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曼哈頓消失的中文路標

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曼哈頓消失的中文路標

和紐約市的許多社區一樣,華埠的歷史也可以看出許多清晰的層次。在曼哈頓下城,共產主義革命前成立的家族公所依然懸掛著中華民國的旗幟。招聘公告欄上貼滿了小紙片,都是面向新移民的。網紅甜品店為年輕的當地人和遊客提供服務。寫有「For Lease / 出租」字樣的標牌無處不在,暗示著華人企業和居民的流失。

在十字路口,中英雙語標誌越來越少。

在紐約華埠年頭最久的熱鬧街道上,雙語路標已經存在50多年。它們是上世紀60年代一個項目的產物,旨在讓那些可能不認識英文的紐約華人更容易在附近街區尋路。

這些路標代表著對一個多世紀以來在這座城市被邊緣化的群體日益增長的影響力的正式認可。但在21世紀,隨著曼哈頓華埠作為紐約唯一中國文化中心的影響力逐漸減弱,這些獨特的基礎設施也開始慢慢消失。

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自上世紀80年代以來,已有至少七個雙語路標被移除。

在1985年下令製作的至少155個雙語路標中,今天在華埠的20多條街道上還留有約100個。儘管關於被移除的路標沒有官方記錄,但《紐約時報》的一項分析發現了至少七個路標的影像證據,它們自1985年以來已被移除或替換為純英文路標。




現存雙語路標的位置

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標籤處顯示了目前有雙語路標的街道

現存雙語路標的位置

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標籤處顯示了目前有雙語路標的街道

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現存雙語路標的位置

標籤處顯示了目前有雙語路標的街道

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現存雙語路標的位置

標籤處顯示了目前有雙語路標的街道

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標籤處顯示了目前有雙語路標的街道

現存雙語路標的位置

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標籤處顯示了目前有雙語路標的街道

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現存雙語路標的位置

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《紐約時報》對來自谷歌街景歷史圖像的分析;來自由下東區歷史保護計劃製作的《Chinatown: Lens on The Decrease East Aspect》;美國華人博物館;Iron Sights Studio製作的《Coronary heart of Chinatown: A Panoramic Tour》。

關於該項目的大部分記錄要麼在交通局的一處辦公設施被淹毀,要麼在隨後的搬遷中丟失,要麼(正如本文幾位受訪的困惑官員所暗示的那樣)從一開始就沒有被記錄下來。

我們就所剩的資料開展了調查,試圖拼湊出該項目的歷史脈絡。

在已經被移除的雙語路標中,至少四處是近年拆除的。

根據交通局的說法,近來在施工過程中受損或被移除的雙語路標往往會被替換為純英文路標。

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Canal Avenue at Allen Avenue

Catherine Avenue at Chatham Sq.

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Canal Avenue at Allen Avenue

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Catherine Avenue at Chatham Sq.

Canal Avenue at Allen Avenue

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Catherine Avenue at Chatham Sq.

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Canal Avenue at Allen Avenue

Catherine Avenue at Chatham Sq.

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Google Avenue View and James Estrin/The New York Occasions

在紐約,來自近200個國家的300多萬居民會說超過700種語言和方言,雙語服務已經融入這座城市的生活。

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紐約為投票、地鐵尋路和法庭訴訟等城市功能提供語言服務,並在市內一些少數族裔社區安置了單獨的非英語路標,比如韓國城的西32街又名「한국 타운」(韓國道),以及被稱為「露易賽達」(下東區)的C大道的一部分,這是在向波多黎各群體致敬。

Forsyth Street next to the Manhattan Bridge, where street vendors hold a daily open-air market.

Forsyth Avenue subsequent to the Manhattan Bridge, the place road distributors maintain a day by day open-air market.An Rong Xu for The New York Occasions

但華埠的路標和這些都不一樣:它們代表了整個華人社區與市政府攜手展開的大規模翻譯工作,最終創造出一個徹底雙語化的街道網。

這些路標的歷史講述了曼哈頓最大的移民群體之一成長、衰落和演變的故事。

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1883年,早年美國華人議題的作者和倡議人士王清福來到曼哈頓,創辦了紐約第一家中文報紙《美華新報》。他將報社總部選在了咀啉街(現在的柏路)的一個辦公地點,往北隔幾個街區就是後來紐約的第一處華埠所在地。

王清福寫道,他的目標就是「讓這份報紙滿足同胞們長期以來的需要,他們中能讀懂英文的人還不到千分之一」。

那之前的幾十年,大約是王清福來美讀大學的時候,紐約最早的一批華人就開始在勿街和披露街附近定居。在王清福接受美國教育的同時,隨著成千上萬的中國人被招募到橫貫大陸鐵路的建設中,來美的中國移民也不斷增加。他們往往面臨極其糟糕的待遇、法律歧視以及不公平的勞動法規,為此,王清福不斷撰文披露,並在全美各地發表演說。

曼哈頓的中文街名和華埠本身一樣古老。

王清福《美華新報》創刊號上的發行欄中,用中英雙語寫著該報的地址,中文名是音譯「咀啉街」。


Museum of Chinese language in America

1869年,在第一條橫貫大陸鐵路竣工之後,華人勞工突然找不到穩定工作了,並在西部各州面臨著不斷上升的種族敵意和暴力事件。越來越多的華人開始移居東部城市。到1883年王清福來到紐約時,曼哈頓華埠已經是中國移民的聚居地。

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1900年前後的披露街,當時距離《排華法案》頒佈不到十年,該法案迫使美國華人進入了一個充滿暴力和恐嚇的殘酷新時代。隨著1885年懷俄明州石泉城大屠殺和1887年奧勒岡州地獄峽谷大屠殺等西部反華暴力事件的增加,曼哈頓華埠也成為了越來越有吸引力的去處。

1900年前後的披露街,當時距離《排華法案》頒佈不到十年,該法案迫使美國華人進入了一個充滿暴力和恐嚇的殘酷新時代。隨著1885年懷俄明州石泉城大屠殺和1887年奧勒岡州地獄峽谷大屠殺等西部反華暴力事件的增加,曼哈頓華埠也成為了越來越有吸引力的去處。by way of Library of Congress

也正是在這個時候,華埠的商店櫥窗上和私人信件裡都開始出現非正式的中文街名。


1966年6月11日,約瑟夫·拉維利亞和克里斯·可倫坡這兩名穿著格子衫、剃著平頭的警察出現在且林士果廣場。市政府派他們到華埠的警用電話亭(在沒有手機的時代,這是撥通當地警局電話的快捷方式)安裝新標識。這些標識解釋了電話亭的用途及使用辦法——只不過是中文版。

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「這個電話亭只有標識是雙語的,」時報在1966年的報導中寫道。「在標有中文的電話的另一頭,接聽者既不會講也壓根不懂中文。回應基本就是,『有什麼事——你不能說英語嗎?』」

「這個電話亭只有標識是雙語的,」時報在1966年的報導中寫道。「在標有中文的電話的另一頭,接聽者既不會講也壓根不懂中文。回應基本就是,『有什麼事——你不能說英語嗎?』」New York Occasions article printed on June 12, 1966.

1965年的《移民法案》通過後,來自中國各地的移民和海外華人僑民大量湧入美國,徹底改變了中國移民在美的處境。為了服務越來越多英語不流利的人,新的中文標識在紐約應運而生。

1969年1月15日,美國華商會的余炳輝和黃浩然與時任紐約交通督導員西奧多·卡拉格佐夫在該市首個雙語路標前合影。

1969年1月15日,美國華商會的余炳輝和黃浩然與時任紐約交通督導員西奧多·卡拉格佐夫在該市首個雙語路標前合影。Carl T. Gossett/The New York Occasions

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大約在同一時間,另一項幫助新移民熟悉社區道路的努力正在醞釀:作為聯絡華埠與紐約市政機構為數不多的地方組織之一,美國華商會向紐約市公共運輸局提出請求,為華埠製作、放置雙語路標,「讓成千上萬華人新移民生活更輕鬆,」時報在1969年報導稱,「這些人在抵美之初對英語或拉丁字母知之甚少。」

華埠影響力不斷提升,引發了與鄰近社區的衝突。

1985年,中文報紙《世界日報》報導稱, 雙語路標曾在多年前引來帶有種族主義動機的蓄意破壞和暴力事件,「義(大利)裔青年甚至毆打公路局工作人員」,並「將路牌上中文以黑漆塗抹」。


Jerry S.Y. Cheng and William E. Sauro/The New York Occasions

然而,使用「官方」中文街名的想法又引來了一個新問題:該起怎樣的中文名呢?雖然中文方言與書面語言(無論簡繁)相同,但每個漢字的發音在不同方言中可能會有天壤之別。

上世紀60年代末,華埠的大多數移民都來自中國南部的台山和廣州地區。雖然據報導稱,最終的中文街名是基於社區提交的意見書,選擇了便於持不同方言的移民理解的發音,但定下的街名仍然最清楚地反映了台山話和廣東話。

有兩種主要譯法。

直譯法:按詞義直接翻譯成中文,發音與英文原詞並無相似。

音譯法:用中文音譯,模仿英文原詞的發聲,但中文可能沒有意義。

多年來,根據譯者的不同理解,同一條街道曾被翻譯成不同的名字。以下是對東百老匯大街翻譯變化的示例。

1958年地圖中使用的街名

伊士
「East」的音譯法
布律威
「Broadway」的音譯法

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「East」的直譯法
百老滙
「Broadway」的音譯法

一個中文街名可能有多種讀法。

英語中有幾個音在中文方言中不存在,這使得有時用漢字重現英文單詞會非常困難。此外,一個在粵語中可能聽起來與英文街名幾乎完全相同的名稱,在另一種方言中或許完全不同——與英語街名毫無相似之處。

chathamsquare

英語粵語普通話台山話閩方言

且林市果

且林市果

forsyth

英語粵語普通話台山話閩方言

科西街

科西街

parkrow

英語粵語普通話台山話閩方言

柏路

柏路

mott

英語粵語普通話台山話閩方言

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勿街

勿街

Museum of Chinese language in America and Chang W. Lee/The New York Occasions

上世紀60年代末和70年代初,華埠變得更加多元。來自其他地區的移民越來越多,普通話、閩方言等也在這裡迅速蔓延開來。

1968年的勿街。與全美一樣,上世紀60年代末的華埠,年輕一代充滿政治活力,他們創辦了幾個活動人士和社區服務機構,這些組織在接下來的半個世紀裡塑造了華埠的公民社會。

1968年的勿街。與全美一樣,上世紀60年代末的華埠,年輕一代充滿政治活力,他們創辦了幾個活動人士和社區服務機構,這些組織在接下來的半個世紀裡塑造了華埠的公民社會。Don Hogan Charles/The New York Occasions

雖然這些路標未能呈現出中文方言的多樣性,但它們的出現代表了曼哈頓華埠一個突出的新時代,因為這片街區已經發展成為紐約華人繁榮的家園和商業中心。

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在王清福將報社總部設在咀啉街的一百年後,一位名叫鄭向元的年輕城市規劃師沿著這條街走下去,想弄清楚且林士果廣場周圍混亂的交通狀況到底是怎麼回事。

從王清福抵達華埠到1965年《移民法案》通過,華埠人口已穩步增長至1.5萬人。鄭向元1969年從台灣移民至此,這裡的人口已經開始膨脹,到1985年居民人數達到了7萬人。以制衣業和餐飲業為動力,這裡的經濟迎來了蓬勃發展。生意更好了,商鋪更多了,人流量更大,交通也更壅堵了。

1977年的宰也街。

1977年的宰也街。Paul Hosefros/The New York Occasions

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|60| 結果,鄭向元發現很多人來找他。「他們會帶著問題來找我,因為我是華人,」鄭向遠說。「我認識那些領袖,我能翻譯——我就像一座橋樑一樣。」

正是在這樣的背景下,鄭向元結識了中華公所主席李立波。中華公所是約60個團體組成的一個社群組織,長期以來一直是華埠的非官方(儘管經常存在爭議)治理機構。

路標上的手寫字體。

路標上的漢字由當地著名書法家譚炳忠親筆書寫。據當時的中文媒體報導,「他的筆法遒勁有力,為實用性的路標註入了藝術氣息。」雖然時任紐約市長郭德華(Edward I. Koch)沒有出席1985年官方路標的揭幕儀式,但他給譚炳忠寫了一封私人的感謝信。



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New York Metropolis Division of Transportation and Chang W. Lee/The New York Occasions

細節差異使每個漢字都獨一無二。

因為每一個中文街名都是譚炳忠寫下的,細節處處有巧思。每個路標上幾乎都有「街」一字,但每個「街」字都有一些細微不同。

Chang W. Lee/The New York Occasions

1984年,李立波致電鄭向元討論路標一事。據一些估計,當時華埠的地理範圍已經增加了一倍,開始包括以往被認為是小義大利、包厘街和下東區的地方。當尼克森總統在1972年訪華和美中關係破冰之後,每年來到這裡的說普通話和福建話的移民越來越多。

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在鄭向元的幫助下,中華公所向交通局提交了意見書,要求拓展雙語街名項目,以適應該地區的發展。

「交通局並沒有太多的反對,」時任副局長的戴維·古林說。「社區要求設立這些路標,這也算是與人方便。」

唯一的爭議是,這些中文路標的使用範圍,也就是華埠的邊界到底應該在哪裡。交通局似乎對華埠範圍進行過為期兩個月的研究,但研究結果大概率已經遺失。

該項目的記錄已丟失、毀壞或殘缺。

這張地圖(無符號表、圖例或腳註)和其他零散的記錄似乎表明,向北至布魯姆街、向西至拉法葉街之間的街道都曾考慮設置雙語路標。但參與該項目的在世者都無法給出確切答案。




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圖中標出的就是交通局可能考慮過設置雙語路標的街道。

圈出區域中都設置了雙語路標。

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圖中標出的就是交通局可能考慮過設置雙語路標的街道。

圈出區域中都設置了雙語路標。

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New York Metropolis Division of Transportation

當我問鄭向元他是否還記得可能會有什麼記錄保存下來時,他大笑了起來。「不,不,我不認為會有,」他說。「我不認為還會有多少記錄留下來。基本所有參與過的人都過世了。」

我們知道,一旦設置雙語路標的街道確定下來,下一個障礙就又是該如何選擇中文名稱。這一次,做決定的人換成了中華公所一個由企業主、業主和長期居民構成的委員會,這些人主要講台山話和粵語。

曾做過城市規劃師的鄭向元。他的私人記錄和剪報收集幫助我們拼湊出這一獨特城市項目的歷史脈絡。

曾做過城市規劃師的鄭向元。他的私人記錄和剪報收集幫助我們拼湊出這一獨特城市項目的歷史脈絡。An Rong Xu for The New York Occasions

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他們當時要為一個與過去完全不同的華埠取街名,但所選街名還是基於台山話和粵語,忽略了華埠的大批新移民。

他們也沒有採納在華埠某些地方的常用通俗街名。比起英文街名,不同時代的中國移民所起的街名更能體現街道特徵。比如對於華埠的許多人來說,茂比利街就是屍體街,因為路旁都是殯儀館、花店和雕像店。許多這樣的街名至今仍被華埠居民使用。

現已停刊的華文報紙《北美日報》的一段剪報展示了1985年中華公所總部舉行的慶祝雙語路標拓展項目完成的儀式。李立波與戴維·古林(前中)合影,旁邊是交通局官員彼得·彭尼卡和伊麗莎白·西奧凡。在後排,鄭向元位於最右邊,左起第二人是譚炳忠。

現已停刊的華文報紙《北美日報》的一段剪報展示了1985年中華公所總部舉行的慶祝雙語路標拓展項目完成的儀式。李立波與戴維·古林(前中)合影,旁邊是交通局官員彼得·彭尼卡和伊麗莎白·西奧凡。在後排,鄭向元位於最右邊,左起第二人是譚炳忠。Jerry S.Y. Cheng


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對華裔和華裔美國人來說,華埠仍是充滿活力的文化中心,也是華人新移民的落腳點,但這個社區的規模正在縮小。根據2020年人口普查,亞裔是紐約市增長最快的社群。然而,即便定居在布魯克林和皇后區的人越來越多,華埠還是經歷了紐約所有社區中最嚴重的亞裔居民外流。

這些變遷至少可以追溯到2001年9·11事件的累積效應;襲擊的後果對華埠經濟造成了巨大打擊,特別是餐飲和製衣業。另外,炒房和外商投資推高了租金,再加上最近的新冠疫情導致種族主義言論和暴力事件增多,也令附近商鋪生意蕭條。

東百老匯大街的一家商鋪,這是歷史悠久東百老匯購物中心僅剩的少數租鋪之一。這座產權屬於市政的商場被當地福建人稱為怡東樓,是一處重要商業空間,曾容納大約80家小企業。新冠疫情已導致這裡超過四分之三的租鋪停業,未來吉凶難卜。

東百老匯大街的一家商鋪,這是歷史悠久東百老匯購物中心僅剩的少數租鋪之一。這座產權屬於市政的商場被當地福建人稱為怡東樓,是一處重要商業空間,曾容納大約80家小企業。新冠疫情已導致這裡超過四分之三的租鋪停業,未來吉凶難卜。An Rong Xu for The New York Occasions

近年來,華埠的努力被引向社區組織和示威活動,例如反對金豐大酒樓(一家歷史悠久的早茶餐廳,也是華埠最後一家有工會的餐廳)關張,反對在社區中心地段建造新監獄,反對最近的城市重新區劃、社區士紳化以及遷移問題。公園和廣場處處都能見到反亞裔暴力的抗議活動。在這些人們更為關心的鬥爭面前,雙語路標這樣的議題似乎很難再受到關注。

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或許這就是很多人還沒意識到雙語路標也在消失的原因。

華埠現僅存101個雙語路標。在該項目的高峰期,至少有155個雙語路標被下令印製。在譚炳忠受邀寫下的40個街名中,近一半的街道已不再保留任何雙語路標。根據交通局副新聞秘書阿拉娜·莫拉萊斯的說法,「中英雙語路標不在美國交通運輸部《道路交通管理標誌統一守則》的要求之中。」這意味著如果雙語路標被撞倒或損壞,她表示,「它們將被英文路標替換。」

加薩林街上損壞的雙語路標,可能會被替換為純英文路標。

加薩林街上損壞的雙語路標,可能會被替換為純英文路標。Chang W. Lee/The New York Occasions

上世紀80年代參與過雙語路標推廣的許多人都已去世,維繫該項目的壓力已經很小。在這座城市看來,這些路標屬於一個將會慢慢消失的一次性項目,而不是城市基礎設施的永久組成部分。

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在如今的華埠,中華商會和中華公所這樣的組織仍有其影響力——例如,當地政客若是尋求華埠支持,它們依然是常規的拜訪處。但隨著社區多樣化,這些組織作為城市與社區之間主要紐帶的時代已經過去。

與此同時,許多新的倡導組織已經興起,提出了新的優先事項,服務華埠的不同群體,重點關注保障性住房、遷移、社區服務和新冠疫情補助等問題。

在接受本文採訪之前,當地居民、社區組織者、企業主或學者中沒有任何人意識到,這些路標正在消失。

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New York

Read Eric Adams’s Legal Filing

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Read Eric Adams’s Legal Filing

Case 1:24-cr-00556-DEH Document 19 Filed 10/01/24
Page 5 of 29
Nicholas Fandos, Ocasio-Cortez Says Adams Should Resign ‘for the Good of the
City,’ N.Y. Times (Sept. 25, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/nyregion/aoc-eric-adams-resign.html .
John Miller, Investigation into NYC Mayor Adams Focused on Campaign Money
and Possible Foreign Influence, CNN (Nov. 14, 2023),
https://www.cnn.com/2023/11/14/politics/mayor-eric-adams-investigation-
campaign-money-foreign-influence/index.html.
17
.5, 12
Gloria Pazmino et al., FBI Investigation of NYC Mayor Eric Adams Fundraiser
Centers on Illegal Contributions from Foreign Nationals, CNN (Nov. 4, 2023),
https://www.cnn.com/2023/11/02/politics/fbi-search-fundraiser-adams-
campaign-new-york/index.html ……….
.4, 14
.21
Grand Jury Secrecy, 1 FED. PRAC. & PROC. CRIM. § 107 (5th ed. 2024).
William K. Rashbaum et al., City Hall Aide Is Cooperating with Corruption
Investigation into Adams, N.Y. Times (May 20, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/20/nyregion/adams-fbi-corruption-
investigation-aide.html……
William K. Rashbaum et al., Eric Adams and His Campaign Receive Subpoenas
in Federal Investigation, N.Y. Times (Aug. 15, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/15/nyregion/eric-adams-fbi-
investigation.html …..
William K. Rashbaum et al., Eric Adams Is Indicted After Federal Corruption
Investigation, N.Y. Times (Sept. 25, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/nyregion/eric-adams-indicted.html .
William K. Rashbaum et al., F.B.I. Examining Free Airfare Upgrades Received
by Adams, N.Y. Times (Apr. 5, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/05/nyregion/eric-adams-turkish-airlines-
upgrades.html..
William K. Rashbaum et al., F.B.I. Examining Whether Adams Cleared Red Tape
for Turkish Government, N.Y. Times (Nov. 12, 2023),
. 6, 13, 16
.7, 13
..1, 7, 15
..6, 13
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/12/nyregion/eric-adams-investigation-
turkey-consulate.html..
.5, 12
William K. Rashbaum et al., F.B.I. Raided Homes of Second Adams Aide and
Ex-Turkish Airline Official, N.Y. Times (Nov. 16, 2023),
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/16/nyregion/nyc-adams-turkey-raid-
aide.html…
iv
.5, 17

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Video: New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

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Video: New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

new video loaded: New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

transcript

transcript

New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

Federal prosecutors say Mayor Eric Adams of New York took illegal campaign contributions and luxury travel benefits from foreign actors and used his power to help Turkey.

“Mayor Adams engaged in a long-running conspiracy in which he solicited, and knowingly accepted, illegal campaign contributions from foreign donors and corporations. As we allege, Mayor Adams took these contributions even though he knew they were illegal, and even though he knew these contributions were attempts by a Turkish government official and Turkish businessmen to buy influence with him. We also alleged that the mayor sought and accepted well over $100,000 in luxury travel benefits. He told the public he received no gifts, even though he was secretly being showered with them.” “This did not surprise us that we reached this day. And I ask New Yorkers to wait to hear our defense before making any judgments. From here, my attorneys will take care of the case, so I can take care of the city. My day to day will not change. I will continue to do the job for 8.3 million New Yorkers that I was elected to do.” “Amen.” Protester: “You’re an embarrassment — you’re an embarrassment to Black people. You’re an embarrassment.” Crowd: “Resign, resign, resign, resign. resign, resign, resign.”

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New York

Here Are the Charges Eric Adams Faces, Annotated

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Here Are the Charges Eric Adams Faces, Annotated

Federal prosecutors in Manhattan on Thursday unveiled a five-count indictment against Mayor Eric L. Adams of New York, charging him with bribery conspiracy, fraud and soliciting illegal foreign campaign donations.

The 5 Charges in the Indictment

  • 1 count

    Conspiracy to commit wire fraud, solicit foreign contributions and accept bribes

    Related to accusations that Adams illegally accepted travel and gifts through the Turkish government, solicited the illegal foreign contributions into his campaign from Turkish businessmen and improperly influenced the approval of the Turkish Consulate in New York City.

  • 1 count

    Wire fraud

    Related to accusations that Adams fraudulently accepted public matching funds for his campaign by improperly certifying contributions that were made via “straw donors,” concealing the true sources of the donations.

  • 2 counts

    Solicitation of a contribution by a foreign national

    Related to accusations that Adams solicited and received improper campaign contributions through foreign citizens.

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  • 1 count

    Bribery

    Related to accusations that Adams solicited free and heavily discounted foreign luxury travel in exchange for helping to obtain approval by Fire Department officials of a new Turkish Consulate.

Mr. Adams, who is up for re-election in 2025, insisted he was innocent in the case, which is led by U.S. Attorney Damian Williams of the Southern District of New York. At least three other federal investigations have reached people in the mayor’s orbit.

The New York Times annotated this indictment.

Download the original PDF.

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New York Times Analysis

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1

This is a historic and remarkable case title, naming Eric Adams as the first mayor in modern New York City history to be criminally charged while in office, only three years after he was elected to lead City Hall.

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2

The scope of the accusations are stunning. Prosecutors say that for almost a decade, Adams abused his power as Brooklyn borough president and later as mayor in order to receive illegal campaign donations and luxury travel benefits — including free flight upgrades, hotel stays and high-end meals.

3

Often, a criminal indictment is written like a story. Here, federal prosecutors describe the main character, in this case Adams, and start to set a scene before describing the specifics of a criminal conspiracy of which he was a member.

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4

Federal prosecutors accuse Adams and his campaign of illegally taking advantage of New York City’s generous public matching program by using so-called straw donors — people who make campaign donations with someone else’s money — to inflate the amount to which he was entitled. However, the number they use here — $10,000,000 — is the total amount of matching funds he received, rather than what he might have obtained illegally.

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5

The indictment accuses Adams of concealing at least $123,000 worth of flight upgrades and tickets that were gifts from a Turkish official and other Turkish nationals. He did not report any of these gifts on his annual disclosure forms.

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6

Adams’s love of travel is well known, and he has often spoken of all the international destinations he has visited — going back to his time as a state senator. Reporters have often questioned how these trips were paid for, and now prosecutors are saying some of them, along with free meals and hotel rooms, were given to him as bribes.

7

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For prosecutors, an important part of proving a defendant’s guilt is providing evidence that he knew what he was doing was wrong. That is why they have included this section accusing Adams of trying to cover up his crimes with phony paper trails, token payments and deleted messages.

8

This answers a big question raised by the investigation: How did Turkish officials and other Turkish nationals benefit from having a close relationship with the New York City mayor? This is one of many examples cited throughout the indictment.

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9

This introduction explains how the city’s public matching program for campaigns works. The indictment then describes how Adams is accused of abusing it.

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10

Adams went to Turkey twice in four months during his first year as Brooklyn borough president. The second trip was arranged by a Turkish entrepreneur, with ties to celebrities, according to the indictment. The New York Times has identified the person who arranged the trip as Arda Sayiner.

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11

“The Turkish official,” described throughout the indictment as a main player in this conspiracy, is Reyhan Özgür, who until recently was the Turkish consul general in New York. Before August 2020, he was the deputy consul general. In those roles, Özgür interacted with Adams in his capacities both as Brooklyn borough president and as mayor.

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12

This appears to be a reference to Enver Yücel, a wealthy Turkish businessman who founded Bahcesehir University in Istanbul and Bay Atlantic University in Washington, D.C. While he was borough president, Adams weighed in to support a charter school that Yücel tried to open in New York without success.

13

This matches the description of Rana Abbasova, who served as the mayor’s longtime liaison to the Turkish community. Her home was searched by federal agents, and she later cooperated with the Adams investigation.

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14

Adams has talked publicly about his love of Turkish Airlines, calling the airline “my way of flying” in a 2017 interview. He praised the airline for accommodating his vegan dietary needs.

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15

Winnie Greco, whose name does not appear in the indictment, was Adams’s Asian affairs liaison. She is now a special adviser to the mayor and his director of Asian affairs. Greco’s home was raided by the F.B.I. in February in a case that is being investigated by a different jurisdiction, the Eastern District of New York in Brooklyn.

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16

The indictment describes how Adams went out of his way to use Turkish Airlines so he could travel for free.

17

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This appears to describe Demet Sabancı Çetindoğan, a businesswoman from a wealthy family and owner of the St. Regis hotel in Istanbul. Records from the Brooklyn borough president’s office show that before this 2017 trip, Adams had dinner with her at a restaurant called Spago during a trip to Turkey in December 2015.

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18

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The Turkish Airlines manager in New York was Cenk Öcal, whose home was searched by the F.B.I. late last year. Adams named Öcal to his 2021 mayoral transition committee.

19

Adams’s 2021 mayoral campaign didn’t disclose this June 22, 2018, fund-raising event to the city’s Campaign Finance Board. But that day, the campaign reported gathering $21,100 from 20 donors without connecting them to that event.

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20

This paragraph seems particularly problematic for Adams. It shows that prosecutors have text messages in which a promoter who arranged Adams’s trips (Sayiner) discussed illegally funneling foreign contributions to Adams in a conversation with his aide (Abbasova). Abbasova, who is now cooperating with prosecutors, has apparently told them that Adams approved this illegal scheme and that she would testify to that. His lawyers would certainly challenge her testimony if the case ever goes to trial.

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21

The assertions about Adams’s failure to report some of his free foreign travel on his annual disclosure forms raise questions about the efficacy of the Conflicts of Interest Board.

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22

It is remarkable, if true as prosecutors say, that Adams was discouraged by Özgür, the deputy Turkish consul general, from meeting with a Turkish businessman who was in legal trouble about possible donations, and Adams did it anyway.

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23

This echoes the mindset that we have seen with other foreign nationals who have tried to curry favor with American municipal officials. Their hope is to gain leverage over these lower-level officials who may eventually rise in national politics.

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24

Based on campaign records, this description matches Tolib Mansurov, an Uzbek businessman who runs a company called United Elite Group. The records show that Mansurov and four other company employees donated $2,000 to Adams’s campaign on Dec. 17, 2020.

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25

After arranging straw contributions, Mansurov sought help from Adams, including with problems he was having with the Department of Buildings, according to the indictment. Later, prosecutors say, Mansurov thanked Adams, who had promised to look into his issues, after they were partially resolved.

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26

A fund-raiser organized by Erden Arkan, the owner of KSK Construction, was held on May 7, 2021. The event brought in $69,720 for Adams’s mayoral campaign from 84 donors. The campaign then used those donations to seek an additional $63,760 in public matching funds, according to campaign documents obtained by The Times.

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27

Campaign finance records show that the Adams campaign received five $2,000 donations on Sept. 27, 2021, from people listed as employees of Bay Atlantic University, the small Turkish-owned institution based in Washington, D.C. Those gifts came from a fund-raiser held on Sept. 18, 2021, and were refunded the following month, according to information submitted to the Campaign Finance Board.

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28

The Adams campaign raised over $8.9 million for his 2021 mayoral election, and received over $10 million in public funds, more than any other citywide candidate received that year. In August, the Campaign Finance Board, in a 900-page preliminary audit of Adams’s 2021 mayoral campaign, chronicled numerous missing payments, sham donations and the potential misallocation of up to $2.3 million in taxpayer money.

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29

When Adams sought last-minute tickets to Istanbul in 2021, his aide called the Turkish Airlines manager, who said they would be very expensive — then discounted them to $50, the indictment says.

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The aide, however, rejected such a cheap price — “No, dear. $50? ” she said — to avoid suspicion, according to the indictment, and Adams ended up paying $2,200 for business-class tickets that would have cost $15,000 on the open market.

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30

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The Turkish government also paid for Adams’s chief fundraiser at the time, Brianna Suggs, to travel to Istanbul, and then gave her a fake bill for her hotel stay, the indictment says.

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31

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The Turkish House was erected at the cost of nearly $300 million, a sum that drew criticism in Turkey in 2021, when students protested the high cost of housing.

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32

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Here begins the narrative of how prosecutors say Adams influenced the Fire Department to allow the Turkish Consulate to open in time for a visit by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan despite safety concerns. In exchange, prosecutors say, Adams received travel perks and other gifts.

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33

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At this point, Adams had won the Democratic primary for mayor and was likely to be the next occupant of City Hall, so his outreach to the fire commissioner carried weight.

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34

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In this email message included in the indictment, a Fire Department official made clear the Turkish consulate project had too many safety issues to approve. But after Adams exerted pressure, officials later signed off on it anyway, the indictment says.

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35

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Adams reported back to the Turkish consul general, Reyhan Ozgur,, that the building would be approved. Ozgur wrote back: “You are a true friend of Turkey.” Adams replied: “Yes even more a true friend of yours. You are my brother. I am hear (sic) to help.”

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36

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After he was elected mayor, Adams and his partner took a highly publicized trip to Ghana. At the time, Adams’s campaign spokesman told reporters that Adams had paid for the trip himself. But, according to the indictment, Adams purchased two tickets to Pakistan on Turkish Airlines for a total of $1,436, then had the airline manager upgrade the tickets to business class and change the destination to Ghana — tickets that would have cost $14,000 — meaning that Adams is accused of receiving $12,000 in airline tickets for free.

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37

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Before he went to Ghana, the indictment says, Adams had a nine-hour layover in Istanbul during which he was treated by the Turkish government to a luxury car, a driver and a high-end dinner. An important side note here: The Turkish consul general, Ozgur, messaged Adams’s aide to make sure Adams understood where the gifts were coming from. “We are the state,” prosecutors quote Ozgur as saying.

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38

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Adams named Cenk Ocal, the Turkish Airlines manager who arranged for his free and discounted travel, to his mayoral transition committee.

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39

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A catalog of travel benefits Adams is accused of receiving begins here.

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40

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In the month Adams took office, he met in a private restaurant space with Arda Sayiner, the entrepreneur who had earlier offered to secure illegal contributions, the indictment says, adding that when Sayiner offered more help, Adams accepted.

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41

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The indictment now moves into the heart of Adams’s first term as mayor, accusing him of continuing to do favors for his Turkish benefactors and continuing to solicit illegal funds, now for his re-election campaign.

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42

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In September 2023, Abbasova, Sayiner and Suggs arranged a fundraiser for foreign donors — and disguised it as a meeting to discuss sustainability issues with a PowerPoint presentation and a cost of $5,000 to attend, according to the indictment.

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43

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On Oct. 9th 2023, the Adams campaign raised $16,700 from the Turkish-American community, according to campaign records. The indictment mentions one of the organizers as as a publisher of a magazine aimed at Turkish Americans, which appears to describe Cemil Ozyurt, owner of the Turk of America magazine. Ozyurt donated $1,000 that day to the campaign, records show.

44

“Are they going to make the limit?”

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There are repeated references in the indictment to Adams’s refusal to show up at fundraisers unless his campaign received at least $25,000.

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45

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When the investigation that led to this indictment became public in November 2023, prosecutors said, Adams scheduled yet another dinner with a businessman who was going to illegally contribute to his campaign through straw donors. But when news of the inquiry emerged, that dinner was canceled, the indictment said.

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46

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According to the indictment, Adams’s chief fundraiser, Brianna Suggs, called Adams five times before allowing F.B.I. agents who showed up at her door in Brooklyn last year to enter. She then refused to say who had paid for her trip to Turkey, prosecutors say.

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47

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Prosecutors say that Adams’s aide, Rana Abbasova, tried to delete incriminating messages in a bathroom when the F.B.I. showed up at her house, which later led to her suspension from City Hall.

48

This is just a jaw-dropping section of the indictment.

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(There appears to be a typo when prosecutors refer to Adams’s claims that he changed his password on Nov. 5, 2024. F.B.I. agents took his phone in 2023, and presumably said he had changed his password then. )

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The formal counts against Adams are described here, along with the “overt acts” — specific incidents — that prosecutors say support the charges. These are typically laid out near the end of an indictment.

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If Mr. Adams is convicted of all five counts in the indictment, the maximum penalty under law would be 45 years in prison. But under the federal sentencing guidelines, he would most likely receive a much shorter prison term.

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The indictment is signed by the foreperson of the grand jury that voted to approve it, whose name is redacted, and by U.S. Attorney Damian Williams, whose name is not.

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