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Commentary: Is RFK Jr. better on women’s health than Newsom? We’re about to find out

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Commentary: Is RFK Jr. better on women’s health than Newsom? We’re about to find out

It’s a bad look when Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is ahead of you on scientifically sound health policy — women’s health, to make matters worse — but that’s exactly what happened to Gov. Gavin Newsom last week.

Ouch.

In a Cabinet meeting, Kennedy went on a six-minute-plus grovel to Trump. That’s pretty standard for these increasingly weird meetings, but the secretary of Health and Human Services specifically praised the president for ending a “20-year war on women by removing the black box warnings from hormone replacement therapy.”

As much as it shocks me to say it, RFK Jr. has a reasonable point.

A couple of days later, appearing onstage at the New York Times’ DealBook Summit, Oscar-winning actor Halle Berry took an unexpected and harsh shot at Newsom for vetoing a bill on menopause treatment.

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“But that’s OK,” she said of Newsom killing the Menopause Care Equity Act (AB 432), which she had lobbied to pass and which had strong bipartisan support in the Legislature.

“Because he’s not going to be governor forever, and with the way he has overlooked women, half the population, by devaluing us in midlife, he probably should not be our next president either,” Berry said. “Just saying.”

The two events show just how complicated and controversial menopause care has become in the past few years, as women not only talk about it more openly, but demand care that for, well, basically always, has been denied or denigrated as unnecessary.

Looking a bit deeper, this seemingly out-of-the-blue menopause moment gets to the heart of an insurance problem that, male or female, most Americans have an opinion on: How much power should insurance companies have to deny care that a doctor deems reasonable?

To keep it simple, menopause is a phase that all women go through when their fertility ends, meaning 50% of the population deals with it. It has specific and life-altering symptoms — most of which can be treated, but often aren’t because many doctors aren’t trained in menopause care (or perimenopause, which comes first), and the science is too-often overlooked or misunderstood.

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The result is that way too many women stumble through menopause not understanding what is happening to them, or that there are excellent, scientifically backed treatments to help.

A prime example of that is the “black box” warning that has been on many hormone replacement drugs since the turn of the millennium, when one large but flawed study found that such drugs might increase the risk of cancer or other diseases.

A black box warning is the most serious caution the Food and Drug Administration can put on a medication, and its inclusion on hormone replacement theory, or HRT, put a severe chill on its use.

Twenty years of subsequent research not only revealed the flaws in that first analysis, but also showed significant benefits from HRT. It can protect against cognitive decline, decrease heart disease and alleviate symptoms such as hot flashes, among many other benefits.

In early November, the FDA removed those warnings from many HRT drugs. The result will likely be greater access for more women as doctors lose a hesitancy to prescribe them, and women lose fear of using them.

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“The misconceptions around the risks have been overblown for decades, fringing on dogma over real science and have led to population-level missed opportunities for life improvements for our aging women of the developed world,” wrote Michael Rodgers, chairman of the Santa Clara County Health Advisory Commission, on a public comment about the change.

While Rodgers is right, insurance coverage and doctor know-how remain problems for women seeking care — ones that the Menopause Care Equity Act hoped to address.

The bill would have required private insurance companies to cover FDA-approved menopause treatments and rewarded doctors who took voluntarily continuous education classes on menopause topics. That final version had already been watered down from earlier proposals that would have mandated coverage of even more treatment options (such as non-FDA approved compounded hormones) and made menopause training required for doctors.

But Newsom seemed to take issue with a part of the bill that banned insurance companies from applying “utilization management” to menopause treatments — and here’s where we get back to agreeing with RFK Jr.

Utilization management, or UM, is basically when insurance companies get to decide what a patient needs and what they don’t — the pre-approvals, the reviews and the denials, which all too often seem to be far more about cost than care.

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Now artificial intelligence is getting in on the utilization management business, potentially meaning it’s not even a human deciding our treatments. UM is a multibillion-dollar industry that, under the premise of keeping healthcare affordable, too often does so by denying care.

Which is why Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (D-Orinda), the author of the California bill, put in a prohibition against UM.

“The standard is ‘medically necessary‘” when it comes to insurance coverage, Bauer-Kahan points out.

“When you talk about menopause, that’s a really fuzzy term, right? I mean, I will survive in the short term without any treatment,” she said. “So what is ‘medically necessary’ is this very vague thing when it comes to menopausal care.”

In his veto message, Newsom said the UM prohibition “would limit the ability of health plans to engage in practices that have been shown to ensure appropriate care while limiting unnecessary costs.”

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But the truth, and problem, with menopause care is that it is specific to the individual woman. Like birth control pills, a treatment that works for one woman might cause side effects for another. There is often a lot of trial and error to find the right path through menopause, and women need to be able to have the freedom and flexibility to work one-on-one with their doctor. Without interference.

In June, Kennedy called out prior authorization across the healthcare industry as a problem, and announced shortly after that he had received a pledge from many large insurance companies to reform that process by 2026, removing the need for prior authorization from many treatments and procedures and streamlining the process overall.

If that reform comes to pass, it will indeed be terrific — I am hopeful — but also, let’s wait and see. Those changes are supposed to begin in January.

Back in California, Newsom has also pledged to do something about menopause coverage in January, when he announces his budget proposal. In his veto message, Newsom said he would go this route — adding it into his budget package — rather than work on a new bill in the regular legislative session. This remains the plan, though no details are yet available.

Apparently, someone forget to mention it to Berry.

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The budget has increasingly become a catch-all for legislation the governor wants to get done with less fuss because the budget and its trailer bills always pass at some point, and it can be an easier route for him to control.

Newsom has made it a core part of his policies, and his presidential campaign, to be a backer of women’s rights, especially around reproductive care — and equity for women is a cause championed by his wife, First Partner Jennifer Siebel Newsom.

But the governor also has long been hesitant to pass legislation that has costs attached (the menopause bill could raise individual premiums by less than 50 cents a month for most private-pay consumers). With federal cuts, increasing premiums and the generalized hot mess of healthcare, his caution is not unwarranted.

But also, in this case, maybe it is misguided. The only real opposition to the California bill came from insurance companies. Go figure.

Bauer-Kahan said she has been in touch with the governor’s office, but remains committed to pursuing a law that limits utilization management.

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“I am happy to hear that we are going to hopefully achieve this, but it needs to be achieved in a way that actually meaningfully makes a difference for getting the menopausal care women need,” she said.

Newsom’s October veto made barely a ripple. Thanks to Berry’s punch, his January proposal will be not just noticed, but scrutinized.

If he does eliminate the restrictions on UM, he’ll need to answer the broader question that action would raise — how much power should insurance companies have to override the decisions of doctors and patients?

It would be strange days if January saw Kennedy and his chaotic and questionable Department of Health and Human Services offering better healthcare options for women than the state of California.

And stranger still if Newsom puts a price tag on the well-being of women.

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There were 13 full-service public health clinics in L.A. County. Now there are 6

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There were 13 full-service public health clinics in L.A. County. Now there are 6

Because of budget cuts, the Los Angeles County Department of Public Health has ended clinical services at seven of its public health clinic sites.

As of Feb. 27, the county is no longer providing services such as vaccinations, sexually transmitted infection testing and treatment, or tuberculosis diagnosis and specialty TB care at the affected locations, according to county officials and a department fact sheet.

The sites losing clinical services are Antelope Valley in Lancaster; the Center for Community Health (Leavy) in San Pedro, Curtis R. Tucker in Inglewood, Hollywood-Wilshire, Pomona, Dr. Ruth Temple in South Los Angeles, and Torrance. Services will continue to be provided by the six remaining public health clinics, and through nearby community clinics.

The changes are the result of about $50 million in funding losses, according to official county statements.

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“That pushed us to make the very difficult decision to end clinical services at seven of our sites,” said Dr. Anish Mahajan, chief deputy director of the L.A. County Department of Public Health.

Mahajan said the department selected clinics with relatively lower patient volumes. Over the last month, he said, the department has sent letters to patients about the changes, and referred them to unaffected county clinics, nearby federally qualified health centers or other community providers. According to Mahajan, for tuberculosis patients, particularly those requiring directly observed therapy, public health nurses will continue visiting patients.

Public health clinics form part of the county’s healthcare safety net, serving low-income residents and those with limited access to care. Officials said that about half of the patients the county currently sees across its clinics are uninsured.

Mahajan noted that the clinics were established decades ago, before the Affordable Care Act expanded Medi-Cal coverage and increased the number of federally qualified health centers. He said that as more residents gained access to primary care, utilization at some county-run clinics declined.

“Now that we have a more sophisticated safety net, people often have another place to go for their full range of care,” he said.

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Still, the closures have unsettled providers who work closely with local vulnerable populations.

“I hate to see any services that serve our at-risk and homeless community shut down,” said Mark Hood, chief executive of Union Rescue Mission in downtown Los Angeles. “There’s so much need out there, so it always is going to create hardship for the people that actually need the help the most.”

Union Rescue Mission does not receive government funding for its healthcare services, Hood said. The mission’s clinics are open not only to shelter guests, up to 1,000 people nightly, but also to people living on the streets who walk in seeking care.

Its dental clinic alone sees nearly 9,000 patients a year, Hood said.

“We haven’t seen it yet, but I expect in the coming days and weeks we’ll see more people coming through our doors looking for help,” he said. “They’re going to have to find help somewhere.” Hood said women experiencing homelessness are especially vulnerable when preventive care, including sexual and reproductive health services, becomes harder to access.

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County officials said staffing impacts so far have been managed through reassignment rather than layoffs. Roughly 200 to 300 positions across the department have been eliminated amid funding cuts, officials said, though many were vacant. About 120 employees whose positions were affected have been reassigned; according to Mahajan, no one has been laid off.

The clinic closures come amid broader fiscal uncertainty. Mahajan said that due to the Trump administration’s “Big Beautiful Bill,” Los Angeles County could lose $2.4 billion over the next several years. That funding, he said, supports clinics, hospitals and community clinic partners now absorbing patients who previously went to the clinics that closed on Feb. 27.

In response, the L.A. County Board of Supervisors has backed a proposed half-cent sales tax measure that would generate hundreds of millions of dollars annually for healthcare and public health services. Voters are expected to consider the measure in June.

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Mobile clinic brings mammograms to women on Skid Row

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Mobile clinic brings mammograms to women on Skid Row

Sharon Horton stepped through the door of a sky-blue mobile clinic and onto a Skid Row sidewalk. She wore a yellow knit beanie, gold hoop earrings and the relieved grin of a woman who has finally checked a mammogram off her to-do list.

It had been years since her last breast cancer screening procedure. This one, which took place in City of Hope’s Cancer Prevention and Screening mobile clinic, was faster and easier. The staff was kind. The machine that X-rayed her breast was more comfortable than the cold hard contraption she remembered.

Relatively speaking, of course — it was still a mammogram.

“It’s like, OK, let me go already!” Horton, 68, said with a laugh.

The clinic was parked on South San Pedro Street in front of Union Rescue Mission, the nonprofit shelter where Horton resides. Within a week, City of Hope, a cancer research hospital, would share the results with Horton and Dr. Mary Marfisee, the mission’s family medical services director. If the mammogram detected anything of concern, they’d map out a treatment plan from there.

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Naureen Sayani, 47, a resident of Union Rescue Mission, left, discusses her medical history with Adriana Galindo, a medical assistant, before getting a mammogram on last week.

(Kayla Bartkowski / Los Angeles Times)

“It’s very important to take care of your health, and you need to get involved in everything that you can to make your life a better life,” said Horton, who is looking forward to a forthcoming move into Section 8 housing.

Horton was one of the first patients of a new women’s health initiative from UCLA’s Homeless Healthcare Collaborative at Union Rescue Mission. Staffed by third-year UCLA Medical School students and led by Marfisee, a UCLA assistant clinical professor of family medicine, the clinic treats mission residents as well as unhoused people living in the surrounding neighborhood.

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The new cancer screening project arrives at a time of dire financial pressures on county public health services.

Citing rising costs and a $50-million reduction in federal, state and local grant and contract income, the Los Angeles County Department of Public Health on Feb. 27 ended services at seven of 13 public clinics that provide vaccines, tests and treatment for sexually transmitted diseases and other services to housed and unhoused county residents.

Although Union Rescue Mission’s own funding comes mainly from private sources and is less imperiled by public cuts, the 135-year-old shelter expects the need for its services to rise, Chief Executive Mark Hood said.

Even as unsheltered homelessness declined for the last two years across Los Angeles County, the unsheltered population on Skid Row — long seen as the epicenter of the region’s homelessness crisis — grew 9% in 2024, the most recent year for which census data are available.

For many local women navigating daily concerns over housing, food and personal safety, “their own health is not a priority,” Marfisee said.

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Those whose problems have become too serious to ignore face daunting obstacles to care. Marfisee recalled one patient who came to her with a lump in her breast and no identification.

In order to get a mammogram, Marfisee explained, the woman first needed to obtain a birth certificate, and then a state-issued identification card. Then she needed to enroll in Medi-Cal. After that, clinic staff helped her find a primary care physician who could order the imaging test.

Given the barriers to preventative care, homeless women die from breast cancer at nearly twice the rate of securely housed women, a 2019 study found. Marfisee’s own survey of the mission’s female residents found that nearly 90% were not up to date on recommended cancer screenings like mammograms and pap smears, which detect early cervical cancer.

To address this gap, Marfisee — a dogged patient advocate — reached out to City of Hope. The Duarte-based research and treatment center unveiled in March 2024 its first mobile cancer screening clinic, a moving van-sized clinic on wheels that it deploys to food banks and health centers, as well as to companies offering free mammograms as an employee benefit.

“In true Dr. Mary fashion, she saw the vision,” said Jessica Thies, the mobile screening program’s regional nursing director. After working through some logistical hurdles, the mission and City of Hope secured a date for the van’s first visit.

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The next challenge was getting the word out to patients. Marfisee and her students walked through the surrounding neighborhood, went cot to cot in the women’s dorm and held two informational sessions in December and January to answer patients’ questions.

At the sessions, the team walked through the basics of who should get a mammogram (women age 40 or older, those with a family history of breast cancer) and the procedure itself. (“Like a tortilla maker?” one woman asked skeptically after hearing a description of the mammography unit.)

The medical students were able to dispel rumors some women had heard: The test doesn’t damage breast tissue, nor do the X-rays increase cancer risk. Others questioned a mammogram’s value: What good was it knowing they had cancer if they couldn’t get follow-up care?

On this latter point, Marfisee is determined not to let patients fall through the cracks.

Thirteen patients received mammograms at the van’s first visit on Wednesday. Within a week, City of Hope will contact patients with their results and send them to Marfisee and her team. She is already mentally mapping the next steps should any patient have a situation that requires a biopsy or further imaging: working with their case manager at the mission, calling in favors, wrangling with any insurance the patient might have.

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“It’ll be a good fight,” Marfisee said, as residents in the adjacent cafeteria carried trays of sloppy joes and burgers to their lunch tables. “But we’ll just keep asking for help and get it done.”

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Can fire-resistant homes be sexy? ‘You be the judge,’ says this Palisades architect

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Can fire-resistant homes be sexy? ‘You be the judge,’ says this Palisades architect

At first glance, it looks like nothing more than a charming Spanish-revival, quintessentially Californian home — but this Pacific Palisades rebuild is constructed like a tank.

Every exterior wall of the steel-framed home is a foot-thick, fire-resistant barricade. The home is connected to a satellite fire monitoring service. Should a fire start in town, sturdy metal shutters descend to cover every window. An exterior sprinkler system can pump 40,000 gallons of water from giant tanks hidden behind the shrubs in the property’s yard. If the cameras and heat sensors around the house detect danger, the system can envelop the home in over 1,000 gallons of fire retardant and hundreds of gallons of fire-suppressing foam.

Palisades resident and architect Ardie Tavangarian is so confident in his design that he even asked the fire department if they could start a controlled fire on the property to test it all out. (They said no.)

Tavangarian built a career designing multimillion-dollar luxury homes in Los Angeles, but after the Palisades fire destroyed 13 of his works — including his family’s home — he found another calling: how to design a house that can handle what the Santa Monica Mountains throw at it. And how to do it quickly and affordably.

Water tanks form part of a backup water supply in a newly built fire-resistant home in Pacific Palisades.

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“Nature is so powerful,” he said, sitting on a couch in the new house, which he built for his adult twin daughters. “We are guests living in that environment and expecting, ‘Oh, nature is going to be really kind to me.’ No, it’s not. It does what it’s supposed to do.”

Tavangarian watched the Jan. 1 Lachman fire from his property not far from here; a week later that fire rekindled, grew into the Palisades fire, and burned through his house. But the painful details of the fire — the missteps of the fire department, the empty reservoir — didn’t matter when it came to deciding how to rebuild, he said. The reality is, many fires have burned in these mountains. Many more will.

A sprinkler on a roof.

A sprinkler on the roof is part of a house-wide sprinkler system.

For the architect, who has spent much of his 45-year career designing for luxury, hardening a home against wildfire has brought a new kind of luxury to his homes: peace of mind.

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It’s a sentiment that resonates with fire survivors: Tavangarian says he’s received considerable interest from other property owners in the Palisades looking to rebuild their houses.

The metal shutters and advanced outdoor sprinkler system are the flashiest parts of Tavangarian’s home hardening project, and the efficacy of these adaptations is still up for debate. Because the measures have not yet been widely adopted, there are few studies exploring how much or little they protect homes in real-world fires.

Ardie Tavangarian stands inside a house.

Architect Ardie Tavangarian inside the house he designed.

Anecdotal evidence has indicated the effectiveness of sprinklers can vary significantly based on the setup and the conditions during the fire. Extreme wind, for example, can make them less effective. Lab studies have generally found shutters can reduce the risk of windows shattering.

These measures aren’t cheap, either. Sprinkler systems can cost north of $100,000, for example. However, Tavangarian said when all was said and done, the home he built for his daughters cost around $700 per square foot — less than what Palisades residents said they expected to pay, but more than what Altadena residents expected for their rebuilds.

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Tavangarian also hopes to see insurers increasingly consider the home-hardening measures property owners take when writing policies, which he said could potentially offset the extra cost in a decade or less. As he explored getting insurance for the new home, one insurer quoted him $80,000 a year. After he convinced the company to visit the property, it lowered the quote to just $13,000, he said.

A living room inside a fire-resistant house, with metal heat shields drawn over the windows.

The house includes metal heat shields that can drop down if a fire approaches.

The home also has essentially all of the other less flashy — but much cheaper and well-proven — home hardening measures recommended by fire professionals: The underside of the roof’s overhang is closed off — a common place embers enter a home. The roof, where burning embers can accumulate, is made of fire-resistant material. The windows, vulnerable to shattering in extreme heat, are made of a toughened glass. There is virtually no vegetation within the first five feet of the home.

When asked if he felt he had compromised on design, comfort or aesthetics for the extra protection — one of the many concerns Californians have with the state’s draft “Zone Zero” requirements that may significantly limit vegetation within five feet of a home — Tavangarian simply said, “You be the judge.”

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