Politics
Shaikin: In yet another Dodgers-Padres NLDS matchup, Steve Garvey can't lose
You can buy an autographed baseball in a million places, but you can buy a $75 autographed baseball from a U.S. Senate candidate in one place.
The candidate, of course, is Steve Garvey, who is a household name in California not because of a life spent in politics, but because of a distinguished career for the Dodgers and San Diego Padres.
In his race against Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Burbank), Garvey is a decided underdog. No Republican has won a California Senate seat since 1988.
On Saturday — one month before Election Day — the two teams that Garvey played for open their National League Division Series at Dodger Stadium. That made Friday a good day to check in with Garvey.
Dodgers. Padres. Who’s going to win?
My team is going to win. (He laughed.)
You spent most of your life with the Dodgers. You were a batboy for the Dodgers long before you were their first baseman — an eight-time All-Star, a most valuable player, a World Series champion. How did you end up a major player in Padres history?
Back when the Dodgers made me an offer I could refuse (Garvey was a free agent after the 1982 season), I ended up with (Padres owner and McDonald’s baron) Ray Kroc at his clifftop house. He said: ‘Stevie, I really want you here. I know what you can do on the field, but this community needs somebody that understands the relationship between the people and the town. We haven’t had that.’
He said there was only one problem: ‘I can only pay you in Big Macs and french fries.’
In 1983, your first year in San Diego, the Padres finished at .500. The team had one winning record in its 15 seasons. In 1984, the Padres went to the World Series.
By the second year, we had acquired (closer Goose) Gossage and (third baseman Graig) Nettles. Tony Gwynn was in his third year. We had (shortstop Garry) Templeton and (catcher Terry) Kennedy and (outfielder Kevin) McReynolds, and (second baseman Alan) Wiggins emerged, and a pretty doggone good pitching staff.
‘84 was the year. It was kind of the emergence of Padre history. To have been part of the Dodger organization, from batboy in ‘56 to all those years I was part of that great historical franchise, to be part of it and make a significant contribution, and then to go to San Diego and help them to win for the first time and build their history, I take a lot of pride in that.
Who ever thought I wouldn’t be a Dodger my whole career? And life happens. To have had it work that way was pretty neat.
Your most memorable moment with the Padres must be the walkoff home run in Game 4 of the 1984 NL championship series, which put the team one victory away from the World Series.
Wherever I go, people tell me where they were, which is always a sign of a historical moment.
And your most memorable moment with the Dodgers?
The world championship of ‘81 was really the highlight of my career. If you play a team sport, winning the world championship is the ultimate. We had been frustrated in ‘74, ‘77 and ‘78. And then in ‘81, with the way it transpired with the strike, it seemed to be a team of destiny.
Do you find it curious that your number has been retired by the Padres but not by the Dodgers?
With Don Newcombe and (Fernando Valenzuela) and myself, we were the first class of Legends of Dodger Baseball, which has emerged over the last few years. That is quite an honor, too.
Everybody always asks me: ‘Why isn’t your number retired?’ It’s totally up to the organization. I’m honored to have San Diego and the Padres retire my number. I’ve said it’s probably going to happen in the future. I don’t get up every day and think about it.
Do you get heckled when you campaign in the San Francisco Bay Area?
I don’t. We just came from Northern California. It’s really good natured. Some people will say, ‘Oh, he used to beat us.’ But a lot of people will say, ‘Garvey, we hated the Dodgers, but we’ll vote for you. It’s so bad up here, and we pretty much know you.’
Our theme has been — and my wife, Candace, came up with it — I never took the field for Democrats or Republicans, but for all the fans.
In the best interest of California, do you have a plan to make the Giants great again?
The Giants great again?
That would give the state three great National League teams.
They had that streak (three championships in five years), which was a statement for this millennium in Giant history. Whenever your rivals are good, it’s good for the game and good for both teams.
That’s why the emergence of the Padres is good: everybody has been waiting for a time when they truly are relatively equal with the Dodgers.
On the other side of the San Francisco Bay, a major league team has left Oakland and is planning to leave the state entirely, to move to Las Vegas. Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Oakland) has introduced a bill that would require teams that leave a community to compensate that community, given its support of the team and often its contributions toward a stadium. Would you support that bill?
It’s free will and choice. It’s business. It’s capitalism. If you have a smaller market, you know the challenges and restraints. Ultimately, it is up to ownership to decide their future destiny.
It’s obviously very emotional for her, and for the people of Oakland, and the great players that have come out of there — Dave Stewart and Dusty Baker and all of those guys. But it’s purely a business decision made by ownership. People don’t necessarily like it because they are local, and they have had a great history there. It’s just the nature of business in America.
So you do not see a role for the federal government in franchise relocation?
No. God, lower taxes, smaller government, and the pursuit of happiness. That’s what Ronald Reagan told me.
In sports, your team works together to beat the other team. That is what is happening in Congress now. In Washington, that makes for dysfunction. How might your sports background help you resolve that?
Our theme has been common sense, compassion and consensus. I’ve said, when I am elected U.S. senator from California, I will begin, on the first day, to go to all other 99 senators — go to their office, stick out my hand and say, ‘I’m Steve Garvey, and I want to work with you for the best interests of my state, your state and the country.’ I don’t think too many people are willing to do that, or have.
One last try: Dodgers. Padres. Who are you rooting for in this series?
My team is going to win. (He laughed again.)
Dodging a question? You just might have a future in politics.
I hope so. Six years, at least. One term.
Politics
Trump takes unusual step, lets bipartisan housing bill become law unsigned amid SAVE pressure campaign
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A bipartisan housing bill became law Saturday at midnight after President Donald Trump declined to sign it, capping a weeks-long saga over whether the president would veto the measure amid frustrations with Congress over his stalled agenda.
Trump refused to sign the 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act — legislation aimed at expanding the nation’s housing stock and lowering costs — in an attempt to pressure Congress to pass the SAVE America Act, despite the housing bill clearing both chambers with overwhelming majorities.
“I will not sign the Housing Bill, which has been fully approved by Congress and sent to the White House, in PROTEST over the fact that the United States Senate is not capable of passing THE SAVE AMERICA ACT, which is polling at 97% with the Republican Party, and very high with the non-politician Dumocrats,” he declared on Truth Social Friday morning.
The Trump-backed election measure, which would require proof of citizenship to vote in federal elections and impose voter ID requirements, has struggled to overcome the Senate’s 60-vote threshold.
Meanwhile, the House has not passed a version of the bill that includes the president’s proposed crackdown on mail-in voting and banning men from women’s sports.
President Donald Trump speaks in the Oval Office of the White House, Wednesday, June 3, 2026, in Washington. (Alex Brandon/AP)
HOUSE CONSERVATIVES DERAIL GOP AGENDA IN SAVE AMERICA ACT SHOWDOWN
Under the U.S. Constitution, Trump had 10 days, not including Sundays, to sign or veto the housing measure after the House formally transmitted the legislation to the White House in late June. The president ultimately chose neither option, allowing the measure to become law without his signature.
Though Trump declined to veto the legislation, he sharply criticized elements of the bill and argued it should not have been a legislative priority in recent weeks.
“It’s so unimportant … compared to the SAVE America Act,” Trump told reporters in the Oval Office in late June. “I think the SAVE America Act is exactly what it says. It’s saving America from crooked elections.”
Trump went on to call the housing bill “a yawn,” adding, “compared to the SAVE America Act, just about everything is a big yawn.”
It would have taken a two-thirds majority in both chambers to override a veto — a margin the House and Senate exceeded when they passed the legislation. However, it remains unclear whether so many Republicans would have defied the president had he vetoed the bill.
Trump also appeared to criticize the bill over a provision restricting Wall Street investors from purchasing single-family homes — a policy he first proposed during his January State of the Union address and later urged Congress to pass. Trump previously argued the investor ban would give individual homebuyers a leg up against private equity firms in the housing market.
“I don’t want to hurt people that own houses, too,” Trump later told reporters, appearing to reference the provision. “These people, for the first time in their lives, they have valuable houses. They’ve become rich. I don’t want to hurt them either. What you want to do is what’s good for everyone, get the interest rates down.”
The law also aims to boost housing supply by streamlining federal environmental reviews, loosening rules around the construction of factory-built homes, and incentivizing local governments to modify their zoning laws to allow more housing, among roughly 60 provisions.
Trump’s souring on the legislation created headaches for Republicans, who touted the bill as an affordability win as voters grapple with high housing costs.
“It’s irresponsible to postpone signing the Housing bill due to the SAVE Act,” Sen. Bill Cassidy, R-La., a retiring lawmaker who lost re-election to a Trump-backed challenger, wrote on social media. “We need to start delivering relief to people for the high cost of housing ASAP!!”
Construction workers stand on the roof of homes under construction at a new housing development on June 24, 2026, in Valencia, Calif. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)
WARREN TELLS TRUMP TO ‘SIGN THE DAMN BILL’ AS BIPARTISAN HOUSING PACKAGE REMAINS STALLED IN WASHINGTON
Trump abruptly canceled a signing ceremony for the legislation at the U.S. Capitol in June with GOP leaders. The stage had already been set, with at least one senior Republican arriving unaware the president had called off the event shortly before it was scheduled to begin.
The president then declared he would not sign the legislation until Congress passed the SAVE America Act, despite Senate GOP leaders insisting the votes do not exist to advance the measure.
Trump has also expressed frustration with the Republican-controlled Senate for declining to weaken the legislative filibuster, which requires 60 votes to advance most legislation in the upper chamber.
“GET SMART REPUBLICANS, IF YOU DON’T, YOU WON’T BE IN OFFICE FOR LONG!” Trump wrote in a Truth Social post on Sunday.
Before Trump came out against the bill, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt called it “one of the most significant pieces of housing affordability legislation in American history” and said it included an array of policies “long championed” by Trump.
House Speaker Mike Johnson, a Republican from Louisiana, speaks during a news conference at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on Oct. 15, 2025. (Eric Lee/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
Meanwhile, Trump political operative James Blair touted the legislation for including the president’s Wall Street investor ban, which he referred to as a “signature commitment.”
House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., has argued that Republicans will still promote the landmark housing bill ahead of November.
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“We’ll still celebrate it, but he’s trying to make a point, and I think he’s making it very effectively,” the speaker recently told reporters, referring to Trump. “And the fact that you all ask me every three steps down the hallway illustrates that he has achieved the desired objective, and that is to make SAVE America the number one thing, because if we don’t get that right, everybody’s concerned about what happens next.”
Politics
Trump administration clears path for controversial Mojave Desert water pipeline
The Trump administration has signed off on a company’s plan to convert an oil and gas pipeline to pump groundwater from the Mojave Desert to thirsty California cities for the first time, a lucrative venture that critics say threatens natural springs and wildlife.
The federal Bureau of Land Management released documents Thursday saying that Cadiz Inc.’s plan to repurpose 162 miles of the pipeline to transport water “will not significantly affect” the environment.
“We’re excited to achieve this pivotal milestone. After many years of planning and environmental review, the project has now reached the construction stage,” said Susan Kennedy, chair and chief executive of Cadiz.
Environmental advocates and leaders of Native tribes, who have been fighting the project, criticized the decision.
“This groundwater mining proposal would drain the desert and rob the Mojave of its rare springs and wildlife habitat,” said Chance Wilcox, California desert associate director of the National Parks Conservation Assn. “It’s indefensible that the Trump administration would once again try to revive the pointless Cadiz project, by defying decades of scientific warnings and refusing to conduct an environmental review of the groundwater mining.”
The application for the federal authorization was filed by the Fenner Gap Mutual Water Co. The documents say the company plans to build seven pump stations, three of them located on federal land managed by the agency.
The 30-inch steel pipeline runs underground from Cadiz’s desert property, near the town of Amboy, northward to the town of Mojave.
The BLM said in its authorization that repurposing the pipeline for water “would comply with all applicable statutes and regulations.” The agency said it has “reasonably determined that the impacts of groundwater withdrawal associated with Cadiz’s groundwater extraction project are outside the scope of analysis.”
Cadiz’s attempts to export water from its property 200 miles east of Los Angeles have drawn controversy for decades.
In 2019, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed legislation that requires the project to undergo scientific study and gain approval from the State Lands Commission before it can take water from the Mojave and sell it to California cities.
Activists opposing the company’s plans include civil rights leader Dolores Huerta.
“Cadiz spells destruction for water, sacred lands, and the desert economy,” Huerta said in a statement. “It is exactly this type of greed and injustice that I have dedicated my life to oppose.”
Leaders of nearby tribes have also objected to Cadiz’s plans to pump from the desert aquifer near the Mojave Trails National Monument and Mojave National Preserve.
“It is the living heart of the desert,” said Daniel Leivas, chairman of the Chemehuevi Indian Tribe. “To drain it would be to drain the life out of the entire desert. No profit is worth such desecration.”
Chairman Timothy Williams of the Fort Mojave Indian Tribe said the company’s plan “to pump and sell 25 times more groundwater each year than the aquifer can replenish would desecrate our traditional territories.”
“Pumping more groundwater than is sustainably replenished is not only negligent, but dangerous to the American Desert Southwest,” he said in the joint statement with other opponents of the project.
For years, while pursuing its plan to sell water far away, the company has been using wells on its property to irrigate nearly 2,000 acres of farmland growing lemons, grapes and other crops. It has drilled more wells in anticipation of being able to export water once the government approved its pipeline.
The company intends to pipe water to communities in San Bernardino County and says it’s “expected to provide one of the lowest-cost sources of new water in the drought-plagued Southwest.” It says the federal permit “marks a key milestone as we finalize project financing with prospective investors.”
Cadiz bought the 220-mile pipeline from El Paso Natural Gas in 2020. Once construction is completed, the company says the pipeline will be able to transport up to 25,000 acre-feet of water per year — about 5% of what Los Angeles uses each year.
The Los Angeles-based corporation is also seeking to build a new pipeline along a railroad right-of-way to transport water to the south.
Environmental groups have repeatedly filed lawsuits challenging the project.
Ileene Anderson, a senior scientist at the Center for Biological Diversity, called the Trump administration’s decision “a green light for environmental destruction.”
She said six of the proposed pumping stations slated to be built are in the habitat of desert tortoises, a species in decline.
“We’ve successfully fended off this project before and we’ll continue to fight to stop this zombie from coming back,” Anderson said.
In 2021, the Biden administration reversed a Trump administration decision that had cleared the way for Cadiz to pipe water across public land. In 2022, a federal judge scrapped the pipeline permit that the Trump administration had issued.
But during President Trump’s second term, the company has again made headway on its plans. In February, Cadiz announced that the federal Environmental Protection Agency had invited it to submit an application for a $194-million low-interest loan for the northern pipeline project.
The company said in May that it reached an agreement with the federal Bureau of Reclamation to provide funding for a review of its potential role in “augmenting water supplies” along the shrinking Colorado River.
The company has also been lobbying the Trump administration. The group Public Citizen said in a recent report that Cadiz, through its nonprofit Fenner Gap Mutual Water Co., enlisted former Interior Secretary David Bernhardt’s new lobbying firm, the Bernhardt Group, and has spent at least $330,000 on lobbying in 2025 and 2026.
Records show lobbyist Luke Johnson has repeatedly accompanied Kennedy at meetings with Interior Department officials.
“The extensive influence of David Bernhardt’s boutique lobbying firm on the agency he formerly led highlights how insider firms staffed with former Trump officials have grown in recent years,” said Alan Zibel, a research director with Public Citizen. He said Bernhardt and his lobbyists “have learned how to master influence-peddling in the anything-goes era of Trump 2.0.”
Earlier this month, an Arizona water agency announced it signed an initial “memorandum of understanding” agreement to buy up to 10,000 acre-feet of water per year from Cadiz’s Mojave Groundwater Bank. The Central Arizona Irrigation and Drainage District provides water to farmlands in Pinal County, where growers are dealing with water cutbacks.
The company said that for this to happen, it would need to build pipelines and reach deals to exchange water across state lines.
Members of California’s congressional delegation have raised concerns. In a recent letter to Interior Secretary Doug Burgum, California Sens. Adam Schiff and Alex Padilla called for a thorough environmental review, saying that federal agencies and peer-reviewed scientific analyses have “warned of the significant and irreversible impacts that Cadiz’s project could have on federal lands and surrounding communities.”
Rep. Raul Ruiz (D-Indio) said in a letter to Burgum that he is concerned about the company’s long-standing effort to extract and export groundwater.
“The area I represent cannot afford to absorb the long-term costs of a commercially driven groundwater export scheme,” Ruiz said.
Politics
Trump Promotes ‘Freedom Fuel’ Gas Stations as Gas Prices Rise Again
President Trump has promoted a chain of newly rebranded gas stations across the Philadelphia area with lower gas prices. The New York Times has not been able to get detailed information about who is behind the stations. The Trump administration says it did not fund or subsidize the company.
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