Arkansas

Arkansas ranks worst in the nation for maternal mortality. What's the plan?

Published

2 years ago

March 16, 2024

Arkansas ranks worst in the nation for maternal mortality. What's the plan?

On March 6, Gov. Sarah Sanders gathered state officials, health care advocates and a gaggle of babies at the Capitol to announce a plan to address Arkansas’s dismal maternal health statistics. The state ranks last in the nation in maternal mortality, with almost 44 deaths per 100,000 births; the national figure is 23.5.

The gaps go beyond that, the governor said: “Of the 35,000 pregnancies in Arkansas each year, 10,000 women wait until they’re after their first trimester to see a doctor. Eleven hundred women never see a doctor until they are in labor.”

She then signed an executive order creating a new “Strategic Committee for Maternal Health,” made up of the heads of the Arkansas Department of Human Services, the Department of Health and other agencies. Their tasks include creating a strategic plan over the next six months, exploring “changes to the Medicaid program” and taking “immediate steps to enroll pregnant and postpartum women in Arkansas with available health coverage options, streamline coverage transition processes, and eliminate gaps in care.”

The order is as ambitious as it is vague. Sanders didn’t give many details about what’s being considered, but one thing looks to be off the table: Extending pregnancy Medicaid coverage. Arkansas is one of only four states that hasn’t taken the federal government up on a new option to allow eligible new mothers to stay on Medicaid for a full year, rather than just 60 days, despite recommendations from a state committee on maternal mortality to do just that.

Sanders faced blowback in recent weeks for refusing the 12-month Medicaid extension option while talking a big game about supporting mothers and families. She says the critics have it all wrong: The problem in Arkansas isn’t a lack of coverage, but poor education about existing options.

Extending postpartum Medicaid would “create a redundant program” that would “make for a good headline” without solving the underlying issues, the governor said at her press conference. “Arkansas already has resources for pregnant women through all nine months of pregnancy and beyond.”

State Rep. Aaron Pilkington (center) supports the 12-month Medicaid extension.

Does she have a point? Actually, yes. Unlike states such as Texas or Tennessee, Arkansas expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act a decade ago, allowing hundreds of thousands of low-income people to get insured. The majority of women who qualify for pregnancy Medicaid likely will qualify for ARHOME, the state’s Medicaid expansion program, after they give birth.

But that’s not the whole story. Arkansas has also made it harder for people — new mothers included — to get and keep Medicaid coverage than it needs to be, as shown by the state’s mad rush last year to purge the Medicaid rolls of ineligible people as quickly as possible. Many were kicked off simply for not returning a form to DHS quickly enough.

And while the state could automatically enroll eligible new moms in ARHOME or another program, it doesn’t appear to be doing so in many cases. That means a woman who’s just given birth needs to be shopping for new insurance and filling out paperwork while juggling a 6-week infant.

Keesa Smith, the executive director of Arkansas Advocates for Children and Families, said the group recognizes there are other coverage options but still thinks the 12-month Medicaid extension makes sense for Arkansas.

“Many women are dropping off the rolls as they transition from pregnancy Medicaid to other forms of Medicaid,” said Smith, who served as a deputy director at DHS until last year. “So why not make that process easier?”

A patchwork of coverage

A joint venture between states and the federal government, Medicaid provides safety net health insurance for various groups or “categories,” including disabled people, the elderly, children and pregnant women. It might be better thought of as a collection of programs rather than one single thing. Each Medicaid category has different eligibility requirements based on income and other factors, and states have leeway to set those eligibility rules.

The federal government requires states to offer Medicaid coverage to pregnant women below a certain income threshold throughout the course of pregnancy and for roughly 60 days afterwards. In Arkansas, the cutoff is 214% of the federal poverty line, which is about $32,228 for a one-person household or $43,742 for a family of two. (Medicaid pays for more than half of all births in the state, Sanders noted on March 6 — more than 19,000 each year.)

The biggest change to Medicaid in recent decades came with the passage of the Affordable Care Act in 2010. The ACA gave states new federal funding to offer coverage for a new catchall category of low-income, working-age, able-bodied adults, though many red-leaning states were skeptical of creating a broad new benefit program and refused to do so. Fourteen years later, 10 states — mostly in the South — still haven’t expanded Medicaid, meaning millions of their poorest residents have no decent insurance options.

These “non-expansion” states are the ones who stand to benefit most from the new 12-month pregnancy Medicaid extension, which was created temporarily by a Covid relief bill signed by President Biden in 2021 and later made permanent. According to a tracker from the health policy nonprofit KFF, 45 states have implemented the 12-month extension as of February.

Usha Ranji, associate director of women’s health policy at KFF, said the field of maternal health has come to recognize postpartum health goes well beyond two months post-birth. “One year [of coverage] brings the policy standpoint more in line with what’s going on with clinical care,” she said.

The 12-month extension has been a huge boon for low-income moms in non-expansion states like Texas or Florida, who previously had no Medicaid option at all after the 60-day postpartum period ended. Now, they’ll have another 10 months of coverage.

Arkansas, though, is a Medicaid expansion state. It expanded coverage in 2013 under then-Gov. Mike Beebe, a Democrat, giving insurance to hundreds of thousands of poor Arkansans. The expansion program has gone by many names in the decade since — the private option, Arkansas Works and now ARHOME — but it remains in place today, despite some conservative legislators’ best efforts to undo it over the years.

This is part of what Sanders means when she says Arkansas women already have coverage options. To qualify for ARHOME, a person must make under 138% of the federal poverty line, which is $20,783 for a family of one or $28,207 for a family of two. A single woman who makes $20,000 annually could get ARHOME after her 60-day pregnancy Medicaid window expires — but so could a single woman who makes $25,000, since the addition of the new baby would enlarge her household size.

Not everyone is in that group, however. An expectant mother who makes $30,000 a year might qualify for pregnancy Medicaid but not ARHOME. What are her options after 60 days?

Some women may pick up coverage through an employer or a spouse, though that option clearly isn’t available to everyone. The Sanders administration points to the federal health insurance marketplace as an alternative for the rest. That may seem odd, considering Republicans tried for years to repeal the Affordable Care Act, aka Obamacare (which created the marketplace), but the fact is that it really is a decent option for many families on the lower end of the income scale.

Individual health insurance is expensive, but the federal government subsidizes people’s coverage on a sliding scale based on income. For those who make just a bit too much to qualify for ARHOME, the out-of-pocket costs can be quite modest. A new mother in a two-person household in Arkansas who makes $30,000 annually could buy private insurance for just $2 a month, according to a KFF calculator. If she made $35,000 annually, it would be around $32 monthly.

Paper vs. real life

All of that, though, is on paper. In the real world, a $32 premium can be unaffordable to a struggling family. And the hassle and time and frustration involved in shopping for coverage, understanding available options, and navigating DHS’ maze of paperwork can discourage anyone, especially a person dealing with the stress of a new baby.

State Rep. Aaron Pilkington (R-Knoxville) unsuccessfully sponsored a bill last year that would have signed Arkansas up for the 12-month postpartum extension option. After the March 6 press conference, he said he still thinks that’s the right thing to do.

“Take a woman who’s just had a C-section, and she’s trying to navigate recovery,” Pilkington said. “And then we have a 40-something page document from the Department of Human Services trying to get her enrolled [in ARHOME] only to find out she’s not eligible?”

Smith, the Arkansas Advocates director, said she’s happy the state is giving fresh attention to maternal health but still favors the 12-month extension.

“That’s going to continue to be what we advocate for until the state shows us there’s a better plan to keep women covered,” she said.

The committee created by the governor March 6 is supposed to develop that plan over the next six months. Its list of directives include creating a new health education and advertising campaign, expanding telehealth and home visits for new moms, and launching a pilot program in five counties with particularly low rates of prenatal care, among others.

Among the biggest unknowns: If a woman who’s covered under pregnancy Medicaid reaches the end of her 60-day postpartum coverage and she’s eligible for coverage under ARHOME (or another Medicaid category), will DHS automatically enroll her? Or will she have to fill out a new application, gather documents and jump through hoops to maintain coverage?

DHS spokesman Gavin Lesnick said the agency “attempts to move the beneficiary to ARHOME automatically” in such cases but will send a renewal packet if auto-enrollment isn’t possible.

“If DHS receives information through data-matching such as a change in income, household composition, or state of residence, or information that the mother is failing to cooperate with child support,” that could require filling out new paperwork, Lesnick said. (It’s worth noting that almost every birth creates “a change in household composition” by definition.) The committee created by Sanders on March 6 will be examining whether “there are ways to optimize this process so it is even more seamless,” he said.

That may sound reasonable enough, but DHS has a history of kicking people off Medicaid over paperwork issues. Just last year, it ended coverage for hundreds of thousands of people, including some 78,500 children on the ARKids programs, as part of a post-pandemic effort to clear the rolls of ineligible people. Critics say the state swept plenty of eligible people out the door as well.

Thanks to Medicaid expansion, more Arkansans have access to insurance than residents of many Southern states. But that also shows there’s merit to the argument that focusing too much on coverage can miss the point: Even states where fewer people have health insurance are doing better than Arkansas on maternal mortality.

Smith said she’s encouraged by the five-county pilot program and its recognition that there are parts of the state with critical shortages of doctors and other medical providers. “Half of our state doesn’t have labor and delivery units,” she said.

“I do agree with the governor that insurance coverage doesn’t equal access, so I believe coverage is just the beginning of the conversation,” Smith said. “But what are the actual next steps?”

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Arkansas

Arkansas’ congressional delegation updates state business leaders on legislative priorities | Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

Published

2 hours ago

April 23, 2026

Press Room

Arkansas’ congressional delegation updates state business leaders on legislative priorities | Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

WASHINGTON — The four Arkansans serving in the U.S. House of Representatives addressed Arkansas business leaders on Wednesday, offering an update on their legislative priorities, policy worries and thoughts on the Republican majority’s future.

The Arkansas State Chamber of Commerce/Associated Industries of Arkansas hosted the four lawmakers for a working breakfast at the U.S. Capitol. The meeting was part of the organizations’ annual Washington Fly-In, which also included a luncheon with Arkansas Sens. John Boozman and Tom Cotton.

The Arkansas congressional delegation holds a significant amount of influence on Capitol Hill. Three House members — Republican Reps. Rick Crawford, French Hill and Bruce Westerman — each lead congressional committees.

Both Arkansas senators also serve as committee chairs. Boozman, of Rogers, chairs the Senate Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry Committee, and Cotton, of Little Rock, presides over the Senate Intelligence Committee.

Rep. Steve Womack, R-Ark., does not lead a full committee. The Rogers congressman chairs the House Appropriations subcommittee handling transportation and housing dollars.

“You are well-served by your delegation,” Womack said.

WAITING FOR THE SENATE

Hill, of Little Rock, highlighted the work of the House Financial Services Committee, which has jurisdiction over matters concerning banks, securities and housing.

The committee was successful last year in moving legislation regulating digital assets, culminating in the House passing these measures in July as part of “crypto week.” One bill — the GENIUS Act, which established a market structure for payment stablecoins — received President Donald Trump’s signature.

Hill, a former banker, is waiting for the Senate to finalize their version of the CLARITY Act, which would provide instructions for regulating digital commodities. The Senate Agriculture Committee approved its portion of the bill in January, but the Senate Banking Committee has yet to complete its work.

“It’s the top thing being negotiated in the Senate Banking Committee behind the scenes,” Hill said Wednesday.

Hill is also trying to reconcile differences on housing legislation. Both chambers have passed measures aimed at expediting new home construction and increasing affordable housing, but the Arkansan wants the final package to provide small community banks with regulatory and supervisory flexibility.

The House voted 390-9 in February for the Housing for the 21st Century Act. The Senate in the following month passed its 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act with an 89-10 vote.

“That’s a sign that, on a bipartisan basis, there’s a real interest in trying to get something done from the supply-side point of view on improving housing, housing affordability (and) housing accessibility,” Hill said. “We believe our bill in the House does that in spades.”

Westerman, of Hot Springs, is anticipating potential Senate action for overhauling the permitting process for energy and infrastructure projects. As chair of the House Natural Resources Committee, Westerman led the push behind the SPEED Act, resulting in the House passing the legislation in December in a 221-196 vote.

Westerman previously said there have been talks with senators about a final permitting measure, with hopes of building enough bipartisan and bicameral support behind a unifying proposal.

“Every single American gets affected by delays in permitting reform,” the congressman said Wednesday. “When it comes to energy, we can’t produce the energy that we need.”

Crawford, of Jonesboro, leads the House Intelligence Committee. The panel often conducts its business in classified settings, as lawmakers handle sensitive information involving the nation’s intelligence operations. Hill also serves on this committee.

Crawford has been trying in recent weeks to get the House to unify behind renewing Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. The Senate and House agreed last week to extend the communications collection program through April 30 amid debate over protecting civil liberties.

“If we lose the authority under 702, we lose a critical tool in national security,” Crawford explained. “Why does that matter? Because about 60% of the president’s daily brief is 702-derived intelligence. It is essential.”

CRAWFORD ON AGRICULTURE POLICY

Crawford told business leaders that the House will vote next week on a measure updating some federal agriculture programs.

The House Agriculture Committee in March advanced its version of the farm bill, a legislative package with provisions concerning rural conservation and farm credit. Crawford serves on the House panel.

In previous years, the Senate and House addressed these items alongside agriculture, rural development and nutrition programs in a single, sweeping farm bill. Lawmakers, however, have not passed such a measure since December 2018, instead opting to extend the standing law.

The One Big Beautiful Bill Act — Republicans’ sweeping tax and policy package — included language to boost commodity prices and update farm programs, yet producers will not feel the impact of these changes until October.

Crawford strayed away from offering a deep analysis of the nation’s current agriculture policies, but argued federal programs do not provide enough flexibility for modern farmers.

“We’re still tinkering around with a Depression-era farm policy model that we have revised every few years,” Crawford said. “In my opinion, it’s not adequate to meet the challenges. It doesn’t accurately reflect the economic demands of a 21st-century economy.”

American farmers have been struggling to maintain their operations due to multiple years of decreasing crop prices and elevated input costs. Chapter 12 farm bankruptcies rose 46% between 2024 and 2025, with Arkansas leading the country in bankruptcies last year with 33 filings.

WOMACK AGAINST REDISTRICTING EFFORTS

The working breakfast came after Virginia voters on Tuesday approved an amendment to the commonwealth’s constitution supporting a mid-decade redistricting effort.

Democrats currently hold six of Virginia’s 11 congressional districts. The amendment allows the Democrat-led General Assembly to draw a new temporary congressional map increasing the party’s share to 10 seats.

The referendum was a response to President Donald Trump’s nationwide redistricting campaign. The president has called on Republican state lawmakers — starting with Texas legislators — to draw new congressional districts before this year’s midterm elections to help the GOP hold its House majority.

Voters in California approved a pro-Democrat redistricting effort last November in response to Trump. Democrats also hope to win one of Utah’s four House seats after a judge last year adopted a new map with a Democrat-leaning district.

“Sometimes, we as a party are not really good at chess,” Womack said.

“We make a move thinking, ‘Oh, good for us. We create these safe seats in Texas, and we’re going to win more seats in Texas,’ and then California says, ‘Hold my beer.’”

Womack criticized the “whole redistricting saga,” saying the Virginia results will likely hurt House Republicans’ chances of having the majority next January.

“If Republicans lose the House in November, it won’t be by a lot of votes,” he added. “It will still be a pretty narrow majority.”

Alex Thomas
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Alex Thomas has served as the Washington Correspondent for the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette since November 2022. He also produces “Arkies in the Beltway,” a weekly podcast covering national politics and the Arkansans involved in public policy debates.

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Arkansas

Bankers: Arkansas Farmers Walking A Tightrope That Gets Thinner Each Season

Published

15 hours ago

April 22, 2026

Press Room

Bankers: Arkansas Farmers Walking A Tightrope That Gets Thinner Each Season

On a typical summer’s day in Arkansas’ rural reaches — or that of any other state, actually — the landscape is the same. From the corn belt of the upper Midwest to the squat peanut stands of Georgia to the billowing rice fields of Arkansas’ Grand Prairie, an unending sea of green is all that meets the eye.

But of everything green that a typical farm deals in year in and year out, money has proven the toughest to take root. Higher input costs, sluggish markets and a string of international issues have all put farmers under increasing strain. Farm Aid reported that farmers were expected to break even in 2025, but the inexorable tightening of economic conditions over time is starting to strangle many of the nation’s providers.

In Arkansas, 37,200 farms cover 13.6 million acres, or 41 percent of Arkansas ground, according to 2025 statistics published by the University of Arkansas System Division of Agriculture. Despite its relatively small size, Arkansas punches well above its weight in productivity. In 2024, Arkansas ranked in the top 10 among states in nine categories including rice (first), broilers, catfish, cotton and cottonseed (third), turkeys (fourth), peanuts (seventh), chicken eggs (ninth) and soybeans (10th). The state also ranked in the top half of states in corn for grain, cattle and calves, and hay production, the U.S. Department of Agriculture states.

All of that adds up to make agriculture a major economic force in the state, more so on a percentage basis than peer states throughout the southeastern region of the country. As reported by USDA, the aggregate agriculture sector’s share of Arkansas’ gross domestic product is nearly four times that of Texas, twice that of the southeast region, which also includes Louisiana, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Missouri and Mississippi, and nearly three times that of the nation as a whole.

The industry generates 14.4 percent of the state value added, approximately $25.2 billion worth, a measurement that includes labor income plus indirect taxes and other property-type income generated by agricultural production, processing and ag-related activities. The USDA ranked the Natural State’s $13.8 billion in total cash receipts 14th in the nation in 2023, including 10th in animal and animal products at $8 billion and 16th in crops at $5.8 billion.

The problems on the farm are at once plain-English simple — higher costs plus lower commodity prices — and maddeningly nuanced in the push-me, pull-you way prices affect different ag products and therefore different sectors of the industry.

“Agriculture in Arkansas is pretty diverse, and it depends on which segment you’re in,” said Greg Cole, president and CEO of AgHeritage Farm Credit Services in Little Rock. “If you look at western Arkansas, you’ve got mostly cattle and poultry. Cattle prices are at an all-time high right now. They’re doing really good. The poultry companies are making money, and the poultry house business is pretty good.

Greg Cole

“The eastern part of the state is mostly row crops. These are big commercial producers that produce rice, cotton, soybeans and corn predominantly. That’s the area that’s the most stressed. In fact, I just got back from a national meeting, and the two hottest spots in the whole United States where agriculture was the most stressed were in California, in the nut and wine sector, and here in the mid-South, defined as the bootheel of Missouri all the way down the eastern part of Arkansas, western part of Mississippi and eastern part of Louisiana. Farmers there are losing money, and the outlook is not very good.”

Cole, who is approaching 42 years in banking, about half of them at AgHeritage, said the only thing that compares to the current situation is the farm crisis of the 1980s. Decades before there was a tech bubble or a housing bubble, a more existential crisis played out across America’s heartland, one that brought the nation’s producers to their knees.

After a boom period in the 1970s where grain contracts with the Soviet Union boosted crop and protein prices skyward, producers started gobbling up available land to take advantage of the situation.

“We had much higher corn and soybean prices that led to good returns in agriculture, but mainly what it did, as well, is led farmers to buy a lot of farmland and use debt to buy that farmland,” Gary Schnitkey, University of Illinois Extension farm management specialist, said in a 2022 AgriNews retrospective of the crisis.

“Farmland prices were going up and going up, and we got some pretty high debt-to-asset ratios on these farms because we’d buy farmland, which we always believed was going to keep going up. We had to have it right now, so we bought it and bought it and got some pretty high debt levels. That set this [farm ground bubble] up.”

As history now shows, runaway inflation heading into the 1980s caused Washington to take action in the form of the Federal Reserve raising interest rates. The farmland bubble burst almost overnight as land values bottomed out, and that, combined with the Soviets’ grain embargo in 1979 and subsequent lower exports between 1981 and 1983, drove U.S. farm debt to $215 billion in 1984, double that of just six years prior. The impact was severe; producers quit in wholesale numbers, some foreclosed on and some just beaten into submission to the tune of reducing the number of family farms by about two-thirds compared to the 1930s.

Cole said while similar, the circumstances of 1981 are not identical to those of 2026, allowing many producers more breathing room, starting with land values.

“In the 1980s, farmers were in what I call the negative trifecta. They were eroding the balance sheet through operating losses and equipment depreciation and substantial land depreciation. Back then, we had land base fall as much as 60 percent. Today, our land values are still positive to steady,” he said. “Also, interest rates — even though our interest rates have come up from historical lows, from an historical perspective, they’ve steered more as average. Back then, interest rates were really elevated, with the prime interest rates peaking in 1980 at 21.5 percent.

“There were other factors too. Farmers then didn’t have risk management tools here in eastern Arkansas. A lot of the land wasn’t irrigated, where today the majority of it is irrigated, which reduces production risk. We have crop insurance today, where we didn’t back then, so what I’m seeing now is a pretty severe cycle that’s not as bad as the ‘80s, but it’s the toughest I’ve seen since the ‘80s.”

The ripple effect of the current crisis affects everyone and not just in the ways most people think of, through shortages and sticker shock at the grocery store. A struggling ag economy reverberates throughout all sectors of society, affecting ag-related and ag-supporting businesses such as processors, implement dealers and Main Street businesses of all descriptions found throughout the small towns dotting the nation’s rural areas, banking included.

Todd Wilson, loan manager at Signature Bank in Brinkley, works in the heart of Arkansas farm country. He said he sees this trickle-down effect in play every day in the community.

Todd Wilson

“In our part of the world, it’s not only affecting the farmers, but everybody in our community is affected by this downward turn,” he said. “The ag pilots, they’re losing money. The truckers are losing money. The beauticians are losing money. Agricultural affects our community 100 percent.

“Riceland Foods made a comment to a meeting a couple weeks ago that they weren’t sure if they were going to be able to keep all their facilities open because of the decline in the rice market, so that would create more people without a job if they close those facilities. Like I said, it’s not just farmers. Agriculture affects everything that we do in eastern Arkansas.”

Wilson said of all the dour news of late, it is hard to pick out the most concerning trend, but the state of rice production comes mighty close.

“Rice has been the main staple in our part of the world, and in this day and age right now, rice is probably the worst crop that you could farm,” he said. “The USDA Farm Service Agency gives us a breakdown every spring of what they project the income is from each and every crop grown. That includes cattle, apples, nuts, fruits, vegetables — everything. Since 2023 to 2026, rice has gone down $2.56 in their projection. For a farmer that is cutting 180 bushels of rice, that’s a $460.80 loss per acre.

“Meanwhile, the input costs for the farmer have gone up. It’s $900 an acre to plant hybrid rice now, and that’s just the seed. Fertilizer has gone up since the beginning of this year, $165 a ton. Diesel fuel has gone up $1.20 in the last 45 days. For a farmer that’s producing rice and they’re having to water that crop and they’re putting fertilizer on it, it is eating into the bottom line every single minute.”

Until recently, financial relief for farmers has been slow in coming from Washington. The lack of an updated Farm Bill, last passed under President Donald Trump in 2018 and which expired under President Joe Biden’s watch in 2023, has limited protections and safety nets targeting farmers. Trump worked hand in glove with Sen. John Boozman of Arkansas, who heads the U.S. Senate’s ag committee, resulting in two emergency aid packages thus far: one at the start of the president’s second term and the other in December.

The biggest accomplishment was incorporating about 85 percent of Farm Bill protections into the One Big Beautiful Bill Act passed last summer, and other creative funding measures are apparently underway in Washington. As first reported by Politico, more than 50 farmer groups have pressed the president to include ag relief in a military funding package currently before Congress. The industry groups and their Republican lawmaker allies are seeking $15 billion in relief on the argument that it would mitigate effects on the nation’s agriculture from the military action against Iran.

Meanwhile, the primary source of funding for many producers is a familiar one — borrowing from local sources. Even that can only go so far, said Cole, whose organization is part of a nationwide co-op that lends to its members.

“Farm credit is very strong. We’re well capitalized, and we have a strong ability to fulfill our mission of working with producers in not-so-good times like today,” Cole said. “Now, having said that, as we tell people, we loan money; we don’t grant money. The numbers have still got to work. As a cooperative, if I loan you money and you can’t pay me back and I lose money on you, that comes out of your other members’ equity. It’s not like it comes out of some absentee stockholder.

“So though we’re very stable, farmers still have to have a valuable plan, and they have to have equity to borrow money, and they have to be able to pay it back.”

Therein lies one of the long-term issues likely to stretch for years after the current cycle starts to improve, Wilson said. With prolonged conditions being what they are, many farmers’ equity picture looks a lot different than it did just a few years ago, especially as it applies to those looking to retire after a lifetime in the fields.

“I had a farmer make this comment: He said, ‘I am eating up my retirement by keeping farming because I do not have any equity left in my equipment.’ That’s what he was wanting to retire on, his equity and his equipment, and it’s just going away,” Wilson said.

“Most of our farmers have land and equipment and stuff to fall back on, and now they’re eating up their entire equity. That’s the sad part about it. Farming is the only industry in the world that you start making a product, and you do not know what you’re going to get for it at the end.”

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Arkansas

#24 Arkansas Explodes for Eight Runs in Eighth to Race past Missouri State in Midweek Rematch

Published

1 day ago

April 22, 2026

Press Room

#24 Arkansas Explodes for Eight Runs in Eighth to Race past Missouri State in Midweek Rematch

FAYETTEVILLE, Ark. – No. 24 Arkansas (27-15) used an eight-run eighth inning, punctuated by home runs from Ryder Helfrick and TJ Pompey, to race past Missouri State (26-12) in a 12-4 win Tuesday night at Baum-Walker Stadium.

With their win in the rematch against the Bears, the Razorbacks improved to 9-2 in midweek games, including a 7-1 mark in midweek matchups at home, this season. Arkansas will conclude its midweek slate next week with a double midweek series against Northwestern State from April 28-29 inside the friendly confines of Baum-Walker Stadium.

Entering the bottom of the eighth tied at four, the Hogs exploded for eight runs on seven hits, including four extra-base hits, to blow the game open. Carter Rutenbar’s go-ahead two-run single through the right side put Arkansas up 6-4 and set the table for Camden Kozeal’s RBI double, Helfrick’s three-run blast and Pompey’s two-run shot later in the frame.

When the bottom of the eighth was all said and done, the Razorbacks had opened a commanding 12-4 lead after they were shut out through the game’s first five innings. Kozeal finished the night 3-for-5 with a double, home run and two RBI to lead Arkansas offensively and raise his season slash line to .305/.394/.604 with 11 homers and a team-high 48 RBI.

Helfrick, meanwhile, swatted his team-leading 14th home run in Tuesday night’s win against the Bears. The Razorbacks’ superstar catcher is now slashing .293/.430/.626 with 14 homers and 40 RBI through his 41 games played this season.

In addition to Kozeal, Nolan Souza (3-for-5), Reese Robinett (2-for-5, 2B) and Kuhio Aloy (2-for-4, RB) logged multi-hit games. Along with Helfrick and Kozeal, Rutenbar (1-for-4, 2 RBI) and Pompey (1-for-1, HR, RBI) tallied multiple RBI.

On the mound, Tate McGuire made his third start of the season for Arkansas and worked 3.2 innings of two-run ball with four strikeouts. In relief, Colin Fisher (3.1 IP, 1 R, 0 ER, 5 SO), Steele Eaves (0.1 IP, 1 R, 1 ER, 1 SO), Parker Coil (0.2 IP) and Cooper Dossett (1.0 IP, 2 SO) combined for 5.1 innings of two-run ball (one earned) with eight strikeouts to seal the win.

Up next, the Hogs will hit the road for an SEC weekend series from April 23-25 in Columbia, Mo. First pitch in the series opener between Arkansas and Missouri (20-21) is scheduled for 7 p.m. Thursday, April 23, on SEC Network.

For complete coverage of Arkansas baseball, follow the Hogs on Twitter (@RazorbackBSB), Instagram (@RazorbackBSB) and Facebook (Arkansas Razorback Baseball).

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