Austin, TX
Abortion once more plays a key role in a state political fight
MILWAUKEE (AP) — As the candidates for a Wisconsin Supreme Court seat squared off in a recent debate before early voting, one issue came up first and dominated at the start.
What You Need To Know
- Abortion has been top of mind for many voters casting early ballots in the race for a seat on the Wisconsin Supreme Court
- The winner of the April 1 election could hold the power to determine the fate of future litigation in Wisconsin over abortion because the outcome of the race will decide whether liberals or conservatives hold a majority on the state’s highest court
- Democrats are hoping voters will be motivated by the potential revival of an abortion ban from 1849 a law enacted before women could serve in the Legislature
- This is the latest instance of long-dormant restrictions influencing current abortion policies after the U.S. Supreme Court in 2022 overturned Roe v. Wade, which had granted a federal right to abortion
“Let’s talk about abortion rights,” the moderator said.
The winner of the April 1 election could hold the power to determine the fate of any future litigation over abortion because the outcome of the race for a vacancy on the state’s highest court will decide whether liberals or conservatives hold a majority.
Abortion has become a central plank of the platform for the Democratic-backed candidate, Dane County Judge Susan Crawford, in part because of its effect on voter turnout, although to a lesser extent than during a heated 2023 state Supreme Court race that flipped the court to a liberal majority. Brad Schimel, a former state attorney general, is the Republican-supported candidate.
“Abortion of course remains a top issue,” said Charles Franklin, a Marquette University political scientist. “But we haven’t seen either candidate be as outspoken on hot-button issues as we saw in 2023.”
Democrats are hoping voters will be motivated by the potential revival of an abortion ban from 1849, which criminalizes “the willful killing of an unborn quick child.” The Wisconsin Supreme Court is currently deciding whether to reactivate the 175-year-old ban.
Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin filed a separate lawsuit in February asking the court to rule on whether a constitutional right to abortion exists in the state.
The 19th century law was enacted just a year after Wisconsin became a state, when lead mining and the lumber industry formed the bedrock of the state’s economy as white settlers rushed into areas left vacant by forced removals of Native American tribes.
It also was a time when combinations of herbs stimulating uterine contractions were the most common abortion method, said Kimberly Reilly, a history and gender studies professor at the University of Wisconsin-Green Bay.
“During this time, there were no women in statehouses,” Reilly said. “When a woman got married, she lost her legal identity. Her husband became her legal representative. She couldn’t own property in her name. She couldn’t make a contract.”
This is the latest instance of long-dormant restrictions influencing current abortion policies after the U.S. Supreme Court in 2022 overturned Roe v. Wade, which had granted a federal right to abortion.
The revival of an 1864 Arizona abortion law, enacted when Arizona was a territory, sparked a national outcry last year. Century-old abortion restrictions passed by all-male legislatures during periods when women could not vote — and scientific knowledge of pregnancy and abortion were limited — have also influenced post-Roe abortion policies in Alabama, Arkansas, Michigan, Mississippi, Oklahoma, Texas and West Virginia.
Those laws tend to be more severe. They often do not include exceptions for rape and incest, call for the imprisonment of providers and ban the procedure in the first few weeks of pregnancy. Some have since been repealed, while others are being challenged in court.
During the state Supreme Court debate March 12, Crawford declined to weigh in directly on the 1849 abortion case but promoted her experience representing Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin and “making sure that women could make their own choices about their bodies and their health care.” In an ad released Wednesday, she accused Schimel of not trusting “women to make their own health care decisions.”
Schimel calls himself “pro-life” and has previously supported leaving Wisconsin’s 1849 abortion ban on the books. He dodged questions about abortion during the debate, saying he believes the issue should be left up to voters, although Wisconsin does not have a citizen-led ballot initiative process, which voters in several other states have used to protect abortion rights.
Anthony Chergosky, a University of Wisconsin-La Crosse political scientist, said Schimel has been “borrowing from the Republican playbook of avoiding the issue of abortion” by leaving the question up to voters in individual states.
The message has still gotten across to many Democratic voters, who cited abortion as a top issue while waiting in line for early voting this past week.
Jane Delzer, a 75-year-old liberal voter in Waukesha, said “a woman’s right to choose is my biggest motivator. I’m deeply worried about what Schimel may do on abortion.”
June Behrens, a 79-year-old retired teacher, spoke about a loved one’s abortion experience: “Everyone makes their own choice and has their own journey in life, and they deserve that right.”
Republican voters primarily cited immigration and the economy as their top issues, essentially the same ones that helped propel Republican Donald Trump’s win over Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris last November in the presidential election. But others said they also wanted conservative social views reflected on the court.
Lewis Titus, a 72-year-old volunteer for the city of Eau Claire, said restricting abortion was his top issue in the Supreme Court race: “I believe that Brad Schimel is the one to carry that on.”
While it’s one of the key issues this year, abortion played a much larger role two years ago, when a race for Wisconsin’s highest court demonstrated how expensive and nationalized state Supreme Court races have become.
This year’s campaigns have focused primarily on “criminal sentencing and attempting to paint one another as soft on crime,” said Howard Schweber, a University of Wisconsin-Madison political science professor emeritus.
Crawford also has tried to make the race a referendum on Trump after his first months in office and tech billionaire Elon Musk, who is running Trump’s massive federal cost-cutting initiative and has funded two groups that have together spent more than $10 million to promote Schimel.
“Two years ago, abortion was a hugely mobilizing issue, and we saw that clearly in the lead-up to the election,” Schweber said. “We’re seeing some of this, but not to the same extent, which really makes no sense. The issues and stakes are exactly the same.”
The decision to elevate other issues might be the result of anxiety among Democrats that abortion may not resonate as deeply as they once believed after significant election losses in November, despite Harris using abortion as a pillar of her campaign, several Wisconsin politics experts said.
Charles Franklin, a Marquette University political scientist, said he believes abortion will motivate Democrats, but the issue may not rank high in the priorities of independent voters, who he says will be central to the race’s outcome.
“In the early days after Roe v. Wade was overturned, it was still a very hot issue for voters,” he said. “But as states have codified their abortion laws, the issue doesn’t seem to motivate voters to the same extent. In the fall, many Democrats believed abortion was still this magic silver bullet and would win them the presidential and Senate races. But the outcomes didn’t seem to support that.”
Austin, TX
3 Keys For Texas Baseball To Advance Out Of Austin Regional
The road to Omaha starts now for the No. 6 national seed Texas Longhorns. For the 39th time in the program’s storied history, the Longhorns will host the NCAA Regional with the opportunity to host a super regional if they can get out of a talent grouping.
This year’s Austin Regional is paired up with the Eugene Regional, hosted by the No. 11 Oregon Ducks. Last season, Texas had its best season since 2010 in its first year in the Southeastern Conference, but everything came crashing down when the Longhorns lost twice to the UTSA Roadrunners.
While last year’s result served as a lesson for the returners, most of the 2026 squad was either at other places or in high school, marking a new beginning for many.
“It’s always the most fun time of year, and certainly when you need the opportunity to play at home,” head coach Jim Schlossnagle said. “Welcome to Holy Cross, Tarleton State, and UCSB. Looking forward to great three or four days of baseball.”
Here are some keys for the Longhorns to make it out of the regional round of the NCAA Tournament for the first time since 2023.
1 – Aiden Robbins Must Produce
At one point in the season, Texas junior outfielder Aiden Robbins was one of the most dangerous hitters in the nation. For a hitter who has never batted under .300 dating back to high school, he maintained his production in a much more competitive SEC slate.
But in the final couple of games in the season, Robbins has not been the same imposing bat that won him the SEC Newcomer of the Year honors. Dating back to the Tennessee series, Robbins has gone 4-for-21 at the plate while striking out nine times.
The Longhorns’ top-of-the-order bat is also riding a three-game hitless streak heading into postseason play.
Robbins is battling back from a stomach bug that took him out early in the second game of the Missouri series and the entirety of the regular season finale.
If Texas wants to get out of its regional, its best bat for the entirety of the season must get back to his original form. A possible tuneup game against Holy Cross may be the switch to get him back. If not, he’ll have to move down in the order to allow catcher Carson Tinney and SEC Freshman of the Year, Anthony Pack Jr., to be the brunt of the offensive load.
2 – Texas Can’t Get Into The Loser’s Bracket
Playing two games in one day is almost a death sentence for any team with hopes of making it out of the regional.
Texas learned this the hard way: after beating Houston Christian in the first game of last season’s regional, the Longhorns fell in the second game to UTSA, forcing them to battle in the losers’ bracket with Kansas State.
Despite beating Kansas State on Sunday, Texas only had around an hour’s break before the regional final game, and a rematch with UTSA, ultimately in the regional defining loss.
“The biggest thing we learned is that everything up to this point just doesn’t, doesn’t matter. It’s all out the window – it’s a new season,” Luke Harrison said. “We’ve got to find a way to get better as a team and play better than we have all year.”
Texas is rolling out Harrison for game one against Holy Cross, saving Dylan Volantis for a big-time game on Saturday for either a rematch with Tarleton State or against a talented UC-Santa Brarba team.
While Texas does have the arms to win out of the losers’ bracket, it’s a task that will cause more pressure on the entire team.
3 – Starters and Bullpen Must Play Their A-Game
It has been well documented that the bullpen has seen its fair share of woes this season, and one of the keys to beating Texas is to retire the starter early to force them to tap into the bullpen early.
The starting trio of Harrison, Dylan Volantis and Ruger Riojas must eat up as many innings as possible, something they’ve done for the most part the entire season. Then it’s up to the bullpen to not allow the opposition to gain momentum down the stretch.
For Schlossnagle, there will not be much experimentation in the regional, and the arms that have proven their worth will get the nod.
“The guys who have pitched the best all season, they’re going to pitch the most,” Schlossnagle said. “If that means a reliever who maybe hasn’t pitched before the seventh inning has to come in a different part of the game, that’s what’s going to happen.”
While the SEC Tournament was disappointing on the hitting front, Texas was able to get looks from multiple pitchers in different parts of the game. Freshman pitchers, Sam Cozart and Brett Crossland, will be primary options while Thomas Burns and Haiden Leffew cannot struggle in the late-inning situations
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Austin, TX
Texas Education Agency rejects Austin ISD’s plan for failing schools
The Texas Education Agency rejected a partnership proposed by the Austin Independent School District to buy the district more time to avoid a state takeover. In a letter sent to Superintendent Matias Segura on Thursday, the TEA denied the district’s request to hand over three middle schools to an outside provider to run them under what is known as an 1882 agreement.
In March, the district proposed partnering with the Texas Council for International Studies to run Burnet, Dobie and Webb middle schools as charter schools. The three campuses have received four consecutive unacceptable grades from the state’s accountability system. A fifth failing grade could trigger a total takeover of the entire district, with the TEA replacing the school board with a board of managers.
The letter sent to Segura explains the operating partner must comply with three criteria: have at least three years of experience before taking over a campus; have managed multiple campuses for multiple years; and have significantly improved the academic performance of campuses. The TEA says TCIS only meets two of those three criteria, and it “does not qualify as an operating partner with the capacity necessary to successfully turn around campuses.”
The TEA argues TCIS has failed to prove a track record of improving campuses’ academic performance. TCIS has managed 16 campuses in San Antonio ISD, Longview ISD and Edgewood ISD. However, only five out of those campuses had a D or an F rating before being operated by the non-profit.
AISD Superintendent Segura said in a written statement to families on Thursday evening that the district remains confident that TCIS is capable of lifting student outcomes.
“While this response is disappointing, I want to assure you that this is not the end of the process,” Segura said in the statement. “TEA has explicitly invited Austin ISD to submit additional information to support and reinforce our application, and we fully intend to do so.”
If approved, the two-year 1882 agreement would allow the district to pause the accountability clock for these three schools. AISD and TCIS can still continue with the partnership, but if they choose to, the TEA said, Burnet, Dobie and Webb would not get the benefits of the 1882 agreement, including state funding and reprieve from state ratings.
When the partnership was approved during a board meeting in March, Segura said district officials were confident the TEA would approve it because they had talked with TCIS about expectations and had visited their schools. Segura said the district had also received feedback from the TEA about the plan and had adjusted the partnership accordingly.
“When we look at the timeline, we could see on May or June before we get a final approval. But we are not shy about asking questions and making adjustments where appropriate,” he said. “But if the agency does not accept after all of that we would appreciate the opportunity to make the adjustment, which is what we have seen them do.”
KUT reached out to the TEA to ask about when a final decision must be made, and has not heard back.
Ratings for the 2025-2026 school year have not yet been released. But in his message to parents Thursday, Segura said the district is seeing “promising accelerated student growth” across the district. He said district officials will continue advocating for a partnership.
Austin, TX
Repeated Theft Attempts Expose Weak Security at Austin Gun Store
Austin Police Department officers arrested three suspects, all under the age of 18, in connection with a series of shootings, stolen vehicles, and other violent crimes that unfolded across Austin, Texas, and nearby Manor on May 16 and May 17. According to court records obtained by CBS Austin, the suspects allegedly stole a 9mm Glock pistol from Central Texas Gun Works, a high-profile gun store in Austin, hours before carrying out the 12 shootings, which injured four people, struck homes and vehicles, and damaged fire department property.
The store’s owner, Michael Cargill — a well-known gun rights advocate and the plaintiff behind the Supreme Court’s landmark Garland v. Cargill decision that struck down the federal bump stock ban — denies that the pistol stolen from his store was used in the shootings, though police say they recovered 9mm casings from the crime scenes.
Regardless, the theft draws attention to Central Texas Gun Works’ security measures, as Cargill himself admitted that one of the shooting spree suspects had attempted to rob the store multiple times in recent months, as discussed below.
Thefts from Central Texas Gun Works
In public statements following the shootings, Cargill repeatedly blamed local prosecutors for releasing the juvenile suspects after an earlier gun theft from his store in January. But his own comments also reveal security failures that allowed the same suspects who had tried to steal firearms at Central Texas Gun Works multiple times before escaping with one.
According to Cargill, one of the shooting spree suspects had attempted to steal guns from Central Texas Gun Works on four previous occasions, including most recently in January, when he asked to examine a gun and then ran out of the store with it. Cargill said he personally chased the suspect onto a city bus, stopped the bus from leaving, and had the driver lock the doors until police arrived. After cornering the suspect on the crowded bus, Cargill alleges that he told the teen, “If you pull out this gun on the back of this bus, you better think twice about what you’re doing. Because if you do, we will both die on this bus before I let you off this bus.”
Cargill lamented that Texas state law only allows a person to use deadly force against a person stealing a firearm at night, but not during the day.
Despite prior theft attempts, Cargill also acknowledged to reporters that customers are not required to show identification before handling firearms inside the store. Cargill stated that he and his employees only check a person’s ID “once they’re purchasing a firearm.” When answering questions from reporters, Cargill said that if someone asked to look at a gun, they wouldn’t have to show ID — at least “not initially.” In other words, according to Cargill, individuals could walk into the store, request a firearm, and physically handle it before any identity verification occurred.
Even after the same suspect had allegedly targeted the store multiple times, no additional safeguards appeared to be in place to prevent someone from simply grabbing a firearm and fleeing the building. During another interview, Cargill said the suspect walked in “at the perfect time” when Cargill was teaching a class and another employee was “doing something” and “ask[ed] to look at a firearm,” then “boom, dart[ed] out the front door.”
minimal security requirements
The incident highlights broader concerns about gun dealer security practices and the lack of meaningful federal requirements governing how guns are displayed, handled, or secured inside retail gun stores, despite thousands of firearms being lost or stolen from dealers every year. Unlike pharmacies, jewelry stores, dispensaries, or even some electronics retailers — businesses that often employ controlled-entry systems, tethered merchandise, locked displays, or mandatory identification procedures for potential customers — gun dealers face relatively limited federal security requirements despite selling lethal weapons.
For its part, the National Shooting Sports Foundation, the gun industry’s trade association, lobbies against store security requirements, arguing that they are too “costly” and “burdensome” for dealers.
Cargill’s own statements suggest his store relied heavily on reactive measures, such as surveillance cameras and armed pursuit after thefts occurred, rather than preventative barriers designed to stop unauthorized individuals from physically obtaining firearms in the first place. Instead of addressing the security failures that made his gun store an easy target, Cargill argued that the Texas legislature needs to loosen gun laws to allow gun store owners “to use deadly force for theft of a firearm during the daytime. We would have no problem putting them on the escalator and sending them to Jesus.”
Following media reports linking the stolen firearm to Central Texas Gun Works, Cargill also threatened legal action against journalists and local news outlets that reported the gun allegedly used in the shootings came from his store. In a post on X, Cargill wrote that his attorneys were “preparing paperwork to go after every single person and media outlet” that reported the connection, calling the coverage “#Defamation.” The post included an image styled after a movie poster with Cargill standing near his store and the words “OWNER. LEADER. PROTECTOR.”
Cargill’s comments reflect a broader pattern within the firearms industry: When guns are stolen and later used in crimes, responsibility is often placed on prosecutors, courts, or the individuals who pulled the trigger, but far less attention is paid to the security failures that allowed firearms to leave retail stores in the first place.
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