Science
Commentary: Is RFK Jr. better on women’s health than Newsom? We’re about to find out
It’s a bad look when Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is ahead of you on scientifically sound health policy — women’s health, to make matters worse — but that’s exactly what happened to Gov. Gavin Newsom last week.
Ouch.
In a Cabinet meeting, Kennedy went on a six-minute-plus grovel to Trump. That’s pretty standard for these increasingly weird meetings, but the secretary of Health and Human Services specifically praised the president for ending a “20-year war on women by removing the black box warnings from hormone replacement therapy.”
As much as it shocks me to say it, RFK Jr. has a reasonable point.
A couple of days later, appearing onstage at the New York Times’ DealBook Summit, Oscar-winning actor Halle Berry took an unexpected and harsh shot at Newsom for vetoing a bill on menopause treatment.
“But that’s OK,” she said of Newsom killing the Menopause Care Equity Act (AB 432), which she had lobbied to pass and which had strong bipartisan support in the Legislature.
“Because he’s not going to be governor forever, and with the way he has overlooked women, half the population, by devaluing us in midlife, he probably should not be our next president either,” Berry said. “Just saying.”
The two events show just how complicated and controversial menopause care has become in the past few years, as women not only talk about it more openly, but demand care that for, well, basically always, has been denied or denigrated as unnecessary.
Looking a bit deeper, this seemingly out-of-the-blue menopause moment gets to the heart of an insurance problem that, male or female, most Americans have an opinion on: How much power should insurance companies have to deny care that a doctor deems reasonable?
To keep it simple, menopause is a phase that all women go through when their fertility ends, meaning 50% of the population deals with it. It has specific and life-altering symptoms — most of which can be treated, but often aren’t because many doctors aren’t trained in menopause care (or perimenopause, which comes first), and the science is too-often overlooked or misunderstood.
The result is that way too many women stumble through menopause not understanding what is happening to them, or that there are excellent, scientifically backed treatments to help.
A prime example of that is the “black box” warning that has been on many hormone replacement drugs since the turn of the millennium, when one large but flawed study found that such drugs might increase the risk of cancer or other diseases.
A black box warning is the most serious caution the Food and Drug Administration can put on a medication, and its inclusion on hormone replacement theory, or HRT, put a severe chill on its use.
Twenty years of subsequent research not only revealed the flaws in that first analysis, but also showed significant benefits from HRT. It can protect against cognitive decline, decrease heart disease and alleviate symptoms such as hot flashes, among many other benefits.
In early November, the FDA removed those warnings from many HRT drugs. The result will likely be greater access for more women as doctors lose a hesitancy to prescribe them, and women lose fear of using them.
“The misconceptions around the risks have been overblown for decades, fringing on dogma over real science and have led to population-level missed opportunities for life improvements for our aging women of the developed world,” wrote Michael Rodgers, chairman of the Santa Clara County Health Advisory Commission, on a public comment about the change.
While Rodgers is right, insurance coverage and doctor know-how remain problems for women seeking care — ones that the Menopause Care Equity Act hoped to address.
The bill would have required private insurance companies to cover FDA-approved menopause treatments and rewarded doctors who took voluntarily continuous education classes on menopause topics. That final version had already been watered down from earlier proposals that would have mandated coverage of even more treatment options (such as non-FDA approved compounded hormones) and made menopause training required for doctors.
But Newsom seemed to take issue with a part of the bill that banned insurance companies from applying “utilization management” to menopause treatments — and here’s where we get back to agreeing with RFK Jr.
Utilization management, or UM, is basically when insurance companies get to decide what a patient needs and what they don’t — the pre-approvals, the reviews and the denials, which all too often seem to be far more about cost than care.
Now artificial intelligence is getting in on the utilization management business, potentially meaning it’s not even a human deciding our treatments. UM is a multibillion-dollar industry that, under the premise of keeping healthcare affordable, too often does so by denying care.
Which is why Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (D-Orinda), the author of the California bill, put in a prohibition against UM.
“The standard is ‘medically necessary‘” when it comes to insurance coverage, Bauer-Kahan points out.
“When you talk about menopause, that’s a really fuzzy term, right? I mean, I will survive in the short term without any treatment,” she said. “So what is ‘medically necessary’ is this very vague thing when it comes to menopausal care.”
In his veto message, Newsom said the UM prohibition “would limit the ability of health plans to engage in practices that have been shown to ensure appropriate care while limiting unnecessary costs.”
But the truth, and problem, with menopause care is that it is specific to the individual woman. Like birth control pills, a treatment that works for one woman might cause side effects for another. There is often a lot of trial and error to find the right path through menopause, and women need to be able to have the freedom and flexibility to work one-on-one with their doctor. Without interference.
In June, Kennedy called out prior authorization across the healthcare industry as a problem, and announced shortly after that he had received a pledge from many large insurance companies to reform that process by 2026, removing the need for prior authorization from many treatments and procedures and streamlining the process overall.
If that reform comes to pass, it will indeed be terrific — I am hopeful — but also, let’s wait and see. Those changes are supposed to begin in January.
Back in California, Newsom has also pledged to do something about menopause coverage in January, when he announces his budget proposal. In his veto message, Newsom said he would go this route — adding it into his budget package — rather than work on a new bill in the regular legislative session. This remains the plan, though no details are yet available.
Apparently, someone forget to mention it to Berry.
The budget has increasingly become a catch-all for legislation the governor wants to get done with less fuss because the budget and its trailer bills always pass at some point, and it can be an easier route for him to control.
Newsom has made it a core part of his policies, and his presidential campaign, to be a backer of women’s rights, especially around reproductive care — and equity for women is a cause championed by his wife, First Partner Jennifer Siebel Newsom.
But the governor also has long been hesitant to pass legislation that has costs attached (the menopause bill could raise individual premiums by less than 50 cents a month for most private-pay consumers). With federal cuts, increasing premiums and the generalized hot mess of healthcare, his caution is not unwarranted.
But also, in this case, maybe it is misguided. The only real opposition to the California bill came from insurance companies. Go figure.
Bauer-Kahan said she has been in touch with the governor’s office, but remains committed to pursuing a law that limits utilization management.
“I am happy to hear that we are going to hopefully achieve this, but it needs to be achieved in a way that actually meaningfully makes a difference for getting the menopausal care women need,” she said.
Newsom’s October veto made barely a ripple. Thanks to Berry’s punch, his January proposal will be not just noticed, but scrutinized.
If he does eliminate the restrictions on UM, he’ll need to answer the broader question that action would raise — how much power should insurance companies have to override the decisions of doctors and patients?
It would be strange days if January saw Kennedy and his chaotic and questionable Department of Health and Human Services offering better healthcare options for women than the state of California.
And stranger still if Newsom puts a price tag on the well-being of women.
Science
Emergency room visits during heat waves available to the public in ‘near-real time’ in L.A. County
For the first time, Los Angeles County residents can see how many people are ending up in emergency rooms, their bodies pushed past the limit, during heat waves.
The county Department of Public Health says its new Heat-Related Illness and Mortality Dashboard will provide heat illness counts in “near real time,” which means weekly. That might seem like a lag, but until now the data were only provided upon request and in ad hoc reports.
Heat is the leading cause of weather-related death in the United States and heat waves are only getting more frequent and intense as the climate changes.
Public health experts called the tracker a meaningful step toward assessing how well county programs are addressing heat risks.
“It’s showing the county’s commitment to reducing the burden of heat on people’s health,” said David Eisenman, director of UCLA’s Center for Public Health and Disasters. “As the county puts more resources into that, this is a metric that allows the public to judge the effectiveness of the work.”
“There’s a handful of other places that also do this, but they’re all relatively new,” said Bharat Venkat, director of the UCLA Heat Lab, noting as examples Imperial and Riverside counties in California, Harris County in Texas and Maricopa County in Arizona. “It is very much welcome.”
The tracker takes heat illness data from patient complaints and doctor diagnoses provided by a countywide monitoring project that was previously available only to public health officials. The website says that what it provides is an undercount. The records often fail to count people when heat exacerbates more obvious health problems.
“Heat piggybacks off of preexisting health conditions,” Venkat said. “Say you go to the ER and you’re experiencing an intense psychotic episode, or a heart attack or a stroke. It’s very likely that the doctor is going to diagnose that as a psychotic episode, heart attack or stroke, and less likely that they’ll note that heat is contributing to that.”
Heat-related deaths are counted from death certificates, which present similar issues for undercounting. Those numbers will be reported monthly on the dashboard.
L.A. County has a recently approved heat action plan that aims to educate the public and reduce indoor and outdoor temperatures with strategies such as opting for shade and air conditioning.
The new tracker breaks down daily heat-related emergency room visits and deaths by age group, geography, and race and ethnicity.
It shows that people over 65 are more vulnerable to heat illness. For Black residents, heat is disproportionately fatal. And people in the San Fernando, San Gabriel, and Antelope valleys see the most heat-related emergency room visits.
Kelly Turner, a professor of urban planning at UCLA, stressed that heat sickness tracks closely with social inequality and is preventable.
“A heat death or heat illness is dependent on who you are and what assets you have,” Turner said. “If you have air conditioning or not, if you work outside or you don’t, all of those factors factor in.”
She noted that there is more risk in the San Fernando and San Gabriel valleys because of the combination of hotter days and more people who are unprotected. “When you map those two things on top of each other, you get a hot spot of vulnerability,” she said.
California already has a tool called CalHeatScore that uses historical hospital records and temperatures to forecast risk for different ZIP Codes in the state during heat events.
Public health officials hope to use the new dashboard to target messaging and public outreach when extreme heat strikes.
“If we’re having an extended heat event we can show that, ‘Hey, we’re having heat impacts’ as they’re happening,” said Dr. Nicole Quick, chief science officer at the L.A. County Department of Public Health.
Venkat said he would like to see the tool become more robust, in line with Maricopa County’s dashboard, widely viewed as the current gold standard for heat illness and mortality tracking. He said the Arizona county, which includes Phoenix, dives deeper into health records and conditions surrounding hospitalizations and deaths to better reflect the role of heat.
“They do scene investigations and send someone out to take notes about where the body was found,” Venkat said. “What was going on? Did they have air conditioning? Were they outside? Did they have access to water? What medications were they taking? All those things provide important context.”
Eisenman said he would like to see the county train physicians on recording heat-related illness, as it has been “clear for a long time” that doctors don’t make the diagnosis enough.
“It would have to be more than just a handout or a few slides. You’d really have to have each institution make some effort to change physicians’ behaviors,” Eisenman said. He added that it probably hasn’t been done because of the costs involved.
Science
More middle-class Californians cancel health coverage after losing federal aid
Facing higher premiums and the loss of federal subsidies, 374,000 people with health insurance from the state marketplace known as Covered California canceled their coverage in the first three months of the year, according to government statistics.
The cancellations amount to 19% of those who had renewed their policies on the state marketplace during open enrollment, state officials said. Those cancellations are higher than in the past three years when they ranged from 13% to 15% of those who renewed.
Jessica Altman, executive director of Covered California, attributed the jump in cancellations to the expiration of enhanced federal subsidies that caused the cost of a plan to leap for most middle-class Californians.
“We expect coverage losses to increase through the year,” she said.
Overall, Covered California had 1.8 million enrollees in February, down from 1.94 million the year before — a decline of 7%.
Altman said monthly enrollment numbers are delayed because consumers have a three-month grace period to resume their premium payments before the insurance carriers end their coverage for nonpayment.
This year, many middle-class Californians who depend on the state-run insurance marketplace created under the Affordable Care Act faced annual costs that were hundreds of dollars higher than last year because of the end of enhanced federal subsidies that began during the COVID-19 pandemic.
In 2021, Congress voted to temporarily boost the amount of subsidies Americans could receive for an ACA plan.
The law also expanded the program to families who had more money. Before that 2021 vote, only Americans with incomes below 400% of the federal poverty level — currently $62,600 a year for a single person or $128,600 for a family of four — were eligible for ACA subsidies. The 2021 vote eliminated the income cap and limited the cost of premiums for those higher-earning families to no more than 8.5% of their income.
On top of the loss of the enhanced federal subsidies, the average premium charged by insurers this year for a Covered California plan rose by more than 10% because of fast-rising medical costs.
The decline in ACA plan enrollees, however, has been greater in some other states. California has tried to keep people insured by using state tax money to fill in the gap for lower-income families.
This year, the state budgeted $190 million for premium subsidies for people with incomes of up to 165% of the federal poverty level.
In his budget plan, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed spending $300 million on those state subsidies in 2027. That would expand the subsidies to enrollees with incomes up to 200% of the federal poverty level, or $31,920 for an individual or $66,000 for a family of four.
“We may actually see a number of Covered California enrollees paying less in 2027” because of the additional state subsidies, Altman said.
In May, Newsom also proposed in his budget that an additional $27 million in state money be used to help enrollees pay for the cost of gender-affirming care. That amount is an increase to the $30 million that he earlier proposed be spent this year and next to defray those costs for Covered California enrollees, according to state officials.
Last year, federal health officials enacted a rule that said the federally subsidized ACA plans could no longer cover gender-affirming care because it was no longer considered an “essential health benefit.”
Newsom’s proposed budget still faces debate in Sacramento and approval by the state Legislature.
The state marketplaces, created by the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare, were meant to help those who don’t have access to an employer’s health insurance plan and have incomes too high to qualify for Medi-Cal, the government-paid insurance for the poor and disabled.
Because of the higher cost this year, more people are choosing the lower-priced Bronze plans. Those plans have higher co-pays and deductibles than the more expensive plans.
“We’re very concerned with the large shift to Bronze,” Altman said. “When you have higher cost-sharing, you’re more likely to defer care.”
Science
Political play or budget fix? Competition for JPL’s management comes at a fraught moment
Weeks after Trump administration officials announced that management of NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory would open to competitive bidding for the first time, questions remain as to why Caltech could lose control of the lab its researchers founded in 1936.
On one hand, observers note, high-profile delays and cost overruns on significant recent JPL projects earned sharp criticism from NASA even before the 2024 presidential election.
On the other, the second Trump administration’s record of squeezing scientific funding and attacking institutions in Democrat-led states make it difficult to consider any action separate from the charged political atmosphere, analysts say.
“My first instinct is that this [competition] isn’t necessarily a bad thing. It’s not written in stone that Caltech must run JPL, and it wouldn’t be the worst thing to have some competition for running the place,” said Casey Dreier, chief of space policy at the non-profit Planetary Society.
“That said, that requires this contract evaluation to be fair and unbiased, and this administration has no credibility in such things,” he added. “The responsibility is on NASA to earn the trust and ensure such an evaluation is open and free from political meddling. That’s almost impossible.”
JPL became part of NASA when the space agency was formed in 1958, and Caltech has been awarded the contract to run the institution outright ever since.
Its current 10-year contract with NASA, which is valued at up to $30 billion, runs through Sept. 30, 2028.
NASA Administrator Jared Isaacman announced the competition on May 22 as part of a slate of sweeping organizational changes at the space agency.
“When you step back, it is worth considering how many additional missions we could have undertaken with the resources lost to program cancellations and cost overruns over the years,” Isaacman wrote in a memo to staff. “That is the problem we must fix, so the American taxpayer and space-loving community can receive the highest scientific return on every dollar we spend at NASA.”
Competing the contract for JPL, the lone Federally Funded Research and Development Center (FFRDC) in NASA’s portfolio, was an effort to address cost-efficiency concerns, Isaacman wrote.
“This process will take several years, and I do not anticipate it having any impact on the projects underway or the location of the facilities,” he wrote. “It does, however, provide an opportunity to evaluate management costs, overhead burdens, and ideally find ways to get after the science faster and more affordably.”
In a joint statement, Caltech President Thomas F. Rosenbaum and JPL Director Dave Gallagher said the competition was “no surprise” and that a team was already in place “to ensure we are positioned for success.”
In July, NASA’s Office of Procurement held an informational event for companies and institutions interested in the upcoming FFRDC contract.
The dozens of registered attendees included universities like USC, Texas A&M University and Georgia Tech, aerospace companies such as Boeing and Lockheed Martin and nonprofit corporations like MITRE, which manages several FFRDCs, and Universities Space Research Association, a university consortium founded by the National Academy of Sciences in 1969. (SpaceX, which has been awarded more than $13 billion in NASA contracts in the last decade, was not on the list.)
“Lockheed Martin has more than 50 years of deep space exploration success with JPL, supporting landmark missions to Jupiter, Venus, Saturn, Pluto, including nearly a dozen missions to Mars,” said Bob Behnken, VP of Exploration and Technology Strategy. “We look forward to building on that unmatched partnership in the years ahead. We are closely following NASA’s review and will continue to assess how we can best contribute to the agency’s mission.”
Other attendees contacted by The Times declined to discuss their involvement.
Isaacman indicated that JPL could come under scrutiny even before he took over NASA. The billionaire entrepreneur referenced high costs at the La Cañada Flintridge institution in a memo prepared in advance of his confirmation hearings on his priorities for the space agency.
“Contract structure: Very expensive,” Isaacman wrote of JPL in a table outlining organizational issues at each of NASA’s centers. “Must increase the output and ‘time-to-science’ KPI.”
The institution has recently suffered a number of high-profile management stumbles.
After the JPL-managed Psyche mission to a metal-rich asteroid failed to meet its 2022 launch date, NASA commissioned an independent review that said internal reorganizations and personnel changes created distracted and uninformed managers and burned-out, stretched-thin staffers.
After a 2023 independent review found there was “near zero probability” of the JPL-managed Mars Sample Return mission making its proposed 2028 launch date, and “no credible” way to bring rocks back from the Red Planet within the stated budget, Isaacman’s predecessor Bill Nelson put out a call for proposals to industry and all other NASA centers, forcing JPL to compete for its own project.
After Trump’s election, Nelson announced that the final decision would be in the next administration’s hands.
The White House pushed for massive cuts to NASA’s 2026 budget that Congress overturned, and has lobbied for similarly steep cuts again this year. JPL has instituted painful cost-cutting measures of its own, reducing staffing from roughly 6,500 employees in 2023 to 4,500 last year through layoffs and attrition.
Its struggles come at a point when NASA is enthusiastically embracing private industry. Last month the agency awarded several key contracts for its upcoming lunar missions to Jeff Bezos’s Blue Origin and other private companies.
Trump has also made no secret of his willingness to punish states that haven’t voted for him through job losses. In announcing his decision to move U.S. Space Command from Colorado to Alabama, Trump acknowledged that his loss in Colorado in three presidential elections played a part in the move.
It’s impossible to consider any decision on JPL’s future separate from the administration’s track record of politically-motivated decisions, Dreier said.
“At the heart of this is why? Why now? If this is not just some rank political attack on California, what do they hope to gain from this?” Dreier said. “That deserves explanation, because the administration otherwise has no credibility here.”
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