Politics
With oil funds and Formula One, Saudi Arabia steamrolls its way onto sports’ hallowed grounds
To understand the scope of Saudi Arabia’s ambitions in the sporting landscape, don’t look just to this spring’s Formula One race in Jeddah — which ended with a predictable one-two win for the Red Bull team. The revealing action was at the after-party.
Amid a bloom of fireworks over Jeddah’s coast, dozens of drones buzzed in synchronicity to spell out the kingdom’s goal: “Saudi Arabia. Home of Sporting Events.”
It’s a vision that increasingly seems within reach. Backed by funds from the state-owned oil giant Aramco and the vast endowment of its Public Investment Fund, the autocratic monarchy has in only a few years steamrolled its way onto the sporting world’s most hallowed grounds.
In soccer, it has lavished its local clubs with hundreds of millions of dollars, courted superstar players to its league and successfully lobbied to host the 2034 World Cup. Its bid to create a rival golf tournament rattled the genteel PGA enough to force it into a reluctant union. Tennis, boxing, cricket, pro wrestling, even eSports — all have been rocked by the sheer scale of investment the kingdom is wielding to transform itself into a sports and entertainment powerhouse.
Soccer fans hold pictures of Saudi Arabia’s King Salman, left, and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman ahead a match at King Abdullah stadium in Jiddah, Saudi Arabia. The kingdom is building a new stadium for the 2034 World Cup.
(Uncredited / Associated Press)
But it is in motorsports, and Formula One in particular, where Saudi Arabia has made some of its most audacious and expensive moves, outpacing its regional rivals — Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, all host F1 races — amid a wider push to establish the Gulf as a racing hub.
“It’s amazing what they’re doing here,” said Jefferson Slack, commercial and marketing director for Aston Martin Aramco.
“No county in the world is investing in motorsports as much as Saudi Arabia.”
Slack would know. An executive with three decades of experience in sports investments and management of athletes such as Michael Jordan, he joined the team before Saudi Arabia came on board, when Canadian billionaire Lance Stroll bought the defunct Force India Formula One team and rebranded it as Aston Martin in 2021.
Since then, Aramco, the kingdom’s flagship oil company, has plowed money into the team, while the Saudi Public Investment Fund increased its stake in car manufacturer Aston Martin to more than 20%. As of January, Aramco became exclusive title sponsor and is signed on as a strategic partner until 2028. Rumors abound that Aramco may try to buy the team outright.
Critics charge that the massive investments are an attempt at “sportswashing,” calculated to distract from an abysmal human rights record — imprisonment and violence against commentators and activists, travel bans, and male guardianship laws over women.
The kingdom says it is merely modernizing and diversifying its economy, with F1 as an eager partner. Less than two years after Saudi henchmen killed and dismembered a Saudi Washington Post columnist and monarchy critic, the F1 and the kingdom’s flagship oil company entered into a 10-year partnership deal.
The deal, which began in 2020, is believed to have cost the Saudis some $45 million a year. Some whisper it’s only a matter of time before Saudi Arabia bids for the race series franchise as a whole, which Liberty Media Corp. bought for $4.6 billion in 2017 and whose valuation has since risen many times over — in no small part because the Netflix series “Formula 1: Drive to Survive” has supercharged the sport’s international popularity.
A light show spells out Saudia Arabia’s ambitions after the Grand Prix in Jeddah in March.
(Anadolu / Anadolu via Getty Images)
In addition, there’s a half-billion dollar racing circuit under construction in the city of Qiddiya, a mega project near the capital, Riyadh, intended to be part city and part tourism, sport and entertainment zone.
Plans are also in place to develop racing at a grassroots level, said Martin Whitaker, head of the Saudi Motorsports Company, the PIF-owned commercial entity charged with bringing motor sport events to the country.
“We’ve raised the bar in how the sport is seen globally,” he said. “Now we have to produce a concrete set of foundations and platforms so we can build it here.”
Creating that sort of ecosystem for racing is harder than it sounds. Soccer for example, can be played just about anywhere: Find an empty lot or quiet street, use whatever is available for goalposts, and that’s largely it.
Racing on the other hand requires infrastructure and major investment. Starting a pipeline of kids in karting — the gateway into circuit racing — can be painfully expensive; move up the ranks to the higher classes and you’re looking at $80,000 a race.
Logan Sargeant of the Williams team drivings qualifying for the Formula One race at Saudi Arabia’s Jeddah Corniche Circuit.
(NurPhoto / Getty Images)
Without serious sponsorship, drivers have little hope of sustaining a career, restricting the sport to what Mercedes driver and F1 superstar Lewis Hamilton (who comes from a working-class background) said in 2021 was a “billionaire’s boy’s club.” Even with that advantage, the odds of getting a seat in an F1 car are astronomical.
One afternoon this spring, visiting journalists were given a tour of a new regulation karting circuit in Jeddah — the first of its kind in the country that could host internationally sanctioned events. The idea, according to Prince Khaled bin Sultan Al-Faisal, chairman of the Saudi Automobile and Motorcycle Federation, was to have many more such circuits across the country, with a focus on drawing children as young as 5.
“We’ve hosted events and championships, but we have to focus on the sport itself and serve its practitioners, and start with a young generation. A circuit like this is the first step,” he said, adding that he was expecting a 15- to 20-year-long timeline before a Saudi F1 driver appears on the grid.
Whitaker, standing nearby, said it wasn’t just about finding drivers of the future.
“It’s engineers, technicians, placing kids with internships with other teams, talking to international teams to base themselves here,” he said.
Mercedes driver George Russell drives in a practice sesson at the Jeddah Corniche Circuit.
(Darko Bandic / Associated Press)
“It’s developing career paths for young people.”
That puts the endeavor in line with Vision 2030, Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman’s all-encompassing plan to diversify the oil-rich kingdom’s economy and change its reputation from strict religious realm to tourism and sports hot spot, all while providing jobs for young Saudis.
But first you have to get people interested in F1.
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Soccer remains far and away the most popular sport in Saudi Arabia and throughout the region, but Liberty representatives have identified the Middle East as one of F1’s fastest-growing markets.
About a third of F1’s roughly 1.55 billion fans worldwide became interested in the sport in the last four years, according to Salesforce data. Meanwhile, analysts at the World Economic Forum predict sport industries in the Middle East to grow by 8.7% in 2026 — more than double the global average.
The region, meanwhile, has gone all-in with Formula One. Races in the Gulf bookend the season — Bahrain in the beginning, Abu Dhabi at the end. The Gulf region is home to four races, the second most after Europe’s nine.
At F1’s top administrative levels you find Emirati former rally driver Mohammed Ben Sulayem heading the Federation Internationale de l’Automobile, or FIA, the sport’s governing body. Bahrain’s Sheikh Abdullah bin Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa serves as the FIA’s vice-president of sport for the Middle East and North Africa.
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Almost anyone who attends an F1 race, if they’re honest, will tell you it’s easier to understand what’s happening if you watch it on TV. But it’s not just about who’s leading the field.
In Jeddah, the rich and connected watch the race from the premium lounge, with a commanding view of the track and “grazing tables” loaded with precision-prepared pastries and concoctions such as caviar cheesecake. Extra perks include traversing the pit lane as the teams prepare or paddock access, all the way up to meet-and-greets with F1 ambassadors. The price tag on that sort of package? $13,999.
In the cheap seats — which at a cost of at least $200 for a three-day pass are hardly cheap and allow only the occasional glance at the cars as they scream by — the fans didn’t seem to miss the caviar cheesecake.
Before the Jeddah race, a DJ bounced among fans, riling up the crowd with impromptu quizzes or throwing F1 merch, and some of the drivers passed by and signed shirts. Above, the Saudi Falcons, the country’s jet aerobatics team, roared back and forth over the circuit.
Even in the stands farther from the track the sound of an F1 car is a multisensory affair: speed takes on physical proportions, the engine roar passes through your body.
The Saudi Hawks aerobatic team performs over the racetrack in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.
(Hassan Ammar / Associated Press)
“My friends and I are really into it. In my community, at least, there are a lot of F1 fans,” said Sireen Fataani, a 16-year-old wearing a Ferrari jacket. Beside her was Ibaa Qattan, also 16, and her sister, Shumookh Qattan, 22.
The three were walking around the pit lane after one of the non-F1 races at the track that weekend, gazing at the cars and hoping to catch a glimpse of some of their favorite drivers — McLaren’s Oscar Piastri for Sireen, Mercedes’ George Russell for Ibaa, and McLaren’s Lando Norris for Shumookh.
“I wanted something to be obsessed about one summer, and for me it was F1,” Ibaa said.
She insisted she didn’t get into it because of “Drive to Survive.” “Too much drama,” she said dismissively.
Both of the teens were enrolled in “F1 in Schools,” an Aramco-sponsored program that has students establishing and managing their own racing team as part of STEM and other lessons. Ibaa had taken on the role of head engineer for her team, while Sireen was doing marketing.
“Ours is called Fennec,” she said. “It’s a desert fox that lives in Saudi Arabia.”
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Not everyone is convinced that the region’s plans to build up its racing bonafides are a good thing.
There have been grumblings over how the infusion of Gulf money has changed F1. Hosting a race is prestigious and a calling card for countries, but the high fees — Saudi Arabia pays an estimated $55 million for the honor — mean storied tracks in Europe (where the most die-hard fans reside) have to compete in ways they didn’t before, and without the coffers of a petrostate backing them up.
Aside from the fees, tracks such as Belgium’s Spa have been forced into upgrades and expensive face-lifts or risk being dropped from the F1 calendar.
Corruption charges have also been leveled at the FIA’s leadership under Ben Sulayem. He was accused in March of trying to block the Las Vegas circuit from being certified ahead of last year’s Grand Prix. That followed a previous accusation that he had interfered in the 2023 Saudi Arabia Grand Prix in favor of Aston Martin. The FIA’s ethics committee cleared him of both charges.
Christian Horner, left, team principal of the Red Bull Formula One team, talks with FIA President Mohammed Ben Sulayem before a 2023 race in Austin, Texas.
(Darron Cummings / Associated Press)
And then there are the accusations of sportswashing, as wealthy nondemocratic countries try to lure more sporting events to the Gulf.
During the last soccer World Cup, host Qatar, which had already bought the French team Paris Saint-Germain, was accused of trying to launder its repressive reputation. The monarchy’s human rights record and labor rights nevertheless edged into the spotlight.
Saudi Arabia’s efforts in soccer, Formula One and golf, among other sports, have kicked up similar criticism as Saudi money has continued to flow.
“The leaders of these autocratic nations strategically utilize sports, leveraging major events such as Formula One to operate beyond the conventional political stage,” said Stanis Elsborg, a Danish researcher with Play the Game, an initiative to promote democracy and transparency in international sports.
“While immediate changes may be subtle, the long-term ownership by an autocratic state poses substantial threats to the sport’s integrity and introduces conflicts of interest.”
Max Verstappen, in the Oracle Red Bull Racing RB20 at right, leads the field at the start during the Formula One Grand Prix of Saudi Arabia on March 9.
(Eric Alonso / Getty Images)
Others allege that Saudi Arabia is leveraging its influence on F1 officials to have them lobby governments to weaken legislation that curbs usage of internal combustion engines and fossil fuels.
“If your goal is to diversify into other industries, it’s a little inconsistent that your sponsorship is all about the oil business,” said Frank Huisingh, founder of Fossil Free Football, a campaign organization that aims to remove high-polluting companies from soccer sponsorship.
“They need to work on their image to keep selling a product that is becoming very unpopular but also because they’re a country with a bad reputation for both human rights and climate reasons.”
In an interview with Fox News in September, Bin Salman dismissed such accusations, insisting his main concerns are domestic growth.
“If sportswashing is going to increase my GDP by way of 1%, then I will continue doing sportswashing,” he said.
“I don’t care… I’m aiming for another one-and-a-half percent. Call it whatever you want, we’re going to get that one-and-a-half percent.”
In that same interview, Bin Salman expressed shame at the country’s repressive laws, but said that dozens of laws had been amended and that he was “trying to prioritize the change day by day,”
“Do we have bad laws? Yes. Are we changing that? Yes,” he said.
F1 portrays its involvement in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf in general as a driver for that change. During the race weekend, F1 Academy, an all-women’s race series and training program run by Scottish former racing driver Susie Wolff, had its season opener in Jeddah. Wolff called the event “iconic.”
“I think to open here in a country where just six years ago women couldn’t drive really shows incredible progress,” she said at a panel on sports’ role in Saudi Arabia.
“Sometimes in life, you have to see it to believe it. And we are out there to show that this sport wants to provide opportunity to women and wants to make the sport more diverse in the long term.”
Drivers were also encouraging.
“We are not going to change the world at the end of the day as a sport, but we try to share positive values. And then, of course, it’s also up to the country to make positive changes,” Max Verstappen said at a post-race news conference. The Belgian-Dutch Red Bull driver added that he had already seen change in the kingdom and that it was a “work in progress.”
Red Bull driver Sergio Pérez of Mexico, left, came in second to Belgian-Dutch teammate Max Verstappen at the Formula One Saudi Arabian Grand Prix.
(Giuseppe Cacace / Associated Press)
Ferrari driver Charles Leclerc, who is from Monaco, said F1 needed to go to different countries “in order to hopefully open minds.” Red Bull driver Sergio Pérez said it was important to expand beyond its traditional areas.
“I feel like in the past, Formula One was very centralized in Europe, not just with drivers, but also the people working in the paddock,” said Pérez, who is from Mexico, adding that now there were more nationalities at different levels of the sport.
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Some in the Gulf are already on the yearslong journey to score a place on the F1 grid.
Sisters Amna, 24, and Hamda Al Qubaisi, 21, started karting in their home country of the United Arab Emirates as children with their father’s encouragement and are now part of F1 Academy. In 2021, Hamda became the first woman to win a podium finish in the history of the Italian F4 series.
When they started competing in races, they’d hear grumblings and anger from the Gulf region.
“In the beginning people were very unsupportive. They didn’t like the fact there was a girl competing in a male-dominated sport. We’d hear ‘Women belong in the kitchen. Women aren’t supposed to be playing a sport, they should focus on studies or something else,’” Amna Al Qubaisi said.
Now “everything switched, and people are happy and supportive of what we’re doing,” she added.
Their racing careers have encouraged other women and girls, Hamda Al Qubaisi said. “They tell their father ‘Amna and Hamda are racing,’ and then he says ‘Why not?’”
“Every time we go back to visit our karting team, we’re seeing it grow more and more with girls from the Middle East, which makes it even more special.”
When Saudi Arabia’s first female racer, Reema Juffali, 32, got her first regular driver’s license while studying in the U.S. in 2010, women in the kingdom weren’t allowed behind the wheel.
Seven years later, King Salman, Bin Salman’s father, issued a decree overturning the ban on women driving. That same year, Juffali — then working a finance job in the U.K. — got her racing license, the first Saudi woman to do so. She made her professional debut at the TRD 86 Cup in Abu Dhabi in 2018 — the same year the kingdom began issuing driver licenses to women.
Nearly six years later, Juffali sped through the turns in front of a home city crowd in the first F1 Academy race in Jeddah, also a significant and emotional milestone for her.
“I’ve been wanting to be able to share what I do with my friends, family, fans, people who have never really been able to come to my races,” she said.
But while there is progress on the track and some restrictions against women have been eased to much fanfare, women in Saudi Arabia are far from enjoying equal rights. Under the patriarchal government, women need a male guardian’s approval to get married or divorced. They are required by personal status laws to obey their husbands, and the law places fathers as the default guardians for children, among other limitations on women.
And though women are now able to drive, one activist who campaigned to overturn the driving ban is still caught up in Bin Salman’s crackdown on dissent.
Loujain al-Hathloul, who was imprisoned from 2018 until 2021, remains barred from leaving Saudi Arabia. Manahel al-Otaibi, 29, another women’s rights activist who had spoken in favor of Bin Salman’s reforms but called for more change to the male guardianship laws, was sentenced in January to 11 years for what the government labeled “terror offenses.”
Saudi Arabia’s first female race driver, Reema Juffali, climbs into her car ahead of a race in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in 2019.
(Fayez Nureldine / Getty Images)
Though Juffali acknowledges the criticism of her country, she says people need to come to Saudi Arabia and see the changes happening themselves.
“We’re not just advancing on sports, which speaks to me personally, but also to see young people who are so much more ambitious, so much more hungry and happy — I feel that when I’m here,” she said.
Juffali aims to boost Saudi participation in racing through the team she founded, Theeba Motorsport, named for her childhood nickname, which roughly translates as “she-wolf.” She hopes Theeba will become the first Saudi team to compete in the 24 Hours of Le Mans.
“The aim is to one day be a Saudi team — not just drivers, but mechanics, engineers, for all facets of the team be Saudi,” Juffali said.
“These events we have, they’re for Saudis as well. This is serving a bigger purpose than anyone realizes.”
Politics
Socialism goes west as DSA-backed challenger ousts longtime Democrat
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Rep. Diana DeGette, D-Colo., a 30-year incumbent, lost to a Democratic Socialists of America (DSA)-backed challenger in a high-profile primary on Tuesday evening.
Melat Kiros, a 29-year-old socialist, defeated DeGette in a Democratic primary for a deep-blue House seat anchored in Denver, according to The Associated Press, scoring a major victory for the socialist left on Tuesday evening.
The DSA had been aiming to cast DeGette’s loss as evidence of its growing momentum after a slate of socialist candidates won Democratic primaries in New York City last week.
“Today, the East Coast, next week the Mountain West,” the DSA wrote in a social media post last week.
Rep. Diana DeGette speaks during a press conference outside the U.S. Capitol building in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 10, 2024. (Samuel Corum/Getty Images)
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If elected in November, Kiros, who was born in Ethiopia, will likely join the ranks of the far-left group known as the Squad and become one of a handful of the House chamber’s outspoken socialists.
The millennial challenger was endorsed by Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., and the anti-incumbent leftist organization Justice Democrats. Controversial socialist streamer Hasan Piker, who has said Hamas is “a thousand times better” than Israel and praised the Chinese Communist Party, also backed Kiros’ insurgent primary run.
DeGette, a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus who supports abolishing Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), sought to win a 16th House term by flexing her leftist bona fides. She argued her seniority on an influential House committee would allow her to push for Medicare-for-All legislation — a longtime priority of the party’s far-left flank.
DeGette, who was endorsed by former CPC Chairwoman Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash., also spotlighted her experience as an impeachment manager during Trump’s second impeachment trial in 2021.
Though DeGette and Kiros shared few policy disagreements, they diverged sharply over Israel and antisemitism. Kiros also sharply criticized DeGette for accepting corporate PAC contributions.
Kiros, a PhD student and lawyer, was fired from a New York firm in 2023 after publishing an open letter, arguing that pro-Palestinian student protesters calling for the elimination of Israel were not antisemitic and appearing to defend Hamas.
Melat Kiros participated in a League of Women Voters Congressional District 1 candidate forum at Montview Presbyterian Church in Denver on May 28, 2026. (RJ Sangosti/MediaNews Group/The Denver Post)
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She has also described the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks against the Jewish state as the “inevitable consequence of apartheid” and declined to characterize the deadly firebombing of protesters in Boulder last year who were urging the release of hostages held by Hamas in Gaza as antisemitic.
“I don’t know what was in the heart of the perpetrator,” Kiros told Colorado’s 9News in a recent television interview. “All I know is that he went and attacked innocent people because of what they might have believed.”
A June 2025 bipartisan resolution condemning the attack as part of a “rise in ideologically motivated attacks on Jewish individuals” won every present lawmaker’s support, except for Reps. Rashida Tlaib, D-Mich., and Thomas Massie, R-Ky., who voted present.
Kiros has also suggested the United States deserved 9/11.
“Inevitable in the sense that we destabilized a lot of the Middle East that forced people to believe that another act of violence was the only response,” Kiros told 9News when asked if she thought the terror attack was “the inevitable consequence of American foreign policy.”
“And again, just like I said before, our responsibility is to get rid of those conditions that lead to violence in the first place,” Kiros continued.
DeGette argued that Kiros’ embrace of Piker and her comments about antisemitism and 9/11 were disqualifying.
“I’m shocked and disgusted that Kiros is doubling down on excusing terrorism and the murder of innocent people,” the 30-year incumbent wrote on Facebook earlier this month.
Streamer and creator Hasan Piker speaks at a press conference during day two of Web Summit Vancouver at the Vancouver Convention Centre in Vancouver, Canada, on May 13, 2026. (Sam Barnes/Web Summit via Sportsfile via Getty Images)
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Colorado’s 1st Congressional District is the most liberal seat in the state and voted for former Vice President Kamala Harris by 56 points in 2024.
The primary fight was further scrambled by University of Colorado Regent Wanda James, also running for DeGette’s seat. Though James did not pose the same threat as Kiros, her vote share could ultimately have swayed the contest.
Politics
Newsom signs off on 100% California tax for money from Trump’s $1.8-billion ‘slush fund’
Gov. Gavin Newsom has signed off on a 100% state tax on money any Californians receive from Trump’s $1.8-billion “anti-weaponization” fund for his political allies.
Newsom unveiled his proposal in May, after Trump’s Justice Department said it would create a fund to compensate Trump’s allies who claim they have “suffered weaponization and lawfare” under Biden’s Justice Department.
The settlement fund was criticized by politicians on both sides of the aisle, including Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), who described it as a “slush fund to pay people who assault cops.”
The fund remains in legal limbo. Earlier this month, a federal judge in Virginia extended a court-ordered block on the plan, which critics warned could be used to pay pardoned Jan. 6 rioters.
Fast-tracked into law as part of Senate Bill 122, Newsom’s plan imposes “a tax on any settlement fund payment from the federal Anti-Weaponization Fund, or any subsequent fund, settlement, or agreement, as provided, at a rate of 100%,” according to the bill text. The tax applies to all tax years between 2026 and 2030.
Newsom signed the bill Tuesday. In a statement, his office said the tax is meant to ensure that, should Trump’s fund proceed, California recipients won’t “receive favorable state treatment on those payments.”
“We believe democracy is worth defending, the rule of law matters, and public dollars should support victims—not those who attacked the very institutions that protect our freedoms,” Newsom said in the statement.
University of Southern California law professor Ariel Jurow Kleiman, an expert on tax law and policy, said that while Newsom’s tax is a “novel legal strategy,” she believes there is “no categorical legal restriction” preventing California from implementing it.
States have a “wide degree of discretion” to design their tax systems — including how they define income — so long as they do not violate their constitutions, Jurow Kleiman said.
If a California resident wanted to challenge the tax in court, they would need to show they were harmed by it to have standing to sue, according to Jurow Kleiman. That would mean receiving a payment from Trump’s settlement fund and then paying the 100% California tax. Unless the settlement fund is established and distributes payments, that scenario is unlikely.
While there have been proposals to levy a 100% tax on income above certain thresholds — Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) in 2023 said he supports a 100% tax on income exceeding $1 billion — Jurow Kleiman said she is not aware of any governments that have adopted such a policy.
Politics
Congress eyes rare bipartisan housing win with or without Trump’s help
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The House has officially shipped a colossal bipartisan housing package to President Donald Trump, and lawmakers are hoping that, at the very least, he doesn’t veto it.
Trump was supposed to sign the 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act last week, but his last-minute decision to ghost the signing ceremony with House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., and Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., put into question whether the bill was dead.
His refusal to sign the bill, which passed with overwhelmingly bipartisan support in both chambers, was to leverage the Safeguarding American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) America Act, which doesn’t currently have the votes to succeed in the Senate.
WARREN TELLS TRUMP TO ‘SIGN THE DAMN BILL’ AS BIPARTISAN HOUSING PACKAGE REMAINS STALLED IN WASHINGTON
Trump has refused to sign the 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act. (Shawn Thew/EPA/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
Trump appears to be in no hurry to sign the bill, despite Republicans who are hungry for a win in the affordability fight ahead of the midterm elections.
“It’s so unimportant … compared to the SAVE America Act,” Trump told reporters in the Oval Office on Monday. “I think the SAVE America Act is exactly what it says. It’s saving America from crooked elections.”
“Here’s what I would like to sign, much more than a bill that — big deal, it’s a yawn,” he continued. “Some people say it’s wonderful. To me, compared to the SAVE America Act, just about everything is a big yawn.”
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It’s legislation that is loaded with nearly 60 provisions from both sides of the aisle in both chambers that’s designed to make it easier for homes to be built and for younger Americans to buy their first home. It also includes a ban on hedge funds buying up housing stock that Trump pushed Congress to include during the State of the Union earlier this year.
Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., one of the architects behind the bill in the upper chamber alongside Sen. Tim Scott, R-S.C., charged that Congress handed the bill to Trump “on a silver platter.”
“When you ask me what happens next, if he cared about the American people, he’d have already signed the damned thing, and we’d be underway,” Warren said on WCVB’s “On the Record” on Sunday.
But Trump doesn’t have to put his signature on the bill for it to become law.
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The Senate advanced a massive, Trump-backed housing package geared toward lowering the costs of homes and supercharging the housing supply. Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., pitched it as legislation to prevent America from becoming a “nation of renters.” (Jemal Countess/Getty Images for Protect Borrowers; Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)
The Constitution grants presidents the ability to veto a bill within 10 days of it being transferred over to the White House. In that scenario, Congress could override a veto of the housing package.
It’s happened before under the Trump administration. In early 2021, Congress overrode Trump’s veto of the annual National Defense Authorization Act — a massive Pentagon funding authorization package that some House Republicans are trying to use as a vehicle to pass the SAVE America Act.
But during that 10-day period, if Trump doesn’t sign the bill, it would automatically become law. That’s unless Congress completely adjourns, in which case a “pocket veto” could happen. The Senate is currently in recess and the House is scheduled to leave town by week’s end, but neither count as a full adjournment.
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Johnson, who spent the last few days meeting with Trump at the White House about the housing bill and the SAVE America Act, said: “I hope he does sign it.”
“If he doesn’t, it’s still law,” Johnson said. “We’ll still celebrate it, but he’s trying to make a point, and I think he’s making it very effectively. And the fact that you all ask me every three steps down the hallway illustrates that he has achieved the desired objective, and that is to make SAVE America the number one thing, because if we don’t get that right, everybody’s concerned about what happens next.”
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