Politics
Column: The California roots of Trump's anti-immigrant pitch to Black voters
Donald Trump is nothing if not consistent, and his Dumpster fire of an interview with reporters at the National Assn. of Black Journalists convention in Chicago this week showed the Republican presidential nominee in full, foul mode.
He lied. He insulted. He whined. He was racist and misogynistic. He evaded questions and elided answers, and showed all the grace and gratitude of a kindergartner who pees in a sandbox and expects others to clean up the mess.
Above all, the Republican presidential candidate kept stabbing at the same illegal immigration scapegoat that’s the centerpiece of his 2024 presidential campaign. This time, though, he tried to further his contention that Donald J. Trump is the greatest president for Black people since Abraham Lincoln.
He unveiled the strategy during his June 28 debate with President Biden, when Trump stated that immigrants were a “big kill on the Black people” and were “taking Black jobs.” In Georgia, which he narrowly lost in 2020, his campaign has aired radio and television commercials insisting Biden cares more about illegal immigrants than the Black community.
At the NABJ convention, Trump blamed open borders for endangering the job security of Black workers — never mind that unemployment rates for them have reached historic lows under both the Trump and Biden administrations, a time when illegal immigration has grown to numbers not seen in a generation. When a moderator asked what was his message to all the Black reporters gathered before him and people watching online, Trump responded it was “to stop people from invading our country … who happen to be taking Black jobs.” When asked what he would do on Day 1 of a new term, he blurted out, “Close the border.”
Trump’s gambit is yet another legacy of Proposition 187, the 1994 California ballot initiative that sought to make life miserable for undocumented immigrants. Then and now, GOP politicians figure that the best way to court Black voters — a longtime bedrock of the Democratic Party — is to argue that immigrants in the country illegally are a burden that hits their community harder than others by taking away social services and bleeding jobs away.
Here’s the thing: There is a historical basis for these concerns, even if Trump has pushed the Illegal Immigrant Bogeyman dial to 11.
When South L.A. began to turn from the heart of the city’s Black community to a Latino-majority enclave during the 1980s and 1990s, the subsequent tensions were real. In the wake of the L.A. riots, groups protested outside work sites and blasted contractors for giving jobs to Latinos instead of Black workers because the former group would work for cheaper than the latter. The assumption by Latino political leaders during the fight against Prop. 187 that Black people would join them without question offended leaders and community activists.
Incidents like that led to 47% of Black voters favoring Prop. 187, a margin that helped the resolution pass comfortably.
Some of the most prominent Black voices in the anti-immigrant movement over the past 25 years — homeless activist Ted Hayes, the late radio show host Terry Anderson, the Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson, former gubernatorial candidate Larry Elder — came from that era. One of the loudest anti-immigrant voices in Southern California today is Fontana Mayor Acquanetta Warren, a Compton native who has scolded immigrants from the dais for not speaking English and has waged an aggressive campaign against street vendors. Throw in deep-rooted anti-Black sentiments among Latinos that got a prominent showcase during the 2022 L.A. City Hall racist tape leak scandal, and no wonder Trump thinks banking on getting Black voters angry enough against a supposed south-of-the-border invasion is a winner.
The reality is that Black people aren’t as receptive to an anti-immigrant message as Trump and the GOP would like to think.
A 2006 Pew Research Center study showed that 47% of Black people thought immigrants in the U.S. without legal documents should be allowed to stay, compared with 33% of whites. But by 2013, a similar Pew report showed 82% of Black people felt there should be a path toward legalization for those immigrants, compared with 67% of whites. The figure dropped in a Pew survey released this year to 73%, but it’s still far higher than the 53% of whites who feel the same, and just two percentage points behind Latinos, who have increasingly turned to the right against illegal immigration since the Prop. 187 days.
This general acceptance doesn’t surprise L.A. Councilmember Marqueece Harris-Dawson. He campaigned against Prop. 187 in 1994, going door-to-door in his native South L.A. to argue that the initiative was a wedge issue being used by Republicans to divide Black and Latino neighbors against each other and make them forget their shared working-class status.
“One line I would tell people is, ‘Do you hear them [Prop. 187 supporters] talk about people from Canada? From Germany?” Harris-Dawson said. “Black and Latino people I talked to understood it clearly.”
Harris-Dawson didn’t have to make the same argument recently in Atlanta, where the subject of illegal immigration came up in conversation.
“They said, ‘We support immigration reform, because we don’t want working-class people who can’t play defense,’” he said. In other words, it was better for the Black community for immigrants to have full rights instead of keeping them without papers and thus easier to use to undercut Black workers. “The sophistication of that! They get that workers don’t take jobs; employers give jobs.”
He can see Trump peeling off Black voters from the Democrats by continuing to hammer on the illegal immigration issue — but “he’ll also lose them” because of Trump’s long history of racist dog whistles. Besides, the councilmember argued, “people have seen it play out. … You see new neighbors come in and think, ‘Oh, there’s a good family.’ And they are. And then 10 years later, the parents still don’t have papers and the kids can’t go to college.
“Black folks can sympathize,” Harris-Dawson concluded, with “people who deal with systems that are ostensibly there to help you, but in fact do the opposite.”
Politics
Trump Discusses Tax Cuts for New Yorkers With G.O.P. Lawmakers
President-elect Donald J. Trump reiterated his support for undoing a major provision of his 2017 tax law on Saturday when he told more than a dozen House Republicans at his Florida estate to come up with a plan for increasing the state and local tax deduction, according to four lawmakers who attended.
Republicans put a $10,000 cap on the deduction, often called SALT, during Mr. Trump’s first term to help cover the cost of the broader 2017 tax law they passed along party lines. The change upset lawmakers from both parties in high-tax states like New York and New Jersey, who have since made it a central political promise to restore a valuable deduction for residents in their states.
The yearslong quest to restore the deduction — or at least increase its limit — got a boost during the presidential campaign when Mr. Trump said he would “get SALT back.” But the House Republicans demanding an increase to the limit have not yet agreed among themselves on the details.
Some have called for raising the limit for the deduction as high as $200,000. Others have more modest ambitions, including a smaller increase in the deduction’s limit that would be paired with gradual hikes over time that match the pace of inflation. Right now, the $10,000 cap applies to both individuals and married couples, and the group seems in agreement that couples should take a larger deduction than individuals.
At the meeting on Saturday, House Republicans from New York, New Jersey and California offered a variety of ideas to Mr. Trump about how to address the issue, according to the attendees. Among the concepts discussed was the possibility of persuading local leaders to hold off on tax increases in return for a higher deduction for their residents.
“Maybe we increase the deduction, but maybe the deduction goes even higher if your state freezes or lowers the tax rate,” said Representative Nicole Malliotakis, a New York Republican and member of the Ways and Means Committee who attended the meeting. “These are all ideas we are entertaining.”
Mr. Trump largely listened to the House Republicans, who were served coconut shrimp and Trump-branded bottled water during the hourlong meeting, and asked the group to reach a consensus, the attendees said. Any proposed change would also need nearly unanimous support from other congressional Republicans, many of whom are skeptical of providing tax relief to largely high-income residents of states governed by Democrats.
Lifting the cap on the deduction is expensive, and Republicans are already grappling with the vast cost of the tax bill they plan to pass this year. Lawmakers have explored the possibility of limiting the ability of businesses to deduct state and local taxes from their federal bills to try to cover the cost of any changes.
“It can’t be unlimited, and we still need a cap,” said Representative Jeff Van Drew, a New Jersey Republican who attended the meeting. “We have to find that sweet spot.”
Politics
Trump tasks blue state Republicans with 'homework' as GOP plots massive conservative policy overhaul
President-elect Donald Trump is giving Republicans his blessing to negotiate on a key tax that could prove critical to the GOP’s negotiations for a massive conservative policy overhaul next year.
Trump met with several different groups of House Republicans at Mar-a-Lago over the weekend, including blue state GOP lawmakers who make up the House SALT Caucus – a group opposed to the current $10,000 cap on state and local tax (SALT) deductions that primarily affect urban and suburban residents in areas with high income and property taxes, such as New York, New Jersey, and California.
“I think it was productive and successful,” Rep. Nicole Malliotakis, R-N.Y., said of the meeting. “The president supports our efforts to increase the SALT deduction. He understands that mayors and governors in blue states are crushing taxpayers and wants to provide relief from the federal level.”
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But Trump also signaled he was aware of the opposition from others in the House GOP conference, particularly rural district Republicans, who have viewed SALT deductions as tax breaks for the wealthy. Before the cap was imposed in 2017, there was no limit to how much state income and local property taxes people could deduct from their income when filing their federal returns.
“He gave us a little homework to work on, a number that could provide our middle class constituents with relief from the high taxes imposed by our governor and mayor, and at the same time, you know, something that can build consensus and get to [a 218-vote majority],” Malliotakis said.
“I think we pretty much know that it’s not going to be a complete lifting of the SALT cap. There’s not an appetite within Congress or even among American taxpayers to lower taxes for the ultra-wealthy.
“Our efforts are really targeted to middle-class families, and that’s what we’re focused on in trying to achieve the right balance.”
The current SALT deduction cap has been opposed by New York and California lawmakers for much of its existence, since being levied in Trump’s Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA).
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Trump suggested he would change course during his second administration as early as September last year, when he posted on Truth Social that he would “get SALT back, lower your taxes, and so much more.”
The discussions are part of Republicans’ wider talks about passing a massive fiscal and conservative policy overhaul via a process known as “reconciliation.”
By lowering the Senate’s threshold for passage to a simple majority instead of two-thirds, the process allows the party in control of both houses of Congress and the White House to pass certain legislation provided it deals with budgetary and other fiscal matters.
Some pro-SALT deduction Republicans, like Rep. Mike Lawler, R-N.Y., had signaled they could withhold support from the final bill if the cap was not increased.
“The only red line I have is that if there is a tax bill that does not lift the cap on SALT, I would not support that,” Lawler told Fox News’ Sunday Morning Futures.
Lawler also said Trump agreed that SALT deduction caps needed to be raised.
House Republicans have virtually no room for error with a razor-thin majority from Trump’s inauguration until likely sometime in April.
Meanwhile, Trump also told New York Republicans that he would help them fight their state’s controversial congestion pricing rule that levies an added cost to drive in parts of Manhattan.
“He understands how unfair this is and how it would impact the city’s economy and the people we represent and so we’re currently working with him on legal options to reverse the rubber stamp of the Biden administration,” Malliotakis said. “If there’s a legal option, if there’s a legal option for him to halt congestion pricing, he will.”
“You have, you know, cops, police, firefighters, nurses, the restaurant workers that have to go in at odd hours, and they drive because they don’t feel that the transit system is clean or safe.”
Congestion pricing took effect in New York City earlier this month.
Fox News Digital reached out to the Trump transition team for comment on this weekend’s meeting.
Politics
Newsom suspends landmark environmental laws to ease rebuilding in wildfire zones
Landmark California environmental laws will be suspended for wildfire victims seeking to rebuild their homes and businesses, according to an executive order signed Sunday by Gov. Gavin Newsom.
Requirements for building permits and reviews in the California Environmental Quality Act and the California Coastal Act — often considered onerous by developers — will be eased for victims of the fires in Pacific Palisades, Altadena and other communities, according to the order.
“California leads the nation in environmental stewardship. I’m not going to give that up,” Newsom told Jacob Soboroff on NBC’s “Meet the Press.” “But one thing I won’t give into is delay. Delay is denial for people: lives, traditions, places torn apart, torn asunder.”
Dan Dunmoyer, president and chief executive of the California Building Industry Assn., said the governor’s action represents an early and strong statement about the future of these areas. Newsom is making clear, Dunmoyer said, that the state will encourage homeowners to go back to their neighborhoods rather than deem development there too risky.
“He’s put a marker down to say we’re going to rebuild these communities,” Dunmoyer said.
Waivers of the environmental quality act, known as CEQA, and the Coastal Act could shave years off the process for homeowners in the Palisades, he said, but building permits issued by local governments represent another major hurdle.
“Those two banner ones are important,” Dunmoyer said, referring to the state laws, “but if the locals don’t come up with an expedited process, that’s where it could get stuck.”
Newsom’s order calls for the state housing department to work with affected cities and the county to develop new permitting rules that would allow for all approvals to be issued within 30 days.
In the wake of the fires, housing analysts have renewed calls for the city of Los Angeles to speed up its processes. A 2023 study found that the average unit in a multifamily property in the city took five years to complete, with a substantial portion of that time related to bureaucratic approval.
Mayor Karen Bass has acknowledged the problems and pledged that the city will accelerate permitting.
“We are going to clear the red tape and unnecessary delays and costs and headaches that people experience in ordinary times so that we can rebuild your homes quickly,” Bass said at a news conference Thursday.
Bass reiterated the promise at a news conference Sunday morning, applauding the governor’s action, and said she plans to release details on the effort this week. L.A. County Board of Supervisors Chair Kathryn Barger, who represents Altadena, similarly lauded the governor’s executive order.
“I want to thank the governor for hearing my request and taking swift action to ensure that our residents will not be burdened by unnecessary requirements as they begin the process of recovery and rebuilding,” said Barger, a Republican.
However, many GOP members across the state said Newsom’s order was too little, too late.
“Wildfire victims deserve much more from Gavin Newsom. When his track record includes lying about and underfunding wildfire prevention efforts, he owes Angelenos answers on how he and local Democrat leaders could have been so unprepared for these devastating wildfires,” said California Republican Party Chairwoman Jessica Millan Patterson. “No more blame game and excuses. We need accountability from this governor, and we need it now.”
Environmentalists also noted that the governor’s executive order restates an existing provision in the Coastal Act that provides exemptions for fire rebuilds.
The California Coastal Commission, which is tasked with coordinating with local officials in enforcing the Coastal Act, noted last week that the state law already clearly lays out that reconstruction of homes, businesses and most other structures destroyed by a disaster are exempt from typical coastal development permits — as long as the new building is sited in the same location and not more than 10% larger or taller than the destroyed structure.
In the 2018 Woolsey fire, which devastated areas in and around Malibu, the commission coordinated with city and county officials to help homeowners rebuild. Coastal officials also noted that over the years, following other devastating natural disasters, the commission has processed hundreds of “disaster rebuild waivers” in other coastal areas that are directly regulated by the commission.
“When the time comes to rebuild, both the Coastal Act and the Governor’s Executive Order provide a clear pathway for replacing lost structures quickly and easily,” Kate Huckelbridge, the commission’s executive director, said in a statement. “Our hearts go out to all the residents of the L.A. area whose homes and communities have been destroyed by these horrific fires.”
President-elect Donald Trump and other conservatives have castigated Newsom and other Democratic leaders in California for embracing environmental policies that they argue laid the groundwork for this month’s historic destruction. Calling Newsom “incompetent,” Trump said he should resign, and made false statements about water being redirected to protect small fish and about Federal Emergency Management Agency policy.
“The fires are still raging in L.A. The incompetent pols have no idea how to put them out,” Trump wrote Saturday night on Truth Social, his social media platform. “Thousands of magnificent houses are gone, and many more will soon be lost. There is death all over the place. This is one of the worst catastrophes in the history of our Country. They just can’t put out the fires. What’s wrong with them?”
Trump’s transition team did not respond to requests for comment on Saturday.
Newsom, during the NBC interview, said he had asked the incoming president to come view the devastation in person, as Barger did Saturday.
“We want to do it in the spirit of an open hand, not a closed fist. He’s the president-elect,” Newsom said. “I respect the office.”
While noting that many of the buildings that survived the fires were more likely to be built under modern building codes, Newsom said he was worried about the amount of time it would take to rebuild. So his executive order eliminates some CEQA requirements, modifies Coastal Act provisions and ensures property tax assessments are not increased for those who rebuild.
CEQA was signed into law by then-Gov. Ronald Reagan in 1970 amid the burgeoning environmental movement. The Coastal Act was created after a landmark voter proposition in 1972 that was led by a fervent statewide effort to save the coast from unchecked development and devastating oil spills like the 1969 disaster in Santa Barbara that was considered the “environmental shot heard round the world.”
Both have faced challenges for decades, and governors of both parties have argued for more than 40 years that CEQA needs to be reformed. Several of the act’s requirements were temporarily suspended by an executive order issued by Newsom during the pandemic. He argues that now is the time again.
Asked on the news program whether this month’s wildfires are the worst natural disaster in the nation’s history, Newsom noted that recent fires had resulted in a greater loss of life but said, “I think it will be in terms of just the costs associated with it in terms of the scale and scope.”
He called for a California version of the Marshall Plan, the American effort to rebuild Western Europe after World War II.
“We already have a team looking at reimagining L.A. 2.0,” he said, “and we are making sure everyone’s included, not just the folks on the coast, people here that were ravaged by this disaster.”
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