Austin, TX
Abortion once more plays a key role in a state political fight
MILWAUKEE (AP) — As the candidates for a Wisconsin Supreme Court seat squared off in a recent debate before early voting, one issue came up first and dominated at the start.
What You Need To Know
- Abortion has been top of mind for many voters casting early ballots in the race for a seat on the Wisconsin Supreme Court
- The winner of the April 1 election could hold the power to determine the fate of future litigation in Wisconsin over abortion because the outcome of the race will decide whether liberals or conservatives hold a majority on the state’s highest court
- Democrats are hoping voters will be motivated by the potential revival of an abortion ban from 1849 a law enacted before women could serve in the Legislature
- This is the latest instance of long-dormant restrictions influencing current abortion policies after the U.S. Supreme Court in 2022 overturned Roe v. Wade, which had granted a federal right to abortion
“Let’s talk about abortion rights,” the moderator said.
The winner of the April 1 election could hold the power to determine the fate of any future litigation over abortion because the outcome of the race for a vacancy on the state’s highest court will decide whether liberals or conservatives hold a majority.
Abortion has become a central plank of the platform for the Democratic-backed candidate, Dane County Judge Susan Crawford, in part because of its effect on voter turnout, although to a lesser extent than during a heated 2023 state Supreme Court race that flipped the court to a liberal majority. Brad Schimel, a former state attorney general, is the Republican-supported candidate.
“Abortion of course remains a top issue,” said Charles Franklin, a Marquette University political scientist. “But we haven’t seen either candidate be as outspoken on hot-button issues as we saw in 2023.”
Democrats are hoping voters will be motivated by the potential revival of an abortion ban from 1849, which criminalizes “the willful killing of an unborn quick child.” The Wisconsin Supreme Court is currently deciding whether to reactivate the 175-year-old ban.
Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin filed a separate lawsuit in February asking the court to rule on whether a constitutional right to abortion exists in the state.
The 19th century law was enacted just a year after Wisconsin became a state, when lead mining and the lumber industry formed the bedrock of the state’s economy as white settlers rushed into areas left vacant by forced removals of Native American tribes.
It also was a time when combinations of herbs stimulating uterine contractions were the most common abortion method, said Kimberly Reilly, a history and gender studies professor at the University of Wisconsin-Green Bay.
“During this time, there were no women in statehouses,” Reilly said. “When a woman got married, she lost her legal identity. Her husband became her legal representative. She couldn’t own property in her name. She couldn’t make a contract.”
This is the latest instance of long-dormant restrictions influencing current abortion policies after the U.S. Supreme Court in 2022 overturned Roe v. Wade, which had granted a federal right to abortion.
The revival of an 1864 Arizona abortion law, enacted when Arizona was a territory, sparked a national outcry last year. Century-old abortion restrictions passed by all-male legislatures during periods when women could not vote — and scientific knowledge of pregnancy and abortion were limited — have also influenced post-Roe abortion policies in Alabama, Arkansas, Michigan, Mississippi, Oklahoma, Texas and West Virginia.
Those laws tend to be more severe. They often do not include exceptions for rape and incest, call for the imprisonment of providers and ban the procedure in the first few weeks of pregnancy. Some have since been repealed, while others are being challenged in court.
During the state Supreme Court debate March 12, Crawford declined to weigh in directly on the 1849 abortion case but promoted her experience representing Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin and “making sure that women could make their own choices about their bodies and their health care.” In an ad released Wednesday, she accused Schimel of not trusting “women to make their own health care decisions.”
Schimel calls himself “pro-life” and has previously supported leaving Wisconsin’s 1849 abortion ban on the books. He dodged questions about abortion during the debate, saying he believes the issue should be left up to voters, although Wisconsin does not have a citizen-led ballot initiative process, which voters in several other states have used to protect abortion rights.
Anthony Chergosky, a University of Wisconsin-La Crosse political scientist, said Schimel has been “borrowing from the Republican playbook of avoiding the issue of abortion” by leaving the question up to voters in individual states.
The message has still gotten across to many Democratic voters, who cited abortion as a top issue while waiting in line for early voting this past week.
Jane Delzer, a 75-year-old liberal voter in Waukesha, said “a woman’s right to choose is my biggest motivator. I’m deeply worried about what Schimel may do on abortion.”
June Behrens, a 79-year-old retired teacher, spoke about a loved one’s abortion experience: “Everyone makes their own choice and has their own journey in life, and they deserve that right.”
Republican voters primarily cited immigration and the economy as their top issues, essentially the same ones that helped propel Republican Donald Trump’s win over Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris last November in the presidential election. But others said they also wanted conservative social views reflected on the court.
Lewis Titus, a 72-year-old volunteer for the city of Eau Claire, said restricting abortion was his top issue in the Supreme Court race: “I believe that Brad Schimel is the one to carry that on.”
While it’s one of the key issues this year, abortion played a much larger role two years ago, when a race for Wisconsin’s highest court demonstrated how expensive and nationalized state Supreme Court races have become.
This year’s campaigns have focused primarily on “criminal sentencing and attempting to paint one another as soft on crime,” said Howard Schweber, a University of Wisconsin-Madison political science professor emeritus.
Crawford also has tried to make the race a referendum on Trump after his first months in office and tech billionaire Elon Musk, who is running Trump’s massive federal cost-cutting initiative and has funded two groups that have together spent more than $10 million to promote Schimel.
“Two years ago, abortion was a hugely mobilizing issue, and we saw that clearly in the lead-up to the election,” Schweber said. “We’re seeing some of this, but not to the same extent, which really makes no sense. The issues and stakes are exactly the same.”
The decision to elevate other issues might be the result of anxiety among Democrats that abortion may not resonate as deeply as they once believed after significant election losses in November, despite Harris using abortion as a pillar of her campaign, several Wisconsin politics experts said.
Charles Franklin, a Marquette University political scientist, said he believes abortion will motivate Democrats, but the issue may not rank high in the priorities of independent voters, who he says will be central to the race’s outcome.
“In the early days after Roe v. Wade was overturned, it was still a very hot issue for voters,” he said. “But as states have codified their abortion laws, the issue doesn’t seem to motivate voters to the same extent. In the fall, many Democrats believed abortion was still this magic silver bullet and would win them the presidential and Senate races. But the outcomes didn’t seem to support that.”

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Latchkey Legends Podcast Featuring Karen Browning

In Episode 2 of Latchkey Legends, Recreation Programs Specialist Santanu Rahman talks with Karen Browning, a Senior Training Coordinator at the University of Texas at Austin, about life as a Gen Xer.
Latchkey Legends is a Varsity Generation Podcast project that features Generation X. Gen Xers were born betwen 1965-1980. Many Gen Xers have turned 50 or are in their 50’s, and as such, are qualified to be part of Varsity Generation programs! But Gen Xers have a unique take on the world that is a little different from the Baby Boomers. In this podcast project, hosted by Santanu Rahman, a Gen Xer Recreation Programs Specialist at Montopolis Recreation and Community Center, you get to hear about the interesting life experiences that Gen Xers have gone through!
Austin, TX
Interim UT-Austin president seeks to walk fine line between faculty and lawmakers’ concerns
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In his first meeting with faculty leadership since being named interim president of the University of Texas at Austin, Jim Davis said he’d share their concerns and good work with state lawmakers considering legislation to increase oversight on universities’ curricula and hiring — but stopped short of saying he’d challenge efforts to limit faculty’s influence on campuses.
“You will always hear me say on any topic that I do not want to cause harm to this university,” Davis said. “I always want to help it, protect it, preserve it and grow it. And so where that balance is, I need to figure that out.”
Davis was named interim president of the UT System’s flagship last month at a critical time for higher education in Texas and nationwide. At the state level, faculty senates have become the latest target.
These bodies are made up of professors from each college and make recommendations on academic policies, curriculum design and faculty hiring and evaluation. They can also be an outlet for faculty to express disapproval with university leadership.
Several bills have been filed this legislative session that would require half of a faculty senate’s members to be appointed by university administrators rather than elected by faculty. They would also prohibit faculty senates from conducting investigations or taking any action on personnel or curricula, shifting those responsibilities to the governing boards that oversee universities. Governing boards have always had the ultimate responsibility and authority over those matters but usually delegated them.
UT-Austin faculty on Monday asked Davis if he was comfortable publicly expressing his opinions on legislative proposals or if he had been encouraged to keep quiet.
“I’m not bothered about saying what I say in public,” Davis said. “People that know me in this room — and many of you do — know that I am not always the person that follows all the rules. At the same time, what I want to do is make sure I do my very dead-level best to put this university in the best position to succeed.”
He said maintaining UT’s excellent teaching, research and student experience is his first priority.
“And so I want to start by letting you know how grateful I am to the faculty, that the faculty is the essence of teaching excellence and research excellence,” he said. “We have not forgotten that.”
Davis also acknowledged that the university’s finances are uncertain.
UT-Austin, like other universities across the country, stands to lose millions of dollars if the federal government follows through with a plan to slash spending on research overhead. State lawmakers also continue to threaten to yank public universities’ funding over the perception that they are not complying with the state’s ban on diversity, equity and inclusion offices and programs and that they are too left-leaning.
Davis said UT-Austin has dealt with these kinds of threats at least twice in its history and that he thinks the university can overcome them by telling its story better.
“Every different viewpoint matters here. We need to be able to sustain those kinds of things for the protection of education and, frankly, the protection of democracy,” he said.
State lawmakers are also considering banning DEI in coursework and research and requiring universities to use the state’s broad definition of what constitutes antisemitism in student disciplinary proceedings, which critics say will stifle free speech.
A few hours before Davis met with faculty, his predecessor, Jay Hartzell, was more candid about some of those proposals during an interview with Evan Smith, a UT professor and founder of The Texas Tribune, at the LBJ School of Public Affairs.
When asked about Senate Bill 37, which would prohibit college courses from endorsing “specific public policies, ideologies or legislation,” Hartzell pointed out that UT-Austin has taught Marxism for a long time and “that’s a good thing.” Some lawmakers have expressed concern that classes with gender, race and identity in the title are being used to fulfill core curriculum requirements.
“Even if you are on the other side of that argument, say, capitalism, it’s good to know how the other side is seeing the world. And so I think I feel way differently about what is offered than I do what’s required,” Hartzell said.
Hartzell also said another provision of the bill, which would allow regents to have the final say on every university hire in a leadership position, sounded like an “administrative nightmare.”
Hartzell compared universities to law firms in which presidents are managing partners and “the faculty are partners in this effort and there’s a reason they have the say they have.” Hartzell faced strong faculty pushback firsthand last spring when he called in state police to help wrangle pro-Palestinian protesters.
Hartzell was a dean before he was named UT-Austin president in 2020 while Davis was chief operating officer.
As president, Hartzell said he had to think about the short- and long-term effects of taking a stand against the Legislature. The long-term effects of protesting the DEI ban last legislative session, he said, ultimately outweighed the short-term ones. He oversaw the layoff of dozens of employees and the closure of the school’s multicultural center.
“If we hadn’t laid anybody off and let these perceived inefficiencies continue forever, I thought we’d be pounded in the next session,” Hartzell said.
The Texas Tribune partners with Open Campus on higher education coverage.
Disclosure: University of Texas at Austin and University of Texas at Austin – LBJ School of Public Affairs have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
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