Pennsylvania
Nothing “Fair” about Fairness West Virginia’s Hostile Takeover of Pennsylvania LGBTQ Advocacy – Philadelphia Gay News

Fairness West Virginia is soon planning to launch a statewide project that aims to take over LGBTQ advocacy in Pennsylvania, but there is nothing fair about West Virginians seizing political control of Pennsylvania’s LGBTQ communities.
When I heard an organization from West Virginia wanted to wrest statewide LGBTQ leadership away from Pennsylvanians, I immediately reached out to connect. I was among the first to meet with Fairness West Virginia’s Executive Director Andrew Schneider in 2022 on their proposed project.
As a longtime advocate in LGBTQ policy work across Pennsylvania, I wanted to learn more about Fairness West Virginia’s interest in our state. I earnestly listened and responded with multiple ideas about how they could work with LGBTQ Pennsylvanians instead of bulldozing over our commonwealth to take command. I met with numerous LGBTQ leaders to devise and suggest plans to work together. Outside LGBTQ groups have come into PA before on discrete projects, but never to dominate the entire advocacy space.
All requests for collaboration went unanswered by Fairness West Virginia. That told me they have no interest in working with LGBTQ Pennsylvanians on the ground doing this vital work.
Still, through 2023, I would get calls from LGBTQ community leaders who were approached by Fairness West Virginia asking for money — not to collaborate but to subordinate under their efforts as a board member of their project.
When I asked Fairness West Virginia’s Executive Director “why” they wanted to do this, there was never a substantial reason given. Over time, Fairness West Virginia’s entire approach has given me great pause and chilling concerns about what is to come.
The real challenge in Pennsylvania is getting more LGBTQ-affirming legislators elected — not an absence of leadership from nonprofit organizations until now. Having an out-of-state organization control a lobbyist in the halls of our state Capitol won’t really change that fundamental issue. However, it will confuse legislators and send needed resources out of state.
This may be a pet project for Fairness West Virginia, but the very lives of LGBTQ Pennsylvanians are at stake.
We’ve seen this before
The last time a similar entity came to Pennsylvania was in 2015, in which massive amounts of money were squandered and led to burned relationships in the state Senate — it took years for us to clean up their mess.
I recently learned Fairness West Virginia is attempting to validate their Pennsylvania project because there is no full-time paid lobbyist for LGBTQ issues in Harrisburg and they believe there needs to be a successor organization to Equality Pennsylvania.
But the legacy of Equality Pennsylvania is not dissimilar to those in other states across our nation.
There was a mainstream statewide LGBTQ advocacy organization with a board composed of political donors from a few major cities who aimed to promote their relevance to receive funding and clout. When the time came for difficult decisions, they reverted to organizational preservation rather than community empowerment or effectiveness. Some groups betrayed those they purported to represent by lifting up individuals who harmed LGBTQ people or ran their organizations into the ground.
Following the passage of marriage equality, many of the statewide LGBTQ organizations shut down in the Northeast. They weren’t connected to their communities and the engaged political class turned their resources elsewhere.
Recognizing that out-of-state organizations will continue to try to pilfer PA for their benefit, I helped the Pennsylvania Youth Congress create the Pennsylvania Coalition of LGBTQ Organizations in 2020. Over 50 LGBTQ organizations throughout the commonwealth have signed a joint statement of principles that invites outside organizations to work with LGBTQ Pennsylvanians and not around us.
In talking with national LGBTQ organizations since 2018, they often referenced that since there was no generalized statewide LGBTQ advocacy organization, they might need to come in one day to create a “Pennsylvania coalition” — national organizations that each buy a stake in a new entity that would control LGBTQ messaging and actions in PA. We wanted it to be clear that there indeed are strong LGBTQ Pennsylvania organizations already in existence that are happy to be partners in the important work ahead.
Pennsylvanians are already doing the work Fairness West Virginia wants to do
It is patently false and egregiously insulting to imply that Pennsylvania doesn’t have LGBTQ advocates in Harrisburg — and that only with Fairness West Virginia’s expansion into Pennsylvania can there be success.
I have been a full-time registered LGBTQ lobbyist in Harrisburg and I am not alone in that job experience. There are statewide LGBTQ groups like Keystone Equality, the Pennsylvania Equality Project, the Pennsylvania Youth Congress, a governor’s commission, and other organizations already helping to keep our diverse communities across the state connected and advocating for them regularly in the Capitol. Many have long-standing, respected voices and power in legislative advocacy.
Legislation and administrative policies have moved. Scores of policy wins in local and state government in Pennsylvania show how successful we are. We have more local LGBTQ-inclusive nondiscrimination ordinances than any state in the nation. We’ve had at least a dozen rallies and lobby days in Harrisburg in recent years.
What exactly do they claim is missing? We have a robust statewide campaign for nondiscrimination protections called Pennsylvania Values backed by Fortune 500 companies, dozens of chambers of commerce, and nearly 50 colleges and universities. Pennsylvanians have been able to advance positive legislation — like hate crimes protections — and have stopped negative policies like bans on trans youth healthcare. Registered lobbyists are hired by LGBTQ organizations when needed. We’ve done all this and more without Fairness West Virginia’s intervention.
It’s sad how many people will be deceived as Fairness West Virginia’s project is launched. I am gravely concerned about the impact a superimposed, out-of-state managed project will have on stunting real progress on LGBTQ policy in Pennsylvania.
While LGBTQ organizations across PA have ongoing advocacy efforts in Harrisburg, this new project from West Virginia will insert itself into legislative strategy meetings and actions to take credit to prove why they should exist. Since this entity is administered from West Virginia, advocates in Pennsylvania cannot influence what they direct their staff members to do. The decisions on making legislative deals or investing in types of public messaging will ultimately come from West Virginia through their Pennsylvania project’s board, at the calling of whatever entities are funding Fairness West Virginia. Despite having board members for their Pennsylvania project in our state, their website admits not a single one of them — including their project Chair — have current experience in a Pennsylvania LGBTQ organization. As they are not accountable as present leaders in LGBTQ organizations in Pennsylvania, the framework appears to be just as Equality Pennsylvania was: with individuals from political circles mostly in our cities who often make decisions not aligned with the long-term success of LGBTQ policy in our state.
I believe Pennsylvania lawmakers and donors are smarter than Fairness West Virginia believes them to be — no amount of glossy public relations can conceal the reality that an approach to create an Equality Pennsylvania 2.0 operated by an out-of-state organization will not lead to results we hope for.
This organization won’t be Pennsylvania’s superhero
To state the issue clearly: LGBTQ advocates in Pennsylvania continue to push as hard as anyone can to move our issues forward. The reason we don’t have more laws enacted is a result of our state legislature’s composition. Fairness West Virginia coming in will siphon funding, resources, and power.
They are not more likely to get results than any existing organization in Pennsylvania. In fact, if we look at WV’s landscape, it’s unclear how Fairness West Virginia is planning to manage a PA initiative when they cannot even secure basic LGBTQ policy wins across their own state.
Fairness West Virginia does not have untold millions of dollars to invest in PA or sage wisdom they can only pass along to us after they gain total control of LGBTQ advocacy in our state.
The problem is that when push comes to shove, Fairness West Virginia will be leading their Pennsylvania project’s board and staff members to make calls that could be disconnected from Pennsylvania LGBTQ communities.
Political nonprofits do not largely have access to institutional foundation support as they don’t provide public services. When those groups aren’t deeply rooted in broader LGBTQ communities, they are forced to raise money from private political donor networks. They do this by messaging whatever is necessary with potential supporters. This is especially true of organizations with board members who don’t answer directly to the communities they pledge to serve. When Western PA LGBTQ leaders understand that a nearby board member of Fairness West Virginia’s Pennsylvania project is complicit in a decision to undermine LGBTQ advocacy in our state or take credit for other people’s work, what is their check and balance? There is none.
Vulnerable LGBTQ Pennsylvanians will be harmed when resources and power are less accessible. Marginalized LGBTQ Pennsylvanians will be hurt when decisions influencing lawmakers are not ultimately directed by Pennsylvanians but by an out-of-state nonprofit through an unaccountable project’s board.
Over the coming months, Fairness West Virginia will need to demonstrate relevance in PA in order to justify their project as they introduce themselves to donors at bar fundraisers. That’s a divergent goal from helping people. Do we honestly think if an out-of-state manager is presented with a deal in Harrisburg that requires them to decide between chipping away at our existing rights and holding the line with vulnerable LGBTQ Pennsylvanians, they would be able to make the right decision?
As an advocate within Pennsylvania, there have been many times I’ve quietly helped stop anti-LGBTQ developments in the General Assembly. I could have easily blown up headlines to get myself in the newspaper. Maybe it would have raised money and prestige for the organizations I am part of, but that would have been a disservice to LGBTQ Pennsylvanians. Given how this project has come about and the individuals involved, I fear that a moral compass would always be secondary to their bottom lines of finding ways to be relevant and raising money. Nothing has been offered as evidence that despite this framework they will make more ethical decisions than Pennsylvania LGBTQ communities can be for ourselves.
While they have yet to announce who they are planning to hire, I am concerned it will be someone who does not have deep roots in LGBTQ communities throughout the entire state, nor someone who would still be an active organizer embedded in state LGBTQ work years from now. That person, who may be personally nice or have some experience in Harrisburg, may more easily advocate for positions they are told to by Fairness West Virginia over LGBTQ Pennsylvanians. Every action they take will still be ultimately called by West Virginians.
Even as Fairness West Virginia eventually tries to distance itself from their Pennsylvania project, it’s clear to me how their current board and mission are the perpetual ingredients for a generalized LGBTQ organization to be adversarial to local LGBTQ communities and not effective collaborators in the long term towards our goals of equity and liberation.
We can speak for ourselves
The true intentions of Fairness West Virginia are stated right on their Pennsylvania project’s website. I hope people believe who they say they are: “Fairness Pennsylvania is the statewide civil rights advocacy organization dedicated to fair treatment and civil rights for [LGBTQ] Pennsylvanians.” They intend to be the organization for Pennsylvania — not a partner or one of many statewide stakeholders. Scroll to the bottom of the page and it instructs people to send their checks to Fairness West Virginia in Charleston.
Performative advocacy from political operatives and a couple of politicians at their events are not going to save the lives of LGBTQ youth. They might say they will, but how can they when vulnerable communities were never part of conceiving their efforts or have direct control over their operations? Self-determination of people in the advocacy impacting their lives is essential to success.
As they launch and begin to attempt duplicating, dismantling and destabilizing decades of existing advocacy efforts in order to brand themselves as the one and only statewide LGBTQ organization in PA, I continue to hope they will course correct to stand behind LGBTQ Pennsylvanians — not speak on our behalf as the sole authority over our communities. There is still time for Fairness West Virginia to completely change direction. After all, their stated mission on their website is to be: “…the statewide civil rights advocacy organization dedicated to fair treatment and civil rights for [LGBT] West Virginians.” This objective says nothing about taking over neighboring states.
Where can we go from here?
Fairness West Virginia is demonstrating that their principles can reconcile with bulldozing over generations of LGBTQ work in Pennsylvania without blinking. Having tokenizing coffee meetings with several dozen LGBTQ people in 2023 to find board members for their project in Pennsylvania doesn’t count as a partnership.
What could Fairness West Virginia do at this point? They could issue a public statement apologizing for their actions — including how it is wrong for any out-of-state organization to claim to launch the new monolithic civil rights organization for all LGBTQ Pennsylvanians. They could divest their Pennsylvania project into a PA-based organization with LGBTQ community organization leaders on their board. They could identify true gaps in LGBTQ advocacy in Pennsylvania and send whatever resources they have raised so far to LGBTQ Pennsylvanians engaged around that area of work. They could promote LGBTQ organizations in PA or ask LGBTQ organization lobbyists in Pennsylvania today how they could help.
What can you do? When there is a fundraiser invite for Fairness West Virginia’s project in Pennsylvania: decline. If you know someone who said yes to being on their Pennsylvania project’s board, explain how this effort is inherently problematic. In general, if your local LGBTQ organizations are not universally co sponsoring an event with an outside enterprise like Fairness West Virginia’s Pennsylvania initiative, don’t lend your support.
I join with many others in hesitating to share my thoughts publicly on these developments. It would be much easier to be off the record with a reporter. The last thing I want is for someone to think my perspective is just one of an advocate in a war of organizations related to ‘turf’ issues. That could not be further from the truth.
I was among the young advocates who decided in 2011 to raise awareness about the former Equality Pennsylvania engaging in conduct harming young LGBTQ advocates. While I was thanked by many for the courage to say something, some were not happy about my “airing community laundry.” It was the right thing to do then, and I believe this is the right thing to do now. I have spent my life caring deeply and successfully fighting for LGBTQ Pennsylvanians.
The term “Fairness” is entirely subjective. Fairness does not mean justice, equity or liberation. What’s fair to you may not be fair to us. There is nothing ‘fair’ about West Virginia’s hostile takeover of LGBTQ advocacy in Pennsylvania.
Just because a state doesn’t currently have a mainstream LGBTQ group does not give a divine right for an outside group to come in to take us over when we didn’t ask for it. Is Equality Ohio going to start an Equality New York next?
No matter how it’s dressed up, Fairness West Virginia is about to steamroll LGBTQ communities in Pennsylvania with a smile. Will we be smart enough to say no? The policy work ahead in PA is too important to remain silent.
We’ve been here before in PA when outside organizations want to profiteer off of us. We will survive Fairness West Virginia’s project. I know that together as LGBTQ Pennsylvanians, we will succeed in the end because we are strong and resilient.
Pennsylvania
3 Pennsylvania newsrooms sue Penn State trustee leaders over ‘gag policy’ that silences members
Pennsylvania
Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro serves breakfast to students in Montgomery County
Thursday, May 28, 2026 1:55PM
FORT WASHINGTON, Pa. (WPVI) — Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro helped serve breakfast in Montgomery County on Thursday.
He stopped by Fort Washington Elementary School to hand out the free meals to students.
It’s part of the state’s universal free breakfast program, which serves all 1.7 million Pennsylvania students, regardless of income.
Funding for the program is once again included in the governor’s budget proposal.
Copyright © 2026 WPVI-TV. All Rights Reserved.
Pennsylvania
Pennsylvania’s Governor Has a Plan to Make Data Centers Bring Their Own Energy. Now Comes the Hard Part. – Inside Climate News
For months, Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro promised a plan to blunt fast-rising energy costs in the state by pushing power-hungry AI data centers to pay their own way. Now his office has formally released details on how he intends to turn BYOE—“bring your own energy”—into more than just a slogan.
The question now is whether it can deliver on curbing consumer energy cost increases in a state on the front lines of AI data center development, where average household electricity rates jumped nearly 14 percent in the last year. Another question: whether Shapiro’s efforts will score enough political points in a swing state in which the governorship, state legislature and several competitive congressional districts are up for grabs this fall.
Requiring data centers to bring their own energy sources is a top promise made by political leaders across the country, not just Shapiro. But experts say the specific policy details are crucial.
John Quigley, a former secretary of the state’s Department of Environmental Protection and now senior fellow at the Kleinman Center for Energy Policy at the University of Pennsylvania, notes that the primary fuel powering the data center development rush so far is natural gas. But with a yearslong queue for back orders of new gas turbines and more of the gas itself being liquefied and shipped overseas, he questions whether it’s even feasible as a short-term solution to require data centers to generate new electricity.
That’s to say nothing of the climate considerations of burning more gas, which Elizabeth Marx, executive director of the Pennsylvania Utility Law Project, notes has driven some advocates to propose a different policy: BYONCE.
“That’s the buzzword of the moment—Bring Your Own New Clean Energy,” Marx said.
Consumer advocates like Marx, along with tech companies, industrial developers, politicians and everyday Pennsylvanians, have waited months to see what Shapiro would come up with. The governor has been a major proponent of bringing the AI data center industry to Pennsylvania, but tacked hard in messaging this year as public sentiment turned against such facilities. The stakes are high for the first-term governor, who could use a successful reelection campaign as a springboard for a presidential run in 2028.
During a February budget address, Shapiro introduced the “Governor’s Responsible Infrastructure Development (GRID) Standards,” a set of policy principles he said would address data center concerns. A top pledge: that data centers would have to provide their own energy to obtain state support.
But many questions remained. What kinds of carrots and sticks could Shapiro wield to ensure compliance? How much help would he need from Pennsylvania’s divided legislature? Would he include provisions for clean energy? Would GRID address the transmission and distribution costs that would otherwise hit consumers in the wallet?
The policy details released Wednesday provide some answers, while making clear the governor understands the public mood.
“I’ve heard directly from Pennsylvanians who are concerned about the impact data center development could have on their communities, the environment, and their utility bills,” Shapiro said in a prepared statement. “That’s why I am putting clear guardrails in place to hold developers accountable to protect consumers, strengthen communities, and put Pennsylvanians first.”
The GRID standards cover four areas: energy affordability first, followed by transparency, economic development and environmental protection. On energy, developers “must agree to build, bring online, or buy incremental electric capacity needed to meet new energy demand while paying the full cost of the capacity,” the administration said.
That new energy generation must be within the same region of the grid as the data center, and the developer must also agree to use an escalating portion of “clean firm” energy sources: 10 percent in 2027, 14.5 percent in 2030 and 32 percent in 2035. Shapiro’s office defined those energy sources as “nuclear energy, hydroelectric power… geothermal energy, fuel cells, solar energy, including solar energy paired with storage resources, wind energy, including wind energy paired with storage resources, clean hydrogen-fueled energy generation, and long-duration storage resources.”
Under the standards, data centers developers would also have to pay for “all costs” associated with grid infrastructure upgrades triggered by their project.
“As Pennsylvania continues to compete for major economic development projects and lead on innovation, we have a responsibility to set strict accountability standards and ensure these projects create real opportunity for our communities,” Shapiro added.
Quigley says many of the provisions around BYOE and infrastructure costs are a “big step in the right direction.” But as a whole, he said, GRID is a mixed bag with a big weakness: Pennsylvania’s divided legislature.
“Major pieces of this program still require passage of legislation by the General Assembly, and until then won’t change the facts on the ground in host communities,” Quigley said.
That’s a concern the the nonprofit Food & Water Watch also hit on, calling GRID a “naive effort” to use voluntary measures to rein in “corporations who want to exploit our state for profit.”
For its part, the Shapiro administration said it would work with legislative leaders “to introduce accompanying legislation that will codify the GRID Standards into law.”
“As Clean as Possible”
Policy experts will be combing through the details and watching closely how Shapiro executes his plan. Claire Lang-Ree, clean energy advocate at the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC), is particularly focused on BYONCE—adding more policy preferences for renewable energy sources—to address both short-term consumer cost concerns and support long-term climate mitigation. In 2024 alone, a dozen of the country’s $1 billion weather disasters hit Pennsylvania, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, and other analyses predict the state could be dealing with $15 billion in climate costs by 2040.
“[This moment] could be a great opportunity for states to meet their clean energy targets, especially by doubling down on things like battery storage that are very capable of serving data centers, can get built really quickly and can be paired with renewable resources to be as clean as possible,” Lang-Ree said.
Robert Routh, a Pennsylvania policy director for NRDC, said the GRID standards are among “important steps” policymakers in the state are making to advance clean energy affordability, noting one provision to require the roofs of all data centers with over 100,000 square feet of floor space to be built “solar ready.”
Then there’s ensuring that data centers also pay for transmission upgrades, an infrastructure cost often socialized through utility bills. Marx, the consumer advocate, said the swift rise in regional energy bills has so far been largely driven by forecasts of impending scarcity in energy generation. But if unaccounted for, the looming costs to also build new poles, wires and transformers to deliver new energy will hit consumers hard in a second wave.
“We have yet to see the transmission cost increases that are coming, because a lot of transmission is currently being built to transport energy” and the tab won’t show up for consumers until it’s done, Marx said. “So we’re not seeing that spike yet, but it’s coming.”
“Right now, the problem is that there are no rules. We’re dealing with outdated forms of regulation that don’t fit this new thing that we’re trying to figure out.”
— Elizabeth Marx, Pennsylvania Utility Law Project
There are yet wonkier policy considerations. And they don’t make for good slogans.
“The real solution is bring your own incremental clean energy, batteries, load flexibility and demand response,” Quigley said with a chuckle. “That’s what we need.”
In Quigley’s view, addressing energy costs will not only require building new, clean energy generation and accounting for transmission costs, but also modernizing the grid in a way that makes more use of existing generation. That could involve everything from improving forecasting of how many data centers will actually be built, to better integrating battery storage into the grid, to asking data centers to shift their peak-use times or curtail their operations during times of grid stress.
“We can get a lot more out of the existing grid,” Quigley said. “We shouldn’t default to incredibly expensive new development.”
Identifying the proper suite of energy policy solutions is complicated enough for any lawmaker. But for Shapiro’s office, implementation is the greater hurdle. Experts say his office will have to interface with the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC), regional grid operator PJM Interconnection, the Pennsylvania Public Utility Commission (PUC) and state legislators to get anything comprehensive done.
And some, like Marx, fear that many agencies are still playing catch-up in this new era of energy scarcity.
“Right now, the problem is that there are no rules,” Marx said. “We’re dealing with outdated forms of regulation that don’t fit this new thing that we’re trying to figure out.”
Going Nuclear
If there’s a standard-bearer for “bring your own energy” in Pennsylvania, it might be on Three Mile Island, where Microsoft has agreed to a deal with Constellation Energy to restart a shuttered nuclear power plant and provide carbon-free power to its data centers.
But there’s a complication that is emblematic of the challenge ahead for policymakers: Microsoft appears primed to send its electrons out of state.
Unlike some other mega deals in Pennsylvania, in which data centers are co-locating near and connecting directly to power sources, Microsoft has not announced any plans to build an AI data center near the nuclear plant (now renamed the Crane Clean Energy Center), nor anywhere else in Pennsylvania.
But the company does have significant data center holdings in not-too-distant Northern Virginia, which the company claims to already power with out-of-state nuclear energy. Microsoft also plans to build a large data center in West Virginia, powered by off-grid natural gas, which some analysts calculate could increase the climate-conscious company’s greenhouse gas emissions by 44 percent.
Exactly where Microsoft plans to take credit for the carbon-free electrons generated by Crane is unclear, and the company declined to specify in an email to Inside Climate News.
Regardless, Ari Peskoe, director of Harvard Law School’s Electricity Law Initiative, said that energy from the plant will inevitably funnel into the PJM grid, theoretically helping to address scarcity in a 13-state region that includes Pennsylvania, and potentially having outsized reliability and economic effects in its host state.
“It’s complicated, but my suspicion would be that putting more energy in Pennsylvania is ultimately going to be good for Pennsylvanians,” Peskoe said.
But another complication is that grid operator PJM recently informed Constellation it would have to wait until 2031 to restart the nuclear power plant. That was due in large part to delays in the construction of new transmission lines “as far away as southern Virginia and West Virginia,” according to FERC filings.
That raises the question of when the Microsoft-Constellation deal would bring relief to ratepayers, and whether the project could ultimately add to energy bills via transmission costs.
An initial PJM analysis of the Three Mile Island restart shows Constellation will be on the hook for about $97 million in infrastructure costs, including to string new high-voltage wires along the Susquehanna River in South Central Pennsylvania, a project currently undergoing state-level review for wetland impacts.
But the PJM report shows the plant will also rely on publicly financed projects in surrounding states, such as high-voltage transmission lines that are part of larger, multibillion-dollar grid upgrade plans. The bill for much of that could find its way to consumers: In Maryland, the state Office of People’s Counsel has filed a federal complaint that $1.6 billion in “data-center transmission costs” will be paid by its residents over the next 10 years.
Pennsylvanians are already up in arms over a similar project, a 222-mile, high-voltage “Kammer-Juniata” transmission line running from a location near Three Mile Island to West Virginia. That’s now being opposed by both the PUC and consumer advocates over fears that costs will be pushed onto Pennsylvania ratepayers.
PJM already approved the project in February, but the PUC and Pennsylvania Office of Consumer Advocate have both asked the grid operator to withhold financial incentives, noting the Crane power plant has yet to receive necessary state-level reviews, including for the withdrawal of up to 73 million gallons of water a day from the Susquehanna River to operate.
It can be hard to calculate how much any individual data center or new power source is contributing to the need to build such expensive transmission projects. Constellation, for its part, did not respond to a question asking who will pay for any such infrastructure the nuclear plant reopening requires.
But the cost for many grid upgrades is ultimately borne by consumers, Quigley said. Transmission expenses are approaching 35 percent of electricity bills within PJM, which approved another $12 billion in infrastructure projects in February, he noted.
“It’s basically all to serve data centers,” Quigley said.
Power Plays
In its new GRID white paper, Shapiro’s office says it has accounted for the numerous challenges in getting data center policy right—from hidden costs to climate considerations.
For example, on May 13, the state’s Public Utility Commission released an anticipated “model tariff” on data centers, essentially a set of new rules that the agency suggests electric utilities across the state adopt to ensure consumers don’t shoulder the costs for data center development.
Shapiro recently butted heads with the independent PUC as he used his bully pulpit to lean into its territory of utility regulation. But in the GRID details released Wednesday, Shapiro’s office said it would now lean on the commission’s model tariff: If a data center developer meets the PUC’s recommendations for paying for transmission costs, that would also check the box for the governor’s GRID standards.
But how much power Shapiro and the PUC ultimately have to coerce utilities and data centers is another question. On its own, Shapiro’s office has just one carrot to dangle: continued access to a “Fast Track” permitting program that several early data center developers in Pennsylvania utilized. But developers are not required to use it to build.
Similarly, the PUC by statute cannot require utilities to adopt a model tariff. That puts significant focus on Pennsylvania’s divided legislature, where the Democratically controlled House and Republican-controlled Senate have agreed on scant energy policy in recent years.
Members of both parties have introduced data center legislation this year. Notably, House Bill 1834, introduced by Democratic Rep. Robert Matzie, would implement regulation via the PUC and has both BYOE and clean-energy provisions.
Shapiro’s office referred directly to the bill in its Wednesday release, noting it had adopted its policy preferences for “clean, firm” energy. His office is also calling for new legislation to change a valuable tax exemption for the industry—estimated at more than $517 million annually by 2030—to require that recipients meet GRID standards.
But the governor’s office has yet to reveal how his administration is working to build policy consensus in the legislature. And numerous legislative offices, including Matzie’s, did not respond to interview requests.
Matzie’s bill, which passed the House in March, has been sitting in a Senate committee ever since, and Senate Republican Majority Leader Joe Pittman recently told a reporter he had no plans to move data center legislation.
Adding to the challenge, the Pennsylvania Utility Law Project’s Marx notes, is that FERC and PJM remain outside the reach of state lawmakers, with the exception of Shapiro’s musing over an unprecedented exit from the grid operator and legal action, including a successful 2024 lawsuit against PJM over cost increases.
“What’s a little confounding is that a lot of the pieces of the regulatory puzzle for data centers are decided at PJM and FERC … mainly things that impact interstate commerce and transmission lines,” Marx said.
NRDC’s Lang-Ree notes that PJM has proposed requiring data centers to either provide new energy generation or get kicked to the back of the line when supply runs tight and blackouts loom. But she added that PJM would still rely on state regulators to identify noncompliance and keep costs from shifting to consumers.
Quigley said that underscores the complexity of getting the policy right.
“Nobody has all the marbles here,” he said.
About This Story
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