Politics
Trump lays wreath at Tomb of the Unknown Soldier ahead of inauguration
President-elect Donald Trump Vice President-elect JD Vance participated in a wreath-laying ceremony at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at Arlington National Cemetery in Virginia on Sunday, the eve of his return to the White House.
Trump was participating in a series of Washington events prior to his return to office.
The president-elect’s wife, Melania Trump, was also there, as were his children: Donald Trump Jr., Eric Trump, Tiffany Trump and Ivanka Trump. Vance’s wife, Usha Vance, was also in attendance.
NELLY DEFENDS PERFORMING AT TRUMP’S INAUGURATION, SAYS ‘IT’S AN HONOR’
President-elect Donald Trump lays a wreath during a ceremony at Arlington National Cemetery on Sunday. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)
Some of Trump’s Cabinet picks were in the crowd, including Pete Hegseth, his pick for defense secretary; Marco Rubio, his pick for secretary of state; Tulsi Gabbard, his pick for director of national intelligence; and Elise Stefanik, his pick for United Nations ambassador.
President-elect Donald Trump and Vice President-elect JD Vance participate in a wreath laying ceremony at Arlington National Cemetery on Sunday in Arlington, Virgina, as Melania Trump and Usha Vance watch at left. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)
Trump appeared solemn as he placed a wreath on an easel at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in drizzly rain and in front of a silent crowd. Moments later, Vance did the same.
Trump held a salute while Vance held a hand over his heart during the ceremony.
HOW TO WATCH, STREAM TRUMP’S 2025 INAUGURATION ON JANUARY 20TH
President-elect Donald Trump salutes as Vice President-elect JD Vance holds a hand over his heart while participating in a wreath laying ceremony at Arlington National Cemetery, on Sunday. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)
The two left Arlington National Cemetery once the ceremony was complete.
Trump is set to hold a campaign-style “MAGA Victory” rally at Capitol One Arena on Sunday evening.
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The Associated Press contributed to this report.
We surveyed more than 2,000 Americans this month and asked for their most prominent memory of Mr. Biden’s time in office. Here’s what they said, in their own words.
“Economy wrecker”
Trump voter in 2024
“The economy improved”
Harris voter
“Giving money to Israel and Ukraine”
Harris voter “Allowing migrants illegally”
Did not vote
“Very high border crossings”
Trump voter
“His declining cognitive abilities”
Harris voter
“Trying to help the common people”
Harris voter
“He was a total disaster”
Trump voter “A return to normal presidential responsibility and decency”
Harris voter
What one thing do you remember most about Joe Biden’s presidency?
President Joe Biden will leave office on Monday with a dismal approval rating and a complicated legacy.
Unsurprisingly, Americans’ positive and negative memories of Mr. Biden in a poll conducted by The New York Times and Ipsos this month largely split along partisan lines. Respondents who voted for Donald J. Trump were unsparing in their criticism of Mr. Biden, while those who voted for Kamala Harris had mostly positive views, though some also disapproved.
What they said about Mr. Biden in these open-ended responses offers an early look at his legacy in the public’s mind.
Republicans, in particular, pointed to Mr. Biden’s mental state and age as the top thing they remember. Many Democrats relayed memories of Mr. Biden’s kindness and empathy, while others cited the economy, at times in a positive light and other times negatively. A quarter of respondents could not think of a memory at all or declined to share one.
Based on a poll by The New York Times and Ipsos of 2,128 U.S. adults conducted Jan. 2-10.
Top 10 categories shown, excluding “don’t know” or blank responses.
Thinking back on Joe Biden’s presidency, what one thing do you remember most about his time in office?
In a separate question, nearly half of Americans said that Mr. Biden left the country worse off than when he took office, just one quarter felt he left it better off, and another 25 percent said things were the same as before he became president.
There was a partisan split on this question, too, but Black and Hispanic Americans were more likely to say Mr. Biden made things worse than better, and Americans 18 to 29 were twice as likely to say Mr. Biden left the country worse off than better off.
Memories of presidents are often not static, and can grow rosier over time, a phenomenon that played out after Mr. Trump’s first term. Here’s a closer look at Americans’ current views of Mr. Biden’s time in office.
“He usually didn’t have a clue what was going on around him”
Trump voter in 2024
“His declining health and confusion”
Trump voter “His dementia”
Trump voter
“He’s old”
Harris voter
“His performance in the debate was shocking”
Harris voter
“I think Joe Biden has a good heart, but he’s too old to be effective”
Harris voter
“He’s just not all there”
Did not vote Selected responses from a poll by The New York Times and Ipsos of 2,128 U.S. adults conducted Jan. 2-10.
Comments from Americans who said what they remembered most was Biden’s age
Many Americans remember Mr. Biden more for his personal characteristics than his policies. Fourteen percent cited his age or perceived mental decline as their most prominent memory, a greater share than any specific policy. Another 4 percent mentioned memories related to his empathy and kindness.
Concern about Mr. Biden’s cognition primarily came from Republicans, though some Democrats and independents also shared misgivings. Many specifically cited his debate performance, which proved to be a turning point in his aborted campaign, as their key memory of his time in office.
“Gas prices skyrocketing”
Did not vote in 2024
“Out of control spending, reduced energy creation and inflation”
Trump voter “He worked hard for the middle class and added protections and laws to help most Americans”
Harris voter
“High gas prices”
Trump voter
“I honestly don’t know much of what Joe Biden did, but I know the economy has suffered”
Harris voter
“Inflation, inflation, inflation”
Trump voter
“Better economy”
Harris voter “Prices have gone way up”
Harris voter
Selected responses from a poll by The New York Times and Ipsos of 2,128 U.S. adults conducted Jan. 2-10.
Comments from Americans who said what they remembered most was the economy
During the campaign, voters consistently cited the economy as their most important issue. As Americans look back on Mr. Biden’s time in office, many mentioned economic conditions as their principal recollection.
Republicans pointed to rising prices as the main impact of his presidency, while Democrats were largely more positive, citing the economic recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic. Still, many Democrats and independents had concerns about the cost of living.
“Open border”
Trump voter in 2024 “The huge numbers of illegal immigrants that have entered the country”
Trump voter
“Unsafe borders, terrible economic policies, weak leadership”
Harris voter
“So many immigrants living on welfare”
Trump voter
“Immigration ran amok for several years and now it is too late to try and curtail the problem”
Harris voter
“His indifference to open borders”
Harris voter “Skyrocketing illegal immigration”
Did not vote
Selected responses from a poll by The New York Times and Ipsos of 2,128 U.S. adults conducted from Jan. 2-10.
Comments from Americans who said what they remembered most was immigration
Mr. Trump made Mr. Biden’s immigration policy a core issue in his campaign to return to the White House. Border crossings rose during Mr. Biden’s presidency, creating the largest immigration surge in U.S. history (though crossings plummeted late in his term after he tightened enforcement).
Among Republicans, Mr. Biden’s immigration policies were among the most mentioned memories. These recollections were often expressed with evident frustration, and were frequently intertwined with economic concerns.
“Getting out of Afghanistan. It was horrible”
Trump voter in 2024 “His epic debate failure and his retreat from Afghanistan, sacrificing troops’ lives doing it”
Harris voter
“Continuing to send weapons overseas during the Israel and Palestine conflict and not allowing Ukraine to use them against Russia”
Harris voter
“His inability to tell Israel that genocide is wrong, no matter the provocation”
Did not vote
“More interested in foreign aid than the American people”
Trump voter
“Helping a lot outside the country”
Harris voter “War”
Harris voter
“Supporting war with billions”
Harris voter
Selected responses from a poll by The New York Times and Ipsos of 2,128 U.S. adults conducted Jan. 2-10.
Comments from Americans who said what they remembered most was foreign policy
Americans who mentioned foreign policy mostly looked back on the Biden years as a time of war. Democrats and Republicans alike expressed concern about spending on foreign conflicts that they believed starved domestic spending. Overall, 60 percent of Americans in the survey said the United States was too focused on helping other countries and needed to focus more on problems at home.
Many cited the wars in Ukraine and Gaza as their main memory of Mr. Biden’s time in office. Democrats were especially likely to cite concerns about the deaths of Palestinians during the Israel-Hamas war.
Comments from Americans who said what they remembered most was pandemic recovery or legislative accomplishments
-
“Coming out of Covid, avoiding recession, dealing with global supply issues”
Harris voter in 2024
-
“He got us through the pandemic, he probably saved many people from dying of Covid”
Harris voter
-
“Covid stimulus and rebuilding the economy after Covid”
Harris voter
-
“He fixed us from Covid mess”
Did not vote
-
“Build back better”
Harris voter
-
“Getting the bipartisan jobs act passed”
Harris voter
-
“Infrastructure”
Harris voter
-
“Forgiving student debt, Covid lockdowns”
Trump voter
-
“His attempt to unburden some of us with student loans”
Harris voter
-
“He forgave my loan”
Trump voter
Selected responses from a poll by The New York Times and Ipsos of 2,128 U.S. adults conducted Jan. 2-10.
Few Americans mentioned memories of the pandemic, but those who did remembered Mr. Biden’s work to help pull the country out of it. Many cited his work on the economic recovery after the pandemic and his efforts to avoid a recession.
Some, particularly Democrats, also cited key pieces of post-pandemic legislation like the Inflation Reduction Act and infrastructure spending.
And for a handful, Mr. Biden’s student loan forgiveness was their key memory, including some who had firsthand experience.
“Corrupt”
Trump voter in 2024 “Corruption to enrich him and his family”
Trump voter
“Endless scandals and fraud”
Trump voter
“He is a criminal”
Trump voter
“Pardoned his son, bad policies”
Did not vote
“Pardoning his son”
Did not vote “The lies and corruption”
Did not vote
Selected responses from a poll by The New York Times and Ipsos of 2,128 U.S. adults conducted Jan. 2-10.
Comments from Americans who said what they remembered most was corruption
A small but significant share of Republicans mentioned corruption, with many citing Mr. Biden’s pardon of his son, Hunter Biden, as evidence.
Taken all together, these responses offer a snapshot in time as Mr. Biden leaves office. History shows that many former presidents later get a reputational boost. This was the case for George W. Bush, George H.W. Bush and Jimmy Carter. Time will tell if Mr. Biden will follow a similar path.
WASHINGTON — As Donald Trump takes the oath of office Monday for the second time, the world is watching with a mix of fascination, curiosity, elation or dread — and a sense that this time around, those outside the United States perhaps have a better idea of what to expect from his presidency.
Even before Inauguration Day, the 2½ months of transition since Trump defeated his Democratic rival, Vice President Kamala Harris, had already yielded head-spinning developments on the global scene.
Some of America’s closest traditional allies were jolted by the president-elect’s rhetoric evoking an expansionist 19th century ethos, delivered via modern-day social media blast. Populist figures, already emboldened by a tidal wave of anti-establishment electoral sentiment, have found a congenial reception in Trump’s orbit.
And autocratic governments are anticipating a far more transactional relationship with Washington, unburdened by diplomatic discourse about human rights or the rule of law.
Trump may be the most mercurial American president in decades, but embedded in that is a certain element of predictability: that nearly any long-standing international norm may well fall by the wayside. The keenly felt fragility of a post-World War II rules-based order is its own kind of road map, some veteran observers suggest.
Many foreign leaders “are no longer scrambling to figure out what to do,” said Daniel Fried, who spent nearly four decades as a U.S. Foreign Service officer.
“They know they have to plan for all contingencies,” said Fried, now with the Atlantic Council think tank. “They have a better sense this time, though it still rattles them.”
Trump’s heavy footfall in the final days before assuming office almost certainly brought about the finalization of a cease-fire and hostage-release agreement in the devastating war in the Gaza Strip. The deal drafted by the Biden administration took effect the day before Trump’s swearing-in.
Though Trump has backed off on a boast that he would halt the fighting in Ukraine in 24 hours, there is a sense among all involved parties that Trump’s presidency will alter the trajectory of the nearly three-year-old full-scale Russian invasion of its sovereign neighbor.
Then there’s China. The upheaval triggered by the U.S. Supreme Court ruling that the immensely popular short-video app TikTok must sever ties with its Chinese parent company or face a U.S. ban will likely surface some insights into future dealings by Washington and Beijing over accelerating technological, trade and military rivalries.
“China could be a big surprise” under Trump, said Michael Cox, an emeritus professor of international relations at the London School of Economics. One factor to watch closely, he said, were the “huge” business interests in China of the world’s wealthiest man, Elon Musk, a prominent but relatively new figure in Trump’s orbit.
Musk, the SpaceX and Tesla billionaire, also has Trump’s seeming imprimatur as he shocks close partners like Germany and the United Kingdom with verbal broadsides against their elected leaders and highly amplified backing for domestic far-right forces.
With Germany’s election just over a month away, Trump has raised no objection as Musk has used his social media platform, X, to tout the far-right party Alternative for Germany as a national savior. Chancellor Olaf Scholz again Friday branded Musk’s electioneering “completely unacceptable.”
In Britain, in an upending of the decades-old “special relationship,” Musk has urged the release of a notorious jailed anti-Muslim extremist, Tommy Robinson, and loudly declared that Prime Minister Keir Starmer belongs in jail. All met by silence from Trump.
“It all sends a very disturbing message to Europe — to people friendly to the United States,” said Cox, who is also with the British think tank Chatham House.
Underscoring the populist-friendly tone of the new administration, expected inaugural attendees include Italy’s far-right Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and British firebrand politician Nigel Farage. Hungary’s prime minister, Viktor Orban, who had endorsed Trump as a “man of peace,” was invited but could not attend, Hungarian media reported.
As Trump, Musk and their team have done in Europe, they have already signaled their approach to Latin America and where they will place their favors. Trump was courting Latin American leaders accused of human rights abuses and antipathy to democratic norms even before he won election.
Argentinian President Javier Milei, who styles himself after Trump and vowed to take a “chain saw” (which he often wielded at rallies) to his country’s government and institutions, is invited to the inauguration. So is El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, who calls himself the world’s coolest dictator and engineered a second term in office despite a constitutional prohibition. Bukele also adopted bitcoin as a national currency, is profiting in crypto circles and said to be admired by Musk.
Allies of Trump have sought to undermine democratic leftist governments in Latin America, such as Guatemala and Colombia, and will likely reverse President Biden’s last-minute diplomatic concessions to Cuba that included taking it off the U.S. list of sponsors of international terrorism, a designation that advocates considered unfair and that damaged the struggling Cuban economy.
Mexico and Panama will be especially vexed by Trump.
Their presidents, Claudia Sheinbaum and José Raúl Mulino, respectively, are seeking a way to placate some of his demands, such as slowing illegal immigration that originates or passes through their countries, while standing up to ideas that they see as a threat to national sovereignty.
Trump has entertained declaring Mexican drug cartels as foreign terrorist organizations, a designation that could be used to attack them militarily inside Mexican territory. He has also said he wants to take back control of the Panama Canal, a vital waterway that the U.S. once controlled as an American colony on foreign soil but was turned over to Panama in a treaty signed by then-President Carter in 1977. Trump declined to rule out using the military to seize the canal.
Trump’s nominee for secretary of State, Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), has stopped short of echoing some of Trump’s most unorthodox views but largely supported an “America first” agenda, saying every policy decision must face three questions: “Does it make America safer? Does it make America stronger? Or does it make America more prosperous?”
In the Middle East, dramatic events surrounding the cease-fire breakthrough between Israel and the militant group Hamas were drawing “split-screen” comparisons with the 1981 inauguration of Ronald Reagan, when U.S. hostages held in Iran were freed moments after the new leader took the oath of office. The presidency of Reagan’s predecessor — Jimmy Carter, who died Dec. 29 — was heavily shadowed by the long effort to free them.
Even before the first three hostages were released Sunday, Trump was quick to trumpet his own role in securing the accord. Announced Wednesday and finally ratified by Israel’s Cabinet early Saturday, the pact calls for a phased handing over of remaining captives, living and dead, seized by the Hamas fighters who surged into southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, killing about 1,200 people.
Israel’s bombardment of Gaza over the following 15 months has killed more than 46,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza health officials, leaving the territory in ruins and displacing about nine-tenths of its more than 2 million people.
“This EPIC ceasefire agreement could have only happened as a result of our Historic Victory in November, as it signaled to the entire World that my Administration would seek Peace and negotiate deals to ensure the safety of all Americans, and our Allies,” the president-elect wrote in a social media post as the breakthrough was being formalized.
Biden, for his part, acknowledged the unprecedented cooperation between Trump’s team and his own diplomats in the final push toward an accord, but could not contain himself when a reporter asked him last week if the president-elect was right to take full credit.
“Is that a joke?” he asked.
Many people in Greenland thought Trump was joking during his first presidency when he spoke of acquiring the vast island territory that is part of Denmark. But he has resurfaced the idea, refusing to rule out using military force to seize control “for the purposes of National Security.”
Europe quickly pointed out that Trump would be attacking European borders and a NATO ally.
“We have been cooperating for the last 80 years [with the U.S.] and … have a lot to offer to cooperate with,” Greenland Prime Minister Múte Egede said, “but we want also to be clear: We don’t want to be Americans.”
Fried, at the Atlantic Council, cautioned that “it was not good for the United States to have other states hedging their bets.” You never know, he said, when the U.S. will need its allies.
“I personally would take him both literally and seriously,” said Belgium-based analyst Guntram Wolff, playing off the popular political trope from Trump’s first presidential campaign, when observers parsed the difference between how his supporters and adversaries interpreted his more provocative utterances.
But he acknowledged that the world will simply have to wait and see what four more years of Trump will bring.
“He has an agenda; he makes strong points,” said Wolff, a senior fellow at Bruegel, a Brussels think tank. “And he’s been elected.”
The week after Election Day in 2016, Shirley Morganelli, a women’s health nurse and lifelong Democrat, invited a dozen friends over to the living room of her rowhouse in Bethlehem, Pa., for a glass of wine. Actually, many glasses.
“Misery loves company,” she said.
Ms. Morganelli’s friends, mostly women then in their 50s and 60s, were teachers, nurses, artists and ardent supporters of Hillary Clinton. Some of them had dressed in suffragist white to cast their votes that day, expecting to celebrate the election of America’s first female president. Instead, they had ended the night consoling their college-aged daughters.
“When she called me at three o’clock in the morning — I get all choked up now, because it was the first time I couldn’t say, ‘Everything’s going to be all right,’” said Angela Sinkler, a nurse and former school board member in Bethlehem.
The get-together — Ms. Morganelli called it “unhappy hour” — became a regular event. By the end of the month, commiserating had turned into organizing. They started with writing postcards to elected officials calling on them to oppose Donald J. Trump’s agenda, then moved on to raising money for a local Planned Parenthood chapter and joining in community protests.
Local political candidates began showing up to their gatherings, too, and the group, now called Lehigh Valley ROAR, turned to campaigning. In 2018, several members were elected to City Council in Bethlehem, and Susan Wild, the city solicitor in nearby Allentown and old friend of Ms. Morganelli’s, was elected to Congress with the group’s support.
Lehigh Valley ROAR was one of more than 2,000 similar grass-roots groups formed in the wake of Mr. Trump’s first election — a moment of mass organization larger than even the Tea Party movement at its peak during President Barack Obama’s first term, said Theda Skocpol, a Harvard University professor of government and sociology who has studied both movements.
A vast majority of the groups were led by women, and many traced a similar arc to Ms. Morganelli’s, their shock at Mr. Trump’s election sparking political activism and then, often, electoral victories.
But then there was the defeat of Vice President Kamala Harris in November.
As Mr. Trump returns to the White House on Monday with a popular vote majority and a governing trifecta in Washington, there are few signs of the sort of mass public protest that birthed “the resistance” the last time he took office.
Mr. Trump’s inauguration in 2017 was met with the largest single-day public demonstration in American history. Although thousands marched in Washington Saturday and smaller protests were held in other cities, their numbers fell far short of the hundreds of thousands that rallied eight years ago.
Organizers of the 2017 efforts say this shift reflects the lessons learned from the street protests that took place early in the first Trump presidency, tactics that were quickly abandoned in favor of more strategic organizing — and that opposition to a second Trump term is unlikely to take the same forms.
But some concede that the opposition is more uncertain than it once was. Congressional Democrats and governors now openly debate the wisdom of locking arms against Mr. Trump’s agenda, as they eventually did during his first presidency. And Democrats still now bear scars from last year’s conflicts over Israel’s invasions of Gaza and Lebanon, their embrace of identity politics and President Biden’s aborted candidacy.
In 2017, “everything felt bigger, more important,” said Krista Suh, a screenwriter in Los Angeles. When the Women’s March was announced for the day after Mr. Trump’s swearing-in, Ms. Suh, a novice knitter, came up with a pattern for a cat-eared pink cap to wear to the protest and posted it online.
Within days, “pussy hats” became a ubiquitous emblem of anti-Trump dissent.
Ms. Suh has stayed somewhat politically involved; she canvassed for Ms. Harris in Arizona. But she had no plans to protest this weekend.
“I feel like I’m just so much more jaded now,” she said.
‘He Won the Popular Vote’
When members of Lehigh Valley ROAR assembled once again in Ms. Morganelli’s living room this month, days before Mr. Trump would return to the White House, few were certain about what they should do next. They had canvassed and phone-banked for Ms. Harris. “You name it, we did it,” Ms. Morganelli said.
Ms. Wild had lost her seat, too.
In the corner of Ms. Morganelli’s living room, a cardboard cutout of Mr. Obama still wore a pink hat from the 2017 Women’s March, which most of the group members had attended. But none of them were going to Washington to protest Mr. Trump’s inauguration.
Some members had come to question the effectiveness of the Women’s March. Others were now more concerned about the safety of demonstrating. Last fall, one member’s car was broken into by someone who also tore up the Harris yard signs she had in the back seat.
Four years after the Capitol riot on Jan. 6, 2021, Ms. Morganelli was ambivalent about the optics of protesting the outcome of a fair election.
“This time, he won the popular vote,” she said, referring to the president-elect. “As good Americans and good Democrats, you have to accept that, right?”
Instead of protest, the group planned to get together to drink wine and write thank-you notes to Mr. Biden. “Moving forward, all we can do is try to be our best selves as good citizens,” Ms. Morganelli wrote on the group’s Facebook page.
A Resistance With Some Regrets
In its early days, the opposition to Mr. Trump seemed to practically organize itself. Grieving liberals poured their energy into any vessel available. People who had never organized a protest in their lives were transformed into leaders of demonstrations of historic scale, sometimes overnight, as was the case for Naomi Lindquester.
Jolted by Mr. Trump’s election, Ms. Lindquester, then a 42-year-old elementary schoolteacher in Denver, created a Facebook event called Women’s March on Denver. She thought she would have to beg her friends to attend.
Instead, the day after Mr. Trump’s inauguration, a crowd estimated at more than 100,000 people arrived at the State Capitol to denounce the new president. It was likely the largest demonstration in the history of Colorado.
The Women’s March protests drew some 500,000 attendees to Washington and hundreds of thousands more rallied across the country. But the groups that materialized to organize them, often led by media-savvy young urban professionals, soon found themselves struggling to maintain momentum and, at times, infighting.
The national Women’s March organization splintered after one organizer accused others of antisemitism. Other groups disintegrated amid more prosaic conflicts over priorities and egos.
“It got really ugly, really fast,” said Ms. Lindquester, who has not spoken with her fellow organizers of the Denver march since they fell out in late 2018.
Many such groups, she believes, were victims of their sudden celebrity. “I’ll be really honest with you,” she said, “I very much enjoyed my 15 minutes of fame.”
Since November, Ms. Lindquester has found herself questioning the impact of the march she organized. “The fact that we did that ginormous march and he still got re-elected a second time?” she said.
She has mostly stepped back from public politics — a shift that was in part a result of her move from Denver to a small, conservative town elsewhere in the state, and the heightened scrutiny on teachers’ politics in recent years.
While she was proud of her role in the 2017 protest, “I don’t talk to anyone about that, because I will hear about it if I do,” she said.
In a Facebook post this month she suggested a list of actions that she argued would make a bigger difference now than marching: Plant trees. Volunteer in the community. “Engage with people who think differently than you and find your common ground.”
A New Message: ‘This Is Hard.’
Some argue that the energy is still out there, but the goals are different. Ezra Levin, the executive director of Indivisible, an organization he co-founded in 2017 to channel grass-roots opposition to Mr. Trump, said the group had registered more new local chapters since November than it had at any other point since 2017.
In a new blueprint for action released shortly after the election, Indivisible urged its members to focus not just on Mr. Trump and Congress but also on local elected officials — particularly Democrats in blue states that could serve as a bulwark for resisting Mr. Trump’s policies.
It conceded that “too often in Trump 1.0, we embraced the aesthetics of protests instead of using them as part of a strategy.”
“You shouldn’t start with a tactic,” Mr. Levin said. “You should start with a goal.”
In Ms. Morganelli’s living room, the Lehigh Valley ROAR members spoke of leaning on one another even more as some family members drifted away from their politics in recent years: children who had grown enamored with right-wing survivalism or opposition to vaccines during the coronavirus pandemic, or turned on Mr. Biden and Ms. Harris over their support for Israel.
“I lost my liberal, progressive son to Joe Rogan,” one said, as others nodded in sympathy.
They felt alienated from younger Democratic activists who seemed to see fighting Mr. Trump as a lesser priority than matters of ideological purity.
“If you’re not lefty-left enough, they are willing to sacrifice their vote and throw it away,” either by not voting or voting for a third-party candidate, said Lori McFarland, a member of the group who is now the chairwoman of the Lehigh County Democratic Committee. “And they’ve just set us back.”
Ms. Suh, the “pussy hat” creator, has not sought to reprise her role in the protest movement. She thought that a unifying phenomenon like her hat would still be possible — but the message should now be something different than the defiance of early 2017.
“I think,” she said, “it has to be something like: ‘I hear you. This is hard.’”
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