Kentucky
A new Kentucky law will send more youth to adult court — Black kids face highest risk
During a legislative committee meeting in February, Sen. Matthew Deneen introduced a bill that he said would address an important issue in Kentucky — violent crime committed by kids.
The solution, he said, is to start treating them as adults.
“If you’re a juvenile and you pick up a gun to commit a crime, you’re committing an adult crime, and you need to be tried as an adult,” said Deneen, a Republican from Elizabethtown.
The bill passed the full Kentucky legislature in April and will officially become law next month. When it does, any juvenile at least 15 years of age who commits a class A, B or C felony using a gun, whether the gun works or not, will be automatically sent to adult circuit court. A child convicted as an adult would receive the same penalties as an adult offender, except they’d be housed with other juveniles until their 18th birthday.
Youth advocates say the policy won’t address the root of the problem and will instead perpetuate a harmful cycle of inequity in the justice system.
And in Louisville, it will likely be Black children that bear the burden.
KyCIR analyzed ten years of Louisville Metro Police data and found that between January 2014 and February 2024 local police reported 331 felony arrests of teens aged 15 or older who also had a gun or deadly weapon — offenses that would lead them to adult court under the new law.
Three out of every four of those kids are Black.
In that same time, Louisville police handed out 965 criminal charges to juveniles for possession of a handgun. More than 80% of those charges went to Black kids.
Youth advocates and anti-violence experts say the disparities stem, in part, from being young and Black in Louisville — a city where teens say they carry a gun to protect themselves — and from a pattern of discriminatory over-policing of the city’s predominately Black West End.
“If they’re gonna go look for guns, they’re not gonna go out to the suburbs. They’re not gonna go stop a group of white kids,” said Todd Dunbar, an outreach coordinator for YouthBuild Louisville, a local nonprofit focused on giving low-income kids opportunities to be successful.
“This isn’t anything new,” he said.
In the past decade, Louisville police made 3,000 arrests and issued more than 10,000 citations to kids between 15 and 17 years old. Kids caught charges for violating ATV laws, abusing teachers and rape. They got caught with weed, they ran from police, they stole.
The most common charge: driving without a license.
And although Black kids make up a quarter of the city’s youth population, they accounted for half of all the charges filed against juveniles in the past decade.
Black kids account for just 9% of the state’s youth population, but last year made up 45% of juveniles prosecuted as adults statewide — a disparity that experts said will certainly grow wider under the new law.
Rashaad Abdur-Rahman, a former director of Louisville’s Office for Safe and Healthy Neighborhoods and founder of the Racial Healing Project, said “simplistic, cruel laws” won’t solve the underlying issues that contribute to youth crime.
“As a society, it’s easy for us to blame young people, while ignoring the fact that we haven’t facilitated conditions and communities that make young people feel safe, especially Black and Brown kids,” Abdur-Rahman said. “The indictment is on us.”
A spokesperson for Louisville’s mayor said the city is focused on reducing youth violence through intervention and outreach programs and investments in community infrastructure.
“Our gun violence crisis is tearing families apart and, unfortunately, far too many of the people involved as victims and perpetrators are kids,” said Kevin Trager, the mayor’s spokesperson. “It is up to all of us, including metro government, community leaders, parents, JCPS, and law enforcement to prevent kids from carrying guns and using them to hurt others.”
Mayor Craig Greenberg proposed spending cuts this year for the Office for Safe and Healthy Neighborhoods, the city’s primary anti-violence agency. The Louisville Metro Council passed the final budget last week, slashing $1.5 million from the agency’s budget.
Just trying to survive
The new law fails to recognize why kids are carrying guns in the first place or how they are getting access to them, said Kimberly Moore, the CEO of Joshua Community Connectors, a local nonprofit that provides mental health, housing and employment support for young adults.
Moore said she agrees that there are certain cases where teenagers might need to be tried as an adult, but she thinks that lumping them all together is problematic and harmful.
“I know young boys that are taking guns to school, hiding them outside, and then when they come out to get on the bus they pick up the gun. Because they’re afraid,” she said. “Some of these kids are honor roll students. All these kids with guns ain’t bad kids.”
Dunbar agrees.
He’s no stranger to Kentucky’s criminal justice system. At just 18-years-old, he was arrested on gun charges and has been in and out of jail for much of his adult life. But he turned his life around after his sister was killed in a drive-by shooting in Louisville’s Smoketown neighborhood on May 30, 2020.
“It tore me apart,” he said. “I felt like I needed help. I felt like I was gonna go down a road of destruction if I didn’t change my thoughts.”
After going to therapy for a year, he said he wanted to help address the cycle of violence in the community he grew up in.
Now Dunbar, 32, helps run an after-school program for kids aged 12 to 18, as well as a mentorship program for boys.
For some of the boys, carrying a gun is just part of growing up in Louisville.
“They tell me ‘I have to make it home. I want to try to make it home. I don’t want my mom to have to bury me. I just want to make sure I got this for protection.’”
The fear is justified, too. More than a third of the victims from the 1,114 fatal shootings across Louisville in the past decade were under 24 years old, according to the city’s online gun violence dashboard.
And many young people, Dunbar said, don’t trust the police to keep them safe.
The U.S. Department of Justice, following their investigation into the Louisville Metro police last year, said the agency “practiced an aggressive style of policing that it deploys selectively, especially against Black people.” The report cited more than a dozen instances of alleged police abuse or misconduct involving a minor or young adult.
Dunbar said the lack of trust in police means more and more young people take their protection into their own hands — and do what they think they need to do to survive.
“That’s not something you can solve through punishment,” he said.
Instead of locking them up, Dunbar said kids need resources to help them make better choices.
“At the end of the day, they’re still kids. Kids are gonna make mistakes,” he said. “And for your mistakes to follow you all the way from 15 years old? I’m not the same person I was when I was 15.”
Kids will (not) be kids
Despite research that urges against it, the new law will automatically prosecute certain juveniles as adults, which advocates said can severely impact their health and long-term success.
“This is just another example of making decisions around public safety that are not supported by science or evidence or data,” Abdur-Rahman said.
According to the Children’s Law Center of Kentucky, kids transferred to adult court are 34% more likely to commit additional felonies than children retained in the juvenile system for similar offenses. They also experience higher re-arrest rates than their peers who remained in juvenile court after committing the same crime.
“If legislation like this is poised to actually create more risk factors for young people, then we should not be surprised when it has no effect on reducing violence, and in fact, precipitates more violence,” Abdur-Rahman said.
Administrative Office of the Courts
/
Kentucky Court of Justice
Having a felony conviction also comes with a slew of negative consequences that will last long after a child “learns their lesson,” he said. These kids will have trouble finding a job, pursuing education, finding housing and being economically stable.
Young people are also still developing. A person’s prefrontal cortex, which is the part of the brain that’s responsible for executive decision making and for understanding consequences, isn’t even fully developed until at least 25 years old.
“To try a child as an adult doesn’t have any kind of developmental benefit. It doesn’t have any type of behavioral change benefit, because none of those interventions are going to be appropriate for how the child’s brain has developed,” Abdur-Rahman said. “That’s an immutable scientific fact which no one’s paying attention to.”
‘It takes the humanity out of it’
As the state prepares to issue harsher penalties for young people, more kids will need to be housed in Kentucky’s juvenile detention facilities — which are currently under federal investigation.
The DOJ will investigate the facilities for excessive use of force, prolonged isolations, a lack of protection from violence and sexual assault, as well as mental health and educational resources.
The investigation follows years of reports of violent riots, sexual assaults and deaths in state run juvenile detention facilities.
Advocates say the state’s detention centers are not prepared to care for an influx of kids or keep them safe.
Children have only been protected from being tried as adults in Kentucky for three years. The passage of SB 36 in 2021, sponsored by Sen. Whitney Westerfield, completely eliminated automatic transfers — the term for sending a kid to adult court — until the new law was passed this year.
The legislators who led the charge, Sen. Deneen and Sen. Greg Elkins, did not respond to requests for comment. But in legislative meetings, they said that they hope harsher punishments will deter youth crime.
“A lot of times, juveniles know they’re going to be treated as a juvenile in the court system, so they’re not as afraid to commit that crime or to pick up that gun,” Elkins said during a legislative meeting. “Hopefully, this bill will be a deterrent to that.”
Westerfield, a Republican from Fruit Hill, said the law takes humanity out of the court process. The mandatory transfer occurs without any action by the county attorney and removes the discretion of the district court judge, who could previously evaluate the unique circumstances of the child’s case before deciding to transfer to an adult court.
Once the case is transferred to adult court, the Commonwealth’s Attorney will be allowed to transfer the case back to juvenile court if they believe it is in the best interest of the public and child to do so. But Westerfield, a former assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney, said this practice is exceedingly rare.
“Now, every child who is charged with these crimes will be tried as an adult, no matter the circumstances of their background, no matter the circumstances of the incident, no matter the circumstances of their record, or even regarding whether or not they have developmental disability,” he said. “ I mean that is just stunningly callous.”
Westerfield, one of the few Republicans who voted against the bill in April, said this is a “shameful attempt” at reversing the progress that has been made for Kentucky’s troubled juvenile justice system.
“For most of these kids, all this is gonna do is make them worse,” he said. “It’s going to remove them from any positive influence that we could have in their lives, and put them with some of the worst influences we could possibly give them. And we’re gonna drive them deeper into a system.”
Kentucky
Kentucky Supreme Court reverses course, strikes down law limiting JCPS board power
Last December, the Kentucky Supreme Court upheld a law by a slim 4-3 majority that limited the power of the Jefferson County Board of Education and delegated more authority to the district’s superintendent.
Almost exactly one year later, the state’s high court has just done the opposite.
In a 4-3 ruling Thursday, the justices struck down the 2022 law, saying it violated the constitution by targeting one specific school district.
The court’s new opinion on the law is because of its change in membership since last December, as newly elected Justice Pamela Goodwine was sworn in a month later, and then joined three other justices in granting the school board’s request to rehear the case in April.
Replacing a chief justice who had voted to uphold the law last year, Goodwine sided with the majority in the opinion written by Justice Angela McCormick Bisig on Thursday to strike it down.
Bisig wrote that treating the Jefferson County district differently from all other public school districts in the state violated Sections 59 and 60 of the Kentucky Constitution. She noted that while the court “should and does give great deference to the propriety of duly enacted statutes,” they are also “duty bound to ensure that legislative decisions stay within the important mandates” of the constitution.
“When, as here, that legislative aim is focused on one and only one county without any articulable reasonable basis, the enactment violates Sections 59 and 60 of our Constitution,” Bisig wrote. “Reformulating the balance of power between one county’s school board and superintendent to the exclusion of all others without any reasonable basis fails the very tests established in our constitutional jurisprudence to discern constitutional infirmity.”
The at-times blistering dissenting opinion of Justice Shea Nickell — who wrote the majority opinion last year — argued the petition for a rehearing was improvidently granted in April, as it “failed to satisfy our Court’s historic legal standard for granting such requests, and nothing changed other than the Court’s composition.”
Nickell wrote that the court disregarded procedural rules and standards, “thereby reasonably damaging perceptions of judicial independence and diminishing public trust in the court system’s fair and impartial administration of justice.”
“I am profoundly disturbed by the damage and mischief such a brazen manipulation of the rehearing standard will inflict on the stability and integrity of our judicial decision-making process in the future.”
He added that some may excuse the majority’s decision by saying that “elections have consequences,” but that unlike legislators and executive officers being accountable to voters, “judges and justices are ultimately accountable to the law.”
“Courts must be free of political machinations and any fortuitous change in the composition of an appellate court’s justices should have no impact upon previously rendered fair and impartial judicial pronouncements,” Nickell wrote.
Kentucky Attorney General Russell Coleman, whose office defended the law before the court, criticized the new ruling voiding the law.
“I am stunned that our Supreme Court reversed itself based only on a new justice joining the Court,” Coleman said. “This decision is devastating for JCPS students and leaves them trapped in a failing system while sabotaging the General Assembly’s rescue mission.”
Corrie Shull, chair of the Jefferson County Board of Education, said in a statement he is grateful for the court’s new ruling affirming “that JCPS voters and taxpayers should have the same voice in their local operations that other Kentuckians do, through their elected school board members.”
Spokespersons for the Republican majority leadership of the Kentucky House and Senate did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Thursday’s ruling.
Republican House Speaker David Osborne criticized the move to rehear the case in April, calling it “troubling.”
“Unfortunately, judicial outcomes seem increasingly driven by partisan politics,” Osborne stated. “Kentuckians would be better served to keep politics out of the court, and the court out of politics.”
In August, GOP state Rep. Jason Nemes of Middletown penned an op-ed warning that any ruling overturning the 2022 law could draw a lawsuit challenging the Louisville-Jefferson County merger of 2003 as a violation of the same sections of Kentucky Constitution. That same day, Louisville real estate developer and major GOP donor David Nicklies filed a lawsuit seeking just that.
Some Republicans have also criticized Goodwine for not recusing herself from the case, alleging she had a conflict of interest due to an independent political action committee heavily funded by the teachers’ union in Louisville spending hundreds of thousands of dollars on ads to help elect her last year.
Louisville attorney and GOP official Jack Richardson filed a petition with the clerk of the Kentucky House in October to impeach Goodwine for not recusing herself. Goodwine said through a spokesperson at the time that it would not be appropriate for her to comment about the impeachment petition.
Kentucky
Trump considers marijuana rescheduling executive order, Ky. advocates weigh in
DANVILLE, Ky. (WKYT) – President Donald Trump says he is strongly considering signing an executive order rescheduling marijuana to a lower classification.
The move would loosen federal restrictions but not fully legalize the drug.
Robert Matheny, a CBD shop owner and cannabis advocate in Kentucky for over a decade, said the proposal sounds like a positive step for the cannabis industry but doesn’t think it goes far enough.
“Initial reaction is this is a great thing and a positive step for cannabis rights — and that’s what it was made to sound like to be able to get people to laugh and cheer for it,” Matheny said.
Matheny said the president’s looming marijuana reclassification could spell bad news for Kentuckians and the industry as a whole. He said the move would put marijuana products under pharmaceutical control and potentially drive-up prices.
“This puts a big profit margin in for the pharmaceutical industry, and this is a giant gift to from our legislators and our president right now to the pharmaceutical industry,” Matheny said.
Matheny advocates for full marijuana decriminalization, a stance that goes a step further than the one publicly supported by Governor Andy Beshear.
In a July letter to President Trump, Beshear advocated in favor of rescheduling marijuana. In the letter, he said making the rules less restrictive would provide access to cannabis for treatment and allow more research.
The federal government currently classifies marijuana as a Schedule I drug. That classification places it alongside other drugs such as heroin and LSD.
If classified as Schedule III, it would be placed alongside drugs the DEA says have a moderate-to-low potential for physical and psychological dependence such as ketamine and testosterone.
Matheny said even if someone is caught with a Schedule III drug, someone could still be in trouble.
“It’s still a drug. It’s still a pharmacy. If you get caught with over-the-counter pain pills it is still the same as getting caught with fentanyl you got a drug,” Matheny said.
Matthew Bratcher of Kentucky NORML is another marijuana advocate who agrees with Matheny and says legislators should go a step further.
Bratcher said while a meaningful step forward, people would not see full clarity or fairness until cannabis is fully declassified. The longtime cannabis advocate said he will watch to see what is done in Washington.
It’s unclear when Trump will sign the executive order.
Copyright 2025 WKYT. All rights reserved.
Kentucky
Kentucky loses recruiting prediction for 5-star forward Christian Collins as NIL looms large
Collins, a 6-foot-8, 200-pound forward from Bellflower, California, is widely regarded as one of the premier frontcourt prospects in the country. His blend of athleticism, scoring ability, and defensive versatility made him a major priority for Kentucky head coach Mark Pope and his staff as they work to build future recruiting classes.
According to Jacob Polacheck of KSR, Collins’ recruitment is being heavily influenced by NIL structure and contract details, a growing trend at the top of the recruiting landscape. That reality was addressed publicly earlier this month by Kentucky athletic director Mitch Barnhart during Will Stein’s introductory press conference as the Wildcats’ new football head coach.
Barnhart pushed back strongly against the perception that Kentucky is at an NIL disadvantage, saying, “Enough about ‘have we got enough?’ We’ve got enough.” He also emphasized that Kentucky will not compromise its standards to land recruits. “We’ve got to do it the right way,” Barnhart said. “We’re not going to break the rules. That’s flat-out.”
While Kentucky no longer holds a crystal ball prediction for Collins, the Wildcats are not out of the race. However, his recruitment now appears far more fluid, underscoring the increasingly complex balance between elite talent, NIL expectations, and long-term program philosophy in modern college basketball.
-
Iowa4 days agoAddy Brown motivated to step up in Audi Crooks’ absence vs. UNI
-
Washington1 week agoLIVE UPDATES: Mudslide, road closures across Western Washington
-
Iowa5 days agoHow much snow did Iowa get? See Iowa’s latest snowfall totals
-
Maine2 days agoElementary-aged student killed in school bus crash in southern Maine
-
Maryland4 days agoFrigid temperatures to start the week in Maryland
-
South Dakota4 days agoNature: Snow in South Dakota
-
Technology1 week agoThe Game Awards are losing their luster
-
Nebraska1 week agoNebraska lands commitment from DL Jayden Travers adding to early Top 5 recruiting class