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Netflix's latest pitch: 'Squid Game' tracksuits, sneakers and whisky

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Netflix's latest pitch: 'Squid Game' tracksuits, sneakers and whisky

In the Korean-language Netflix megahit “Squid Game,” debt-ridden people take part in a deadly competition — lying, cheating and killing one another for a life-changing pot of money.

How is the streamer promoting the second season of such an anti-capitalist show? By selling merchandise, of course.

Retailers and brands including Puma, Johnnie Walker and shoe-maker Crocs are hoping that interest in the show will drive sales of products based on the ultraviolent dystopian series.

On Wednesday, Puma announced a line of green tracksuits similar to the ones the characters wear onscreen, along with sneakers and other apparel inspired by the series. The German clothing retailer created the actual costumes for the show.

“We saw an opportunity for us to be more than just a partner of creating consumer products, being able to also be in the show and be part of this cultural moment,” said Puma spokesman Alberto Turincio. “Everyone knows what ‘Squid Game’ is. The fandom was just insane.”

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Puma is just one of several global retailers and brands that are partnering with Netflix on merchandise inspired by its shows and movies.

For example, spirit maker Johnnie Walker created a “Squid Game” special-edition whisky, which features a teal label and “Squid Game” inspired cocktails including “The 456” which incorporates flavor form bori-cha, tea often served with Korean food.

Previously, Netflix has worked with outside companies to create “Bridgerton” bread mixes and “Stranger Things”-themed Scoops Ahoy ice cream. For Netflix, the products are a way of keeping fans engaged with their favorite programs and driving excitement.

Puma "Squid Game" sneakers.
Puma "Squid Game" backpack.

Puma “Squid Game” tracksuit, sneakers and backpack. Puma “Squid Game” sneakers. Puma “Squid Game” backpack. (Netflix)

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“The stories that are on Netflix end up becoming these cultural moments, and so I think people are excited to go along with us on that journey,” said Josh Simon, Netflix’s vice president of consumer products. “When they love it, they want to live it.”

Retail and consumer products are a growing business for Netflix. The company is hoping that selling T-shirts, booze and other items inspired by its programming will boost awareness for its programs while also providing additional revenue. Netflix has launched pop-up stores and restaurants to promote its shows and movies. It has created live events, including music performances, for similar purposes. Netflix said it has launched 40 unique attractions across 100 cities globally, reaching more than 7.5 million consumers.

Next year, the company will open permanent retail centers, called Netflix House, inside former department store locations in Texas and Pennsylvania that combine all those elements — food, merchandise and experiences based on Netflix programs. The company could eventually have 50 or 60 Netflix House locations globally, Co-Chief Executive Ted Sarandos said at the WSJ Tech Live conference in October.

The popularity of “Stranger Things” helped kick-start Netflix’s consumer products business as brands began reaching out to work with the company. In 2019, Netflix started its consumer products division and in 2021 launched a retail website. Over time, Netflix expanded its partnerships with more brands and hosted popular live events, including balls inspired by “Bridgerton.” It’s a playbook that was pioneered by Walt Disney Co. and copied by numerous others. Disney has a giant consumer products licensing business and at one time had hundreds of retail stores at malls across the country.

But unlike studios such as Disney, Netflix doesn’t have a large catalog of storied characters like Mickey Mouse, Woody from “Toy Story” and Elsa from “Frozen.” Also, Netflix’s most popular shows tend to be more adult-centric, and thus less obviously useful for retailers targeting children than Disney’s cartoons and Universal’s ubiquitous Minions.

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But the streamer says the popularity of its adult-oriented programming is an advantage, because its viewers have disposable income and are willing to spend.

Netflix has a global audience of hundreds of millions of people, and its most popular shows have spurred shopping trends on their own. Fans have bought tracksuits to dress as “Squid Game” characters for Halloween or chess sets due to the fandom around “The Queen’s Gambit.”

Groups of people in green tracksuits in Season 2 of "Squid Game."

Characters wear green tracksuits in Season 2 of “Squid Game.”

(No Ju-han / Netflix)

“We’ve earned a little bit of goodwill to place bets on newer movies and TV shows, just because the fandom can catch up pretty quickly,” Simon said.

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Retailers have already seen success with Netflix-related products. Bath & Body Works sold “Bridgerton”-themed fragrance collections such as “Diamond of the Season” starting in March, with lotions, soaps and candles. Over the launch period, the “Bridgerton”-themed products represented 4% of Bath & Body Works’ U.S. store sales, the retailer said.

The brands fit really well together, and the “Bridgerton” products brought in new shoppers, said Betsy Schumacher, the retailer’s chief merchandising officer.

“It had this immediate attraction to our customers and drove traffic and excitement in our stores,” she said.

“Bridgerton” was one of the shows touted at a meeting with brands last month. There are “Bridgerton”-inspired wedding dresses, $70 teapots at Williams Sonoma and $65 dog jackets.

“We’ve done a lot, but we won’t pause here,” Elena Vrska, who works in consumer products marketing at Netflix, said during a presentation.

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“Squid Game” Season 2 represents a major opportunity for Netflix and its brand partners. The first season was the most watched Netflix show ever, with more than 330 million views to date. This month, Netflix will launch marketing campaigns showcasing the iconic green tracksuits from “Squid Game,” including a 4.56K run (a reference to Player 456, the show’s main character) during the “Squid Game” season 2 premiere in Los Angeles next week.

“We are expecting to sweep the world with green tracksuits,” Joyce Salaver, who works in brand strategy in consumer products for Netflix, said in a presentation to brands last month. “We will create a massive cultural moment that only Netflix can do.”

Netflix’s deals with brands can vary. The streamer in some cases receives a licensing fee or a percentage of sales with minimum revenue guarantees.

Bath & Body Works' Danbury shortbread Bridgerton collection.

Bath & Body Works’ Danbury shortbread “Bridgerton” collection.

(Netflix)

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Larry Vincent, a USC Marshall School of Business marketing professor, said the licensees take on more risk generally than licensors such as Netflix.

“The real benefit of it is the exposure and the marketing value of more consumers and audiences aware that a program is active right now,” Vincent said. “You can think of these licensed merchandise extensions as just another marketing execution.”

In addition to working with brands, Netflix has its own in-house product development and creative teams that help with the products.

Matt Owens, co-showrunner and an executive producer of Netflix’s “One Piece,” said that when he was a kid, having action figures of movies and TV shows inspired him to reenact scenes and make up his own stories, which is how he started as a storyteller. Now, he’s working with Netflix on merch for his own live action series, based on the popular coming-of-age manga. One of the ideas he was involved with was “One Piece” trading cards based on the live action series that could be used in the “One Piece” card game. Owens said he has talked with brands regarding potential merchandise for Season 2 of the show but declined to name them.

Merch is “like a badge of honor” for fans, Owens said.

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“It’s the same thing as wearing a jersey of a sports team,” Owens said. “It just adds that feeling that there are other fans all over the place.”

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.

As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.

Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.

Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.

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That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.

“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”

The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.

The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.

“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.

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“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”

SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.

The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.

City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.

There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.

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“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.

Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.

California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.

That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.

In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.

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Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.

The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.

The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.

“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”

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Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.

It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.

Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.

“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.

Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.

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“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”

Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.

In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.

In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.

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A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”

“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.

Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.

L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.

Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.

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Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.

“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”

The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.

“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.

Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.

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Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.

The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

Dear Mr. Pelley:

I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.

Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.

Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.

Sincerely,

Nick Bilton

Executive Producer, 60 Minutes

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