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The Polygon and the Avalanche: How the Gilgo Beach Suspect Was Found

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The Polygon and the Avalanche: How the Gilgo Beach Suspect Was Found

They called it the polygon.

Using phone records and a sophisticated system that maps the reach of cell towers, a team of investigators had drawn the irregular shape across a map of tree-lined streets in the Long Island suburb of Massapequa Park. By 2021, the investigators had been able to shrink the polygon so that it covered only several hundred homes.

In one of those homes, the investigators believed, lived a serial killer.

A decade before, 11 bodies had been found in the underbrush around Gilgo Beach, a remote stretch of sand five miles away on the South Shore. Four women had been bound with tape or belts or wrapped in shrouds of camouflage-patterned burlap, the sort that hunters use for blinds. They had worked as escorts and had gone missing after going to meet a client.

Each, shortly before she disappeared, had been in contact with a different disposable cellphone. Investigators eventually determined that during the workday, some of the phones had been in a small area of Midtown Manhattan near Penn Station, and at night they pinged in the polygon, mirroring the tidal movements of the 150,000 Long Island residents who head into Manhattan each day.

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Last Friday, Suffolk County authorities announced that they had arrested a man who they believed had killed the four women: Rex Heuermann, a 59-year-old architect who had an office near Penn Station and lived on a quiet street right where they had expected to find him. He was charged with three of the murders, to which he has pleaded not guilty, and was named as the prime suspect in the fourth.

The arrest ended years of anguish for some of the victims’ families. But the investigation also raised an unsettling question: Could the authorities have solved the case years earlier?

The following account is drawn from a 32-page bail application and interviews with current and former investigators and Suffolk County’s top law enforcement officials.

The case had unfolded fitfully over more than a decade. But it took a new police commissioner and his task force just six weeks to uncover a crucial clue in the sprawling case file.

Working under Commissioner Rodney K. Harrison, the core group of about 10 investigators was drawn from his department, the sheriff’s office, F.B.I. and State Police and worked closely with District Attorney Ray Tierney of Suffolk County and his prosecutors.

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They worked in a beige office, its walls covered with maps, photos and a giant timeline, scouring their suspect’s digital and daily life — email addresses, social media accounts, search history.

All the while, Mr. Heuermann was searching, too, asking Google the same question that so many of his neighbors had been asking each other for more than a decade: “why hasn’t the long island serial killer been caught?”

Picking up the trail of a serial killer is an exceptional challenge. The killer often has no personal connection to the victims. If the victims lived on society’s margins, months or years can go by before their disappearances are treated as serious matters — or even recognized as the work of a single murderer.

The realization that a serial killer was hunting on Long Island’s South Shore came in December 2010, when a Suffolk County police officer, John Mallia, and his canine partner, a German shepherd named Blue, were searching for a 24-year-old woman named Shannan Gilbert, who had gone missing in the area.

Instead, over several days they found four other bodies near Gilgo Beach. They had been placed roughly 10 yards from Ocean Parkway, the main east-west thoroughfare that traverses a barrier island off the South Shore. After they discovered the bodies, investigators searched for evidence nearby with meticulous care — “sifting the sand like gold miners around each body,” one investigator recalled.

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Ms. Gilbert’s corpse and other remains, including those that the authorities described as a man wearing women’s clothing and a toddler, would be found along the same roadway over the following year. The grisly discoveries riveted the region as the police speculated that the killings might be the work of more than one person.

But the first four bodies — all petite women in their 20s who had gone missing in the previous four years — seemed linked. Investigators surmised they had been killed by the same man, in part because of the way the bodies were wrapped and their proximity. And there was reason to believe that a witness might have gotten a look at the man.

The last of the four to disappear had been Amber Costello, a 27-year-old with a “Kaos” tattoo on her neck who advertised on Backpage and Craigslist. Shortly before she was last seen in September 2010, a would-be client contacted her from a disposable cellphone and visited her at the West Babylon house she shared with three roommates, parking in her driveway, according to court papers filed after Mr. Heuermann’s arrest. He drove a vehicle with a distinctive look: SUV in the front, pickup in the back.

The driver was just as distinctive: hulking, in his 40s, with bushy dark hair and 1970s-style eyeglasses. A witness described him as an ogre.

But as soon as the would-be client paid Ms. Costello, a chaotic scene unfolded. A man “pretending to be the outraged boyfriend” rushed in, part of a ruse to steal the money, according to the court papers.

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Startled, the hulking man rushed out of the house.

He did not disappear for long, though. He texted Ms. Costello asking for “credit for next time” and arranged another meeting, according to the court papers. Ms. Costello was last seen alive the next night walking out of her home, apparently to meet the man.

Not long after, a witness reported seeing a dark truck drive by.

The description of the vehicle in the driveway, a dark, first-generation Chevrolet Avalanche, ended up tucked away in the case file, the authorities said.

The fact apparently lay buried for years among hundreds of thousands of pages of interviews; telephone, travel and credit records; and endless tips as the Suffolk County police department and district attorney’s office endured years of turmoil.

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James Burke, the swaggering police chief who had been running the department since 2012, was arrested in 2015 and later convicted on federal civil rights and obstruction of justice charges. He had beaten a suspect who had been arrested after stealing cigars and a bag containing pornography and sex toys from Mr. Burke’s sport utility vehicle. The subsequent cover-up ensnared the district attorney at the time, Thomas J. Spota, who also landed in prison.

The federal investigation into Suffolk County’s top lawmen spanned years during the Gilgo Beach case, a period during which both Mr. Burke and Mr. Spota had spurned help from the F.B.I.

After Mr. Burke’s arrest, the new head of the Suffolk County police, Tim Sini, redoubled the department’s efforts. Mr. Sini, a former Manhattan federal prosecutor, focused on tracking the disposable cellphones, hoping there were more clues to be gleaned.

F.B.I. agents in 2012 had already identified the area where coverage from four cell towers overlapped in Massapequa Park. By mid-2016, Mr. Sini had secured a court order for “tower dumps” — information on every phone that connected to particular towers in a given window of time.

Technology and software had advanced. And Mr. Sini had invested in a system that allowed investigators to “take the relevant areas,” as he told Newsday, and “shrink them to extremely manageable spaces.”

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They whittled down the area to what they came to call the polygon, which left them with several hundred homes around First Avenue in Massapequa Park, law enforcement officials said.

A pattern emerged from the disposable phones used to contact the victims: In the evening, nighttime and predawn hours, some were in a small area of Massapequa Park, a person with knowledge of the investigation said. That’s also where the phone of one victim, Megan Waterman, was last logged at 3:11 a.m. on June 6, 2010, shortly before she disappeared, according to court papers.

During the day, the phones were used in Midtown Manhattan.

Among other communications that investigators scrutinized were sadistic, taunting calls someone made from the cellphone of one victim, Melissa Barthelemy, to her teenage sister shortly after she had disappeared in 2009. “Do you think you’ll ever speak to her again?” the person had asked in a bland, calm voice.

Those calls were also linked to cell towers near Penn Station, the court papers said.

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For years, investigators looked for suspects who worked in Manhattan and had lived in the polygon. The going was slow, and though investigators expressed optimism they would find their man, they had little to show.

The big break came in March 2022.

Just weeks after the formation of the task force, an investigator found the witness’s description of the Chevrolet Avalanche in the case file, authorities said. Using a database that can search for vehicles by make and model without license-plate numbers, the investigator found an Avalanche linked to Mr. Heuermann in 2010, the year Ms. Costello went missing.

His name had never come up in the investigation as a suspect, officials said. His physical description matched that of the ogreish man who had rushed out of her house shortly before she disappeared: He was 6-foot-4 and heavyset. His office was in the patch of Manhattan identified by the sophisticated cellphone mapping.

And he lived in what investigators believed was their serial killer sweet spot: the part of Massapequa Park where they had begun drawing their polygon.

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The Avalanche lead, said Mr. Tierney, the district attorney, had been “known pretty much from the beginning.” Mr. Tierney, who took office in 2022, said he did not know why investigators had not pursued it. He suggested that perhaps the detail hadn’t been deemed credible or had sunk in significance amid what seemed like more promising leads.

“There are piles of evidence,” he said. “What is credible, what’s not, what seems likely, what’s not — so it’s not as simple as it seems.”

But crimes are often solved by tracking down a vehicle, and cases often start with a car description. David Berkowitz, known as Son of Sam and perhaps the state’s most notorious serial killer, was arrested in the 1970s after the police found that he owned an illegally parked Ford Galaxie that had received a parking ticket near one of the shootings.

In the Gilgo Beach investigation, the critical clue had fallen through the cracks.

“If they knew about it then, a major mistake was made in not tracking down this car earlier,” said Rob Trotta, a former Suffolk County detective and a current county legislator, who said he expects to make an official inquiry into what happened.

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Dominick Varrone, the former chief of detectives who oversaw the first year of the investigation, questioned whether the Avalanche clue had actually been in the case file, but added, “I will feel very, very badly if our team missed something.”

“I’ll tell you right now: No suspect vehicle was on our radar when I was still there,” he added.

When investigators did finally link the Chevrolet Avalanche to Mr. Heuermann, the investigation entered its critical phase. Investigators began exploring every aspect of his life, using 300 subpoenas and search warrants.

They examined his Tinder account and several email addresses — all fictitious names — that led to additional disposable phones that Mr. Heuermann was using to contact massage parlors and women working as escorts, the court papers said. They found internet searches for child pornography.

The more investigators learned about Mr. Heuermann, the more convinced they were.

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So much time had passed since the killings that precise locational data from Mr. Heuermann’s personal cellphone — registered to his architectural business — no longer existed. But his billing records showed the general location of the phone when calls were made, the court papers said, putting it in New York City around the same time in 2010 that the cruel and taunting calls were made on Ms. Barthelemy’s cellphone.

Investigators learned that several of the murders had occurred when Mr. Heuermann’s wife and children were out of town, according to prosecutors. One coincided with a trip his wife took to Iceland; another took place when she was in Maryland and a third when she was in New Jersey.

But they had nothing to put the burner phones that had been in contact with the victims in Mr. Heuermann’s hands.

Nor did they have any physical or forensic evidence directly linking him to the crimes.

That would soon change.

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In the investigation’s early days, at least five hairs were discovered on the victims or stuck to the burlap or duct tape that enveloped them. They were deemed unsuitable for detailed DNA analysis.

Forensic science moved ahead: In the past three years, two outside laboratories were able to generate thorough DNA reports, according to court papers.

Now, investigators needed genetic material from Mr. Heuermann. Last July, an undercover detective rooted through his recycling for empty bottles. In January, Mr. Heuermann tossed a pizza box into a sidewalk garbage can outside his office in Midtown. A surveillance team fished it out, and the ragged crusts inside gave them what they needed.

Investigators concluded that most of the hairs found on the victims were likely to have come from Mr. Heuermann’s wife. One was a potential match for Mr. Heuermann himself.

One laboratory compared the DNA profile from the fifth hair to the genetic material found on Mr. Heuermann’s pizza. It found enough markers in common to conclude that while 99.96 percent of the population could be excluded as a match, Mr. Heuermann could not, the authorities said.

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Mr. Tierney learned of the results in June.

He read the report again and again — perhaps dozens of times, as if trying to convince his brain of what his eyes were seeing.

Investigators believed they now had direct evidence linking Mr. Heuermann to the killings.

But investigators knew something else: Mr. Heuermann was scouring the internet for information about what they were doing.

Internet searches linked to his anonymous accounts included more than 200 queries in the past 16 months about serial killers generally and the investigation into the Gilgo Beach victims specifically. “Why could law enforcement not trace the calls made by the long island serial killer” was just one.

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Mr. Tierney had grown increasingly worried that more victims would drop on his watch. He said that Mr. Heuermann had been visiting massage parlors — and contacting women working as escorts.

Mr. Tierney said he was sleeping badly, bedeviled by tension and worry. Last week, he decided the case had reached a tipping point.

So on the evening of July 13, detectives in suits and ties approached Mr. Heuermann after he walked out of his office building.

Mr. Heuermann, prosecutors said, had methodically covered his tracks and closely monitored the investigation.

But when the detectives arrested Mr. Heuermann after more than a dozen years of pursuit, Mr. Tierney said, his reaction was simple and instinctive: genuine surprise.

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Read Eric Adams’s Legal Filing

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Read Eric Adams’s Legal Filing

Case 1:24-cr-00556-DEH Document 19 Filed 10/01/24
Page 5 of 29
Nicholas Fandos, Ocasio-Cortez Says Adams Should Resign ‘for the Good of the
City,’ N.Y. Times (Sept. 25, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/nyregion/aoc-eric-adams-resign.html .
John Miller, Investigation into NYC Mayor Adams Focused on Campaign Money
and Possible Foreign Influence, CNN (Nov. 14, 2023),
https://www.cnn.com/2023/11/14/politics/mayor-eric-adams-investigation-
campaign-money-foreign-influence/index.html.
17
.5, 12
Gloria Pazmino et al., FBI Investigation of NYC Mayor Eric Adams Fundraiser
Centers on Illegal Contributions from Foreign Nationals, CNN (Nov. 4, 2023),
https://www.cnn.com/2023/11/02/politics/fbi-search-fundraiser-adams-
campaign-new-york/index.html ……….
.4, 14
.21
Grand Jury Secrecy, 1 FED. PRAC. & PROC. CRIM. § 107 (5th ed. 2024).
William K. Rashbaum et al., City Hall Aide Is Cooperating with Corruption
Investigation into Adams, N.Y. Times (May 20, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/20/nyregion/adams-fbi-corruption-
investigation-aide.html……
William K. Rashbaum et al., Eric Adams and His Campaign Receive Subpoenas
in Federal Investigation, N.Y. Times (Aug. 15, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/15/nyregion/eric-adams-fbi-
investigation.html …..
William K. Rashbaum et al., Eric Adams Is Indicted After Federal Corruption
Investigation, N.Y. Times (Sept. 25, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/nyregion/eric-adams-indicted.html .
William K. Rashbaum et al., F.B.I. Examining Free Airfare Upgrades Received
by Adams, N.Y. Times (Apr. 5, 2024),
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/05/nyregion/eric-adams-turkish-airlines-
upgrades.html..
William K. Rashbaum et al., F.B.I. Examining Whether Adams Cleared Red Tape
for Turkish Government, N.Y. Times (Nov. 12, 2023),
. 6, 13, 16
.7, 13
..1, 7, 15
..6, 13
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/12/nyregion/eric-adams-investigation-
turkey-consulate.html..
.5, 12
William K. Rashbaum et al., F.B.I. Raided Homes of Second Adams Aide and
Ex-Turkish Airline Official, N.Y. Times (Nov. 16, 2023),
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/16/nyregion/nyc-adams-turkey-raid-
aide.html…
iv
.5, 17

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Video: New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

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Video: New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

new video loaded: New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

transcript

transcript

New York City Mayor Charged in Bribery and Fraud Scheme

Federal prosecutors say Mayor Eric Adams of New York took illegal campaign contributions and luxury travel benefits from foreign actors and used his power to help Turkey.

“Mayor Adams engaged in a long-running conspiracy in which he solicited, and knowingly accepted, illegal campaign contributions from foreign donors and corporations. As we allege, Mayor Adams took these contributions even though he knew they were illegal, and even though he knew these contributions were attempts by a Turkish government official and Turkish businessmen to buy influence with him. We also alleged that the mayor sought and accepted well over $100,000 in luxury travel benefits. He told the public he received no gifts, even though he was secretly being showered with them.” “This did not surprise us that we reached this day. And I ask New Yorkers to wait to hear our defense before making any judgments. From here, my attorneys will take care of the case, so I can take care of the city. My day to day will not change. I will continue to do the job for 8.3 million New Yorkers that I was elected to do.” “Amen.” Protester: “You’re an embarrassment — you’re an embarrassment to Black people. You’re an embarrassment.” Crowd: “Resign, resign, resign, resign. resign, resign, resign.”

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Here Are the Charges Eric Adams Faces, Annotated

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Here Are the Charges Eric Adams Faces, Annotated

Federal prosecutors in Manhattan on Thursday unveiled a five-count indictment against Mayor Eric L. Adams of New York, charging him with bribery conspiracy, fraud and soliciting illegal foreign campaign donations.

The 5 Charges in the Indictment

  • 1 count

    Conspiracy to commit wire fraud, solicit foreign contributions and accept bribes

    Related to accusations that Adams illegally accepted travel and gifts through the Turkish government, solicited the illegal foreign contributions into his campaign from Turkish businessmen and improperly influenced the approval of the Turkish Consulate in New York City.

  • 1 count

    Wire fraud

    Related to accusations that Adams fraudulently accepted public matching funds for his campaign by improperly certifying contributions that were made via “straw donors,” concealing the true sources of the donations.

  • 2 counts

    Solicitation of a contribution by a foreign national

    Related to accusations that Adams solicited and received improper campaign contributions through foreign citizens.

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  • 1 count

    Bribery

    Related to accusations that Adams solicited free and heavily discounted foreign luxury travel in exchange for helping to obtain approval by Fire Department officials of a new Turkish Consulate.

Mr. Adams, who is up for re-election in 2025, insisted he was innocent in the case, which is led by U.S. Attorney Damian Williams of the Southern District of New York. At least three other federal investigations have reached people in the mayor’s orbit.

The New York Times annotated this indictment.

Download the original PDF.

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New York Times Analysis

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1

This is a historic and remarkable case title, naming Eric Adams as the first mayor in modern New York City history to be criminally charged while in office, only three years after he was elected to lead City Hall.

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2

The scope of the accusations are stunning. Prosecutors say that for almost a decade, Adams abused his power as Brooklyn borough president and later as mayor in order to receive illegal campaign donations and luxury travel benefits — including free flight upgrades, hotel stays and high-end meals.

3

Often, a criminal indictment is written like a story. Here, federal prosecutors describe the main character, in this case Adams, and start to set a scene before describing the specifics of a criminal conspiracy of which he was a member.

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4

Federal prosecutors accuse Adams and his campaign of illegally taking advantage of New York City’s generous public matching program by using so-called straw donors — people who make campaign donations with someone else’s money — to inflate the amount to which he was entitled. However, the number they use here — $10,000,000 — is the total amount of matching funds he received, rather than what he might have obtained illegally.

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5

The indictment accuses Adams of concealing at least $123,000 worth of flight upgrades and tickets that were gifts from a Turkish official and other Turkish nationals. He did not report any of these gifts on his annual disclosure forms.

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6

Adams’s love of travel is well known, and he has often spoken of all the international destinations he has visited — going back to his time as a state senator. Reporters have often questioned how these trips were paid for, and now prosecutors are saying some of them, along with free meals and hotel rooms, were given to him as bribes.

7

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For prosecutors, an important part of proving a defendant’s guilt is providing evidence that he knew what he was doing was wrong. That is why they have included this section accusing Adams of trying to cover up his crimes with phony paper trails, token payments and deleted messages.

8

This answers a big question raised by the investigation: How did Turkish officials and other Turkish nationals benefit from having a close relationship with the New York City mayor? This is one of many examples cited throughout the indictment.

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9

This introduction explains how the city’s public matching program for campaigns works. The indictment then describes how Adams is accused of abusing it.

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10

Adams went to Turkey twice in four months during his first year as Brooklyn borough president. The second trip was arranged by a Turkish entrepreneur, with ties to celebrities, according to the indictment. The New York Times has identified the person who arranged the trip as Arda Sayiner.

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11

“The Turkish official,” described throughout the indictment as a main player in this conspiracy, is Reyhan Özgür, who until recently was the Turkish consul general in New York. Before August 2020, he was the deputy consul general. In those roles, Özgür interacted with Adams in his capacities both as Brooklyn borough president and as mayor.

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12

This appears to be a reference to Enver Yücel, a wealthy Turkish businessman who founded Bahcesehir University in Istanbul and Bay Atlantic University in Washington, D.C. While he was borough president, Adams weighed in to support a charter school that Yücel tried to open in New York without success.

13

This matches the description of Rana Abbasova, who served as the mayor’s longtime liaison to the Turkish community. Her home was searched by federal agents, and she later cooperated with the Adams investigation.

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14

Adams has talked publicly about his love of Turkish Airlines, calling the airline “my way of flying” in a 2017 interview. He praised the airline for accommodating his vegan dietary needs.

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15

Winnie Greco, whose name does not appear in the indictment, was Adams’s Asian affairs liaison. She is now a special adviser to the mayor and his director of Asian affairs. Greco’s home was raided by the F.B.I. in February in a case that is being investigated by a different jurisdiction, the Eastern District of New York in Brooklyn.

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16

The indictment describes how Adams went out of his way to use Turkish Airlines so he could travel for free.

17

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This appears to describe Demet Sabancı Çetindoğan, a businesswoman from a wealthy family and owner of the St. Regis hotel in Istanbul. Records from the Brooklyn borough president’s office show that before this 2017 trip, Adams had dinner with her at a restaurant called Spago during a trip to Turkey in December 2015.

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18

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The Turkish Airlines manager in New York was Cenk Öcal, whose home was searched by the F.B.I. late last year. Adams named Öcal to his 2021 mayoral transition committee.

19

Adams’s 2021 mayoral campaign didn’t disclose this June 22, 2018, fund-raising event to the city’s Campaign Finance Board. But that day, the campaign reported gathering $21,100 from 20 donors without connecting them to that event.

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20

This paragraph seems particularly problematic for Adams. It shows that prosecutors have text messages in which a promoter who arranged Adams’s trips (Sayiner) discussed illegally funneling foreign contributions to Adams in a conversation with his aide (Abbasova). Abbasova, who is now cooperating with prosecutors, has apparently told them that Adams approved this illegal scheme and that she would testify to that. His lawyers would certainly challenge her testimony if the case ever goes to trial.

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21

The assertions about Adams’s failure to report some of his free foreign travel on his annual disclosure forms raise questions about the efficacy of the Conflicts of Interest Board.

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22

It is remarkable, if true as prosecutors say, that Adams was discouraged by Özgür, the deputy Turkish consul general, from meeting with a Turkish businessman who was in legal trouble about possible donations, and Adams did it anyway.

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23

This echoes the mindset that we have seen with other foreign nationals who have tried to curry favor with American municipal officials. Their hope is to gain leverage over these lower-level officials who may eventually rise in national politics.

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24

Based on campaign records, this description matches Tolib Mansurov, an Uzbek businessman who runs a company called United Elite Group. The records show that Mansurov and four other company employees donated $2,000 to Adams’s campaign on Dec. 17, 2020.

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25

After arranging straw contributions, Mansurov sought help from Adams, including with problems he was having with the Department of Buildings, according to the indictment. Later, prosecutors say, Mansurov thanked Adams, who had promised to look into his issues, after they were partially resolved.

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26

A fund-raiser organized by Erden Arkan, the owner of KSK Construction, was held on May 7, 2021. The event brought in $69,720 for Adams’s mayoral campaign from 84 donors. The campaign then used those donations to seek an additional $63,760 in public matching funds, according to campaign documents obtained by The Times.

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27

Campaign finance records show that the Adams campaign received five $2,000 donations on Sept. 27, 2021, from people listed as employees of Bay Atlantic University, the small Turkish-owned institution based in Washington, D.C. Those gifts came from a fund-raiser held on Sept. 18, 2021, and were refunded the following month, according to information submitted to the Campaign Finance Board.

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28

The Adams campaign raised over $8.9 million for his 2021 mayoral election, and received over $10 million in public funds, more than any other citywide candidate received that year. In August, the Campaign Finance Board, in a 900-page preliminary audit of Adams’s 2021 mayoral campaign, chronicled numerous missing payments, sham donations and the potential misallocation of up to $2.3 million in taxpayer money.

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29

When Adams sought last-minute tickets to Istanbul in 2021, his aide called the Turkish Airlines manager, who said they would be very expensive — then discounted them to $50, the indictment says.

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The aide, however, rejected such a cheap price — “No, dear. $50? ” she said — to avoid suspicion, according to the indictment, and Adams ended up paying $2,200 for business-class tickets that would have cost $15,000 on the open market.

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The Turkish government also paid for Adams’s chief fundraiser at the time, Brianna Suggs, to travel to Istanbul, and then gave her a fake bill for her hotel stay, the indictment says.

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31

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The Turkish House was erected at the cost of nearly $300 million, a sum that drew criticism in Turkey in 2021, when students protested the high cost of housing.

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32

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Here begins the narrative of how prosecutors say Adams influenced the Fire Department to allow the Turkish Consulate to open in time for a visit by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan despite safety concerns. In exchange, prosecutors say, Adams received travel perks and other gifts.

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33

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At this point, Adams had won the Democratic primary for mayor and was likely to be the next occupant of City Hall, so his outreach to the fire commissioner carried weight.

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34

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In this email message included in the indictment, a Fire Department official made clear the Turkish consulate project had too many safety issues to approve. But after Adams exerted pressure, officials later signed off on it anyway, the indictment says.

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35

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Adams reported back to the Turkish consul general, Reyhan Ozgur,, that the building would be approved. Ozgur wrote back: “You are a true friend of Turkey.” Adams replied: “Yes even more a true friend of yours. You are my brother. I am hear (sic) to help.”

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36

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After he was elected mayor, Adams and his partner took a highly publicized trip to Ghana. At the time, Adams’s campaign spokesman told reporters that Adams had paid for the trip himself. But, according to the indictment, Adams purchased two tickets to Pakistan on Turkish Airlines for a total of $1,436, then had the airline manager upgrade the tickets to business class and change the destination to Ghana — tickets that would have cost $14,000 — meaning that Adams is accused of receiving $12,000 in airline tickets for free.

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Before he went to Ghana, the indictment says, Adams had a nine-hour layover in Istanbul during which he was treated by the Turkish government to a luxury car, a driver and a high-end dinner. An important side note here: The Turkish consul general, Ozgur, messaged Adams’s aide to make sure Adams understood where the gifts were coming from. “We are the state,” prosecutors quote Ozgur as saying.

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Adams named Cenk Ocal, the Turkish Airlines manager who arranged for his free and discounted travel, to his mayoral transition committee.

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A catalog of travel benefits Adams is accused of receiving begins here.

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In the month Adams took office, he met in a private restaurant space with Arda Sayiner, the entrepreneur who had earlier offered to secure illegal contributions, the indictment says, adding that when Sayiner offered more help, Adams accepted.

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The indictment now moves into the heart of Adams’s first term as mayor, accusing him of continuing to do favors for his Turkish benefactors and continuing to solicit illegal funds, now for his re-election campaign.

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In September 2023, Abbasova, Sayiner and Suggs arranged a fundraiser for foreign donors — and disguised it as a meeting to discuss sustainability issues with a PowerPoint presentation and a cost of $5,000 to attend, according to the indictment.

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On Oct. 9th 2023, the Adams campaign raised $16,700 from the Turkish-American community, according to campaign records. The indictment mentions one of the organizers as as a publisher of a magazine aimed at Turkish Americans, which appears to describe Cemil Ozyurt, owner of the Turk of America magazine. Ozyurt donated $1,000 that day to the campaign, records show.

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“Are they going to make the limit?”

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There are repeated references in the indictment to Adams’s refusal to show up at fundraisers unless his campaign received at least $25,000.

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When the investigation that led to this indictment became public in November 2023, prosecutors said, Adams scheduled yet another dinner with a businessman who was going to illegally contribute to his campaign through straw donors. But when news of the inquiry emerged, that dinner was canceled, the indictment said.

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According to the indictment, Adams’s chief fundraiser, Brianna Suggs, called Adams five times before allowing F.B.I. agents who showed up at her door in Brooklyn last year to enter. She then refused to say who had paid for her trip to Turkey, prosecutors say.

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Prosecutors say that Adams’s aide, Rana Abbasova, tried to delete incriminating messages in a bathroom when the F.B.I. showed up at her house, which later led to her suspension from City Hall.

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This is just a jaw-dropping section of the indictment.

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(There appears to be a typo when prosecutors refer to Adams’s claims that he changed his password on Nov. 5, 2024. F.B.I. agents took his phone in 2023, and presumably said he had changed his password then. )

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The formal counts against Adams are described here, along with the “overt acts” — specific incidents — that prosecutors say support the charges. These are typically laid out near the end of an indictment.

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If Mr. Adams is convicted of all five counts in the indictment, the maximum penalty under law would be 45 years in prison. But under the federal sentencing guidelines, he would most likely receive a much shorter prison term.

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The indictment is signed by the foreperson of the grand jury that voted to approve it, whose name is redacted, and by U.S. Attorney Damian Williams, whose name is not.

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