions to Texas and Louisiana, where private facilities profit from filling beds and people can be detained indefinitely without bond due to a decision this February from the conservative Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals in New Orleans.
Texas, where the Prairieland defendants staged their protest, leads the nation in detainees and deaths. Louisiana is second and frequently receives transfers from Texas and other states as home to the Alexandria Staging Facility, the only ICE facility in the U.S. with its own airport that serves as the nation’s busiest hub for deportations.
Gov. Jeff Landry has also formalized partnerships with Gov. Greg Abbott of Texas for joint immigration investigation and enforcement, including an interstate compact to share intelligence and surveillance and the funding and authority, approved by the Louisiana legislature, to dispatch the Louisiana National Guard to Texas to secure its southern border that divides the U.S. and Mexico.
In 2021, in response to the lifting of Trump-era federal immigration, Abbott declared a “state of emergency,” which he has since renewed monthly. This tactic is part of a broader strategy to claim immigration as a state responsibility, alongside or instead of federal authorities. Both Texas and Louisiana have passed laws that would shift these powers from emergency allowances into permanent statutes. Louisiana’s SB 388 is explicitly tied to the Texas law on which it was modeled, with both paused as they await a decision from the Fifth Circuit this spring.
As Louisiana and Texas power our national mass deportation machine, the Prairieland case is a warning and test case for how the two states are expanding their attack on immigrants to include the people who stand up for and support them. In the U.S. Department of Justice’s first successful prosecution of alleged “anti-fa” members on charges related to terrorism, the federal government has also succeeded in marginalizing nine people who oppose the escalation of state violence. These are not extremists.
Noise demonstrations like the one these defendants joined outside of Prairieland Detention Center in Texas are an established tradition in New Orleans. Every year on New Year’s Eve, a crowd of people gather and make noise outside Orleans Parish Prison. During noise demonstrations, the point is for people locked inside to hear voices, music, and noise, to remind them that they are not alone. The Prairieland defendants used a megaphone to chant words of support and solidarity to detainees.
Some inside were fellow protesters. ICE detention has become an increasingly common tactic to silence and punish people born outside the U.S. for using their freedom of speech to criticize the U.S. government. At the time of the noise demonstration, Leqaa Kordia was detained inside Prairieland because of an arrest at Columbia University, where she had been protesting the genocide in Palestine. Months later, she was detained, flown to Prairieland Detention Center, and held for a year in conditions she described as “filthy” and “inhumane.”
Four hours from New Orleans, another Columbia protester, Mahmoud Khalil, was held for over one hundred days at a detention center in Jena, Louisiana, where a federal judge issued a deportation order that remains in legal limbo.
Every witness who participated in the Prairieland noise demonstration testified that they had no expectation of violence. They wore black, carried a “Resist Facism” flag, blew soap bubbles into the air, and carried sparklers and a few small fireworks. Prosecutors took the use of fireworks out of context to charge defendants with the use of “explosives,” then used these counts to substantiate charges of “riot” and “terror.”
In trial and in the court of public opinion, the prosecution has likewise catastrophized a nonfatal shooting into a conviction for “attempted murder,” while both failing to disclose that the Alvarado Police Department officer who was allegedly shot in the shoulder got out of his car with his gun drawn, barring the alleged shooter from claiming self-defense or defense of others.
We have seen across the nation that people largely support the right to protest, especially in the face of ICE’s mounting brutality. But in the Prairieland case, the prosecution’s strategy to put the shooting front and center has distracted and divided a movement just as it was gaining momentum.
The Prairieland demonstration was not an isolated event. It came a month after the mass protests against ICE in Los Angeles and the Trump administration’s first deployment of the National Guard to what would be a series of American cities. As public outrage reaches a turning point, the Prairieland case gives federal officials a timely opportunity to demobilize a growing national movement against ICE by spreading misinformation and fear.
This playbook has already been in use. After Renee Good and Alex Pretti were murdered by federal immigration agents in Minneapolis less than three weeks apart, Department of Homeland Security leaders labeled both of them “domestic terrorists.”
The attempts to discredit Good and Pretti largely failed. But in the Prairieland case, defendants have been convicted of “terror.” For this federal administration, that makes Prairieland a success, and a model to follow to stifle future opposition.
At a time when the state is flexing overt and fatal forms of repression, we are still defending the humanity of the people they kill, lock up, or disappear. The Prairieland defendants met the fate of the people who defend the victims of U.S. state violence the loudest and most insistently, which is to join them, caged and dismissed as criminals (even as nearly 75% of detainees have not been convicted of a crime).
On Monday, lawyers for the nine Prairieland defendants filed motions to overturn their convictions. As they go through their appeals, it’s likely that the case will unfold in the Fifth Circuit in New Orleans, where the defendants will fight for the right to resist a crisis of humanity as rooted in Louisiana as it is in Texas.
The verdict will have a bearing not only on our ability to support immigrants and resist ICE, but to carry out any form of political dissent.
This type of repression can easily happen in Louisiana. A law passed this year made it a state crime to interfere with ICE, language that the bill’s own sponsor acknowledged is expansive enough to charge someone for providing aid to an “unauthorized” immigrant.
This has been a long time coming. Trump first announced his intent to designate “anti-fa” as a terrorist organization on social media six days after the murder of George Floyd, a promise he followed through on this past September in response to another mass movement against law enforcement brutality.
The idea did not come out of nowhere. In 2019, Sen. Ted Cruz and Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana jointly introduced a resolution proposing the designation.

Though “anti-fa” stands for “anti-facism,” Trump and his backers in Texas and Louisiana have mangled its origins and purpose, invoking the abbreviation to discredit demonstrators as marginal and extreme. As Pam Bondi has already assured, Prairieland will not be the last time that Trump and his backers twist the term to propose that people who speak out against fascism are somehow more threatening than fascism itself.
As mass deportation and the criminalization of dissent crosses state lines, so too must our solidarity. Where Texas goes, Louisiana follows. We are all the Prairieland defendants, whether we choose to see it now or once it’s too late.
While Leqaa Kordia was still being held in the Prairieland Detention Center, Mahmoud Khalil wrote to her: “It will end…Not because the system will suddenly discover its conscience. Not because those who put you there will wake up one morning and realize the cruelty of what they have done. It will end because people will force it to end.”
The Prairieland defendants were some of these people. We say to them and to everyone in ICE custody what Khalil said to Kordia in closing: “I will carry you until you are free.”
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Louisiana
Senate amendment to bill would allow active climate change lawsuits
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The former U.S. vice president and lifelong Tennessean says he’ll keep advocating until something changes
(The Center Square) — Legislation designed to shield Louisiana companies from climate change litigation is moving toward final passage in the State Legislature, but an amendment added just before a Senate committee vote fundamentally altered the bill’s scope.
The “Louisiana Energy Protection Act,” or House Bill 804, authored by Rep. Brett Geymann, R-Lake Charles, was aimed in its original form at granting Louisiana companies sweeping, retroactive immunity against lawsuits seeking damages from climate change.
The last-minute amendment adopted by the Senate Natural Resources Committee on Tuesday added a grandfathering clause to the legislation that exempts all lawsuits filed before the bill becomes law.
Victor Marcello, a partner at Talbot, Carmouche & Marcello, which represents clients in several coastal erosion lawsuits, reviewed the newly filed amendment on his cell phone just before testifying.
Even with the amendment, Marcello maintained that the Louisiana Energy Protection Act remains “a solution in search of a problem.” He said that most climate-related lawsuits filed nationwide are actually cases accusing oil companies of misleading the public about environmental impacts.
“No one in this state has made such a claim, and I doubt anyone in this state, city, or parish will ever make such a claim,” Marcello said at the hearing. He contended the legal definitions in the bill are overly broad, and he said this could accidentally allow corporate legal defense teams in Louisiana to dodge liability for routine, localized land contamination and pollution lawsuits.
Geymann, chair of the House Committee on Natural Resources and Environment, said in previous testimony that Louisiana is not acting alone, noting Oklahoma and Utah already have adopted legislation or are currently considering similar legal prohibitions.
“The purpose is to prevent lawsuits against fossil fuel companies, against people, against businesses, against government agencies, against nonprofits, for a claim for damages related to climate change,” Geymann said at a committee meeting last week.
Geymann said the bill is focused on the nature of the claim rather than the defendant, which could prevent ordinary Louisianans from being targeted.
“If you were a landowner and you had a lease with an oil company for a pipeline or a well, and that company was sued… you too could be swept up in that,” Geymann said.
Louisiana
Portion of Louisiana Highway 1 to be named after fallen Vivian officer
SHREVEPORT, La. (KSLA) – A fallen Vivian police officer will soon be honored with a memorial highway designation.
Sen. Sam L. Jenkins Jr. announced Gov. Jeff Landry has signed Senate Bill 70, which will name a portion of Louisiana Highway 1 the “Officer Marc Brock Memorial Highway.”
Brock was killed in the line of duty while serving with the Vivian Police Department. Jenkins said the timing of the bill’s signing is especially significant ahead of Memorial Day.
“It is especially meaningful that this legislation was signed just in time for Memorial Day, as we prepare to honor those who made the ultimate sacrifice in service to others,” Jenkins said. “For the Town of Vivian, this will also be the first Memorial Day season remembering Officer Marc Brock—a son, brother, nephew, fiancé, friend, officer, and youth sports coach who touched so many lives.”
“Marc Brock was more than a badge,” Jenkins added. “Whether serving his community or mentoring young people through sports, he represented the very best of public service, leadership, and compassion.”
Details on a future dedication ceremony have not been released and will be announced at a later date. The new designation takes effect Aug. 1, 2026.
Copyright 2026 KSLA. All rights reserved.
Louisiana
Louisiana’s Tough-on-Crime Policies Stand to Cost Taxpayers Millions More for Years to Come
The day after a shooting last month killed a teenager and injured five people at the Mall of Louisiana, Gov. Jeff Landry blasted what he referred to as “hug-a-thug” policies — reforms put in place prior to his tenure when the state was trying to shed its reputation as the nation’s incarceration capital. He also demanded harsher penalties for violent minors.
“I’m done with them. It doesn’t matter how old they are,” Landry, a Republican, said during a news conference in Baton Rouge. “We’ve got 18,000 acres at Angola — if it was up to me, I would send them all there for the rest of their lives.”’
Landry’s push for harsher punishments that would keep people in prison longer came as little surprise. Soon after his 2024 inauguration, he won a package of tough-on-crime bills that drastically changed the state’s sentencing laws. A Landry spokesperson at the time brushed off concerns from civil rights groups and incarceration experts that it would swell the prison population and plunge the state into financial disaster, insisting that “less crime means greater economic opportunity for everyone.”
Two years later, the governor wants to add hundreds more beds in Louisiana’s largest prison and spend more on medical costs as prisoners stay longer behind bars. His proposed $798 million corrections budget, which the Republican-controlled legislature is expected to pass by June 1, represents a 9% increase from the inflation-adjusted total spent in fiscal year 2024, the last budget passed before his tenure. The increased budget is the first indication that the rising inmate population resulting from Landry’s policies is costing Louisiana taxpayers.
ProPublica and Verite News have spent more than two years investigating how Landry’s policies have impacted Louisiana’s criminal justice system. The number of prisoners paroled under Landry has plummeted to its lowest point in 20 years, due in part to a law he signed that cedes much of the power of the parole board to a computerized algorithm. And the prison population as a whole is expected to become older and sicker since Landry and the legislature eliminated medical parole.
Landry also ushered in a law that lowered the age at which the justice system must treat defendants as adults from 18 to 17 years old to combat what he characterized as an epidemic of violent crime committed by minors. But an investigation by ProPublica and Verite News found that 69% of 17-year olds in three of the state’s largest parishes were arrested for offenses that Louisiana law does not consider violent crimes.
Many experts say the full impact of these changes won’t be felt for at least another decade. The Crime and Justice Institute, a Boston-based nonpartisan public-safety research organization, predicts that by 2034, Landry’s rollback of inmates’ ability to shave time off their sentences through good behavior will double the size of the state’s prison population, double the number of nonviolent offenders being held and cost an estimated $2 billion for new prisons to accommodate the population.
Here is how Landry’s policies have already begun to impact Louisiana’s prisons and budget.
Prison Population Change
In the two years after Landry took office, the number of state prisoners has increased by about 8%, and Landry’s budget indicates that number will continue to rise. The governor is asking for an additional 688 beds at the state’s largest prison, the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola, which will require the hiring of 150 correctional officers.
A corrections department spokesperson said the increased capacity is necessary because under the previous administration, “beds were significantly decreased, correctional officer positions were cut, facilities closed, and funding [was] eliminated.”
In 2017, a bipartisan coalition of Louisiana legislators had passed an ambitious package of bills designed to reduce the number of nonviolent offenders behind bars — and with it the state’s nation-leading prison population.
By 2021, the number of nonviolent offenders in state prisons and jails dropped by 55% and the overall prison population by 26%, according to the U.S. Department of Justice.
Louisiana’s Prison Population Has Continued to Go Up Under Gov. Jeff Landry
After years of steady decline due to a bipartisan prison-reform package, the state’s incarcerated population started climbing again in 2022, after the height of the coronavirus pandemic, as courts reopened and crime rates rose. The increase has continued as a result of Landry’s criminal justice rollbacks.
Gov. Landry’s
term began in
January
Gov. Landry’s term
began in January
Gov. Landry’s term
began in January
Gov. Landry’s
term began in
January
Gov. Landry’s term
began in January
Gov. Landry’s term
began in January
Chris Alcantara/ProPublica
But in early 2024, Landry signed a series of bills that repealed most of those reforms. The governor and his allies in the legislature eliminated parole for anyone convicted of a crime committed after Aug. 1, 2024, and required prisoners to serve at least 85% of their sentences before they can reduce their time through good behavior. The elimination of parole also got rid of medical parole and put additional restrictions on medical furlough — both of which had been offered to severely ill or injured inmates.
The rising number of prisoners has applied additional pressure on overcrowded local jails, where more than half of Louisiana’s inmates are held instead of state-run prisons. Landry is asking the legislature for an additional $17 million to increase the rate paid to local sheriffs to house state inmates by $3 per day, from $26 to $29.
Louisiana Has More State Prisoners in Local Jails Than Any Other State in the Nation
More than half of Louisiana inmates are held in local jails instead of state-run prisons.
Chris Alcantara/ProPublica
Some lawmakers and prison reform advocates say there are indications that the Department of Corrections is seeing the need for a shift in strategy.
State Rep. Mandie Landry (no relation), a Democrat from New Orleans, said corrections department officials asked her to sponsor a bill that allows prisoners who earn an associate’s degree to shave 90 days off their sentences. And while that might not seem like much, she said, it’s a move in the right direction. “I think they’re realizing that what the legislature did a few years ago is going to explode into a nightmare in prison,” she said.
The legislature passed the bipartisan bill in April.
A corrections department spokesperson declined to respond to questions concerning the impact of Landry’s policies on the prison population and corrections budget, how those policies are impacting inmate medical care and if the department is seeking to gradually reverse any of Landry’s policies. Landry’s spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment.
Rising Corrections Budget
Landry is asking for an additional $82 million for next year’s corrections budget — 11% more than currently allotted. Over the past decade, the amount of state tax dollars spent on correctional services has fluctuated, especially during the coronavirus pandemic, when federal aid temporarily supplemented the corrections budget. But Landry’s policies will ensure the need for additional funds, said James Austin, a national corrections policy expert.
Landry’s Proposed Budget Could Push Statewide Prison Spending to Its Highest Level in a Decade
The actual spending in 2027 by the Department of Corrections could be even higher, based on past trends.
$750 million spent on
correctional services
Gov. Landry’s term
began in January
Proposed
$33 million addition
Proposed
$33 million
addition
Gov. Landry’s term
began in January
$750 million spent on correctional services
Gov. Landry’s term
began in January
Proposed
$33 million
addition
$750 million spent on correctional services
$750 million spent on
correctional services
Gov. Landry’s term
began in January
Proposed
$33 million addition
Proposed
$33 million
addition
Gov. Landry’s term
began in January
$750 million spent on correctional services
Gov. Landry’s term
began in January
Proposed
$33 million
addition
$750 million spent on correctional services
Chris Alcantara/ProPublica
While overall state spending during Landry’s tenure is projected to drop by 2% when adjusted for inflation, corrections spending will increase by 9% if the governor’s proposed budget passes.
“There’s no indication that the need for more beds and more staff is going to flatten out. And I don’t think this governor will talk about increasing taxes,” Austin said. “All that’s left is to cut programs in other areas.”
A new report by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities in Washington, D.C., determined that the proposed increase in corrections spending would come at the expense of education. Landry has proposed cutting $165 million in education funding, including $40 million for state colleges and universities and $125 million for K-12 education, including teacher pay. (Landry backed a measure that would have paid for teacher raises by liquidating three education trust funds, but voters rejected the proposal in the May 16 election.)
“They have made the decision to boost the funding for prisons while deprioritizing the investments in teachers,” said Michael Mitchell, author of the report.
The state is forced to make cuts because Landry and the Republican-controlled legislature pushed through their 2024 criminal justice bills in less than two weeks without the typical debate over costs, said Sarah Omojola, director of the Louisiana office of the Vera Institute of Justice, a nonprofit focused on criminal justice reform.
“These rollbacks were very partisan and not supported by research, data or even fiscally sound policy,” Omojola said. “They just approved the bills before the legislative staff even computed what the full expenses were.”
A Landry spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment.
Rep. Debbie Villio, a Republican from Kenner who sponsored the 2024 bills that eliminated parole and significantly reduced the ability of prisoners to reduce their sentences through good behavior, did not respond to a request for comment.
“It is my position that this legislation will not ramp up prison population and costs,” Villio texted the Times-Picayune at the time the bills were passed.
An Older, Sicker Prison Population
The need for additional healthcare funds is yet another indicator of the costs associated with Landry’s changes to the state’s sentencing laws, said Bruce Reilly, deputy director of Voice of the Experienced, a New Orleans nonprofit that advocates for the rights of incarcerated people. Without the benefit of parole or the ability to reduce their sentences through good behavior, inmates will spend more time behind bars. That extra time will create an older and sicker population, Reilly said.
The number of older prisoners was already on the rise prior to Landry due, in part, to lengthy sentences secured in the 1980s to 2000s by previous New Orleans district attorneys.
Landry has asked for an increase of $14.3 million to pay for medical care in prisons for the next fiscal year, which begins in July. The administration is also asking for an additional $33 million for the current fiscal year to pay for medical care, overtime and supplies.
Louisiana Prisoners Over the Age of 70 Experienced the Highest Change in Population Since 2019
Since Landry took office in 2024, the population of prisoners over 70 has gone up 28%, while the overall prison population rose by 8%. Prisoners over 70 typically represent a small portion of the overall prison population.
Change in Louisiana prison
population by age group
Change in Louisiana prison population by age group
Change in Louisiana prison population by age group
Change in Louisiana prison
population by age group
Change in Louisiana prison population by age group
Change in Louisiana prison population by age group
Chris Alcantara/ProPublica
A 2024 investigation by Verite News and ProPublica detailed allegations of unconstitutional medical care provided to inmates being held in Angola’s medical ward. Austin, the corrections expert, said that a medical system that for decades has struggled to care for its most vulnerable will “only worsen” under the strain of a rapidly expanding and aging population.
In March, a federal appeals court threw out a lower-court order to have a court-appointed team oversee medical care at Angola, calling the proposed remedy “micromanagement” that violated the federal Prison Litigation Reform Act. The case has been sent back to the lower court.
For years, as both attorney general and governor, Landry has defended Angola’s healthcare system, claiming that inmates are entitled to only “adequate” medical care — not specialized care or the best care possible.
The legislature proposed two healthcare bills this year that would reduce medical costs. One that would restore medical parole and medical furlough as exceptions to the elimination of parole recently passed. Another, which would expand the time an inmate can be released into hospice, is still being considered.
Current law allows prison officials to release terminally ill prisoners two months prior to their expected death, which is the shortest hospice-release window in the country, according to Families Against Mandatory Minimums, a nonprofit focused on criminal justice reform. The proposed bill would double that time to four months, which would still be the shortest by a wide margin. Alabama, South Carolina and Tennessee have the next shortest window, at six months.
“These people are on their death bed. Some of these people don’t even realize they’re in prison,” said corrections secretary Gary Westcott at a March hearing on the proposed bill. And the costs associated with caring for these inmates can be extraordinarily high, Westcott said.
“We’re talking about changing diapers, feeding them. Most of them cannot do anything on their own,” he said, noting that once they are transferred to a hospital, those costs are picked up by Medicaid.
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