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Opinion: Project 2025 will worsen Maine’s housing crisis

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Opinion: Project 2025 will worsen Maine’s housing crisis


I’ve been glad to see recent coverage of the extreme Project 2025, the blueprint members of the far right created to run the country if former President Trump is re-elected. I’ve seen little discussion of Project 2025’s plans for the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), so I read the HUD chapter in this “Mandate for Leadership,” written by Trump’s HUD Secretary, Ben Carson (Chapter 15).

I believe the proposed “reforms” in Project 2025 will worsen the housing and homelessness crisis in Maine.

Among other things, Carson proposes to: 1) Divert funding from construction of new affordable rental housing to single-family homeownership; 2) Prioritize rental assistance for married heads of households; 3) Limit how long people can receive rental assistance; 3) Create work requirements for housing assistance; 4) Preference use of shorter term mortgages (less than 20 years) to speed up wealth-building (limiting buyers’ affordability); and 5) Prohibit undocumented people from receiving housing assistance (even when married to a U.S. citizen).

Everyone who works with HUD would agree it needs reform. But there’s also no doubt these Project 2025 policies would hurt those who need housing assistance the most. In one footnote (p. 515), Carson acknowledges that “Housing supply does remain a problem in the U.S., but constructing more units at the low end of the market will not solve the problem.”

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His solution is to turn the private sector loose on the problem, conveniently ignoring that it’s the market’s utter failure to supply decent, livable housing at the low end of the market that led to Congress creating housing programs to address the issue. Carson’s “trickle down housing” will only reward the already affluent.

Carson believes that when it comes to affordable housing, “… American homeowners and citizens know best what is in the interest of their neighborhoods and communities.” I’m a strong advocate for community involvement, but the reality is that existing homeowners’ misperceptions that affordable housing will reduce their property values leads them to reject such projects. Their goal is to increase their home values, which they believe are enhanced by limiting development and restricting it to high-cost homes.

Carson wants to promote homeownership as a pathway to wealth building, and generations Americans have, in fact, benefited from this. But the windfall profits many of us will enjoy from the sale of our homes are the barrier to entry for the next generation of homebuyers. In Maine, the median sale price of a home recently topped $400,000. Promotion of housing as an investment through tax incentives such as the mortgage interest tax deduction (MID) disproportionately benefits the most affluent homeowners (who are predominantly white. The MID is one of the largest federal expenditures for housing assistance and it skews the single family-market in favor of those who need the assistance the least.

As young people struggle to afford their first homes or apartments, and homelessness is steadily increasing, the MID also subsidizes the purchase of vacation homes, including those purchased in other countries. Carson doesn’t address this.

Nowhere does Carson suggest that HUD should promote use of shared equity ownership models, such as low-income housing cooperatives or community land trusts. That’s a shame. Shared equity models benefit lower-income households by reducing the cost of entry, holding down their housing costs over the long term and giving them much greater control over their living situations than renting in the private market. Currently, public subsidies used to make home purchase more affordable end up in those fortunate homebuyers’ pockets when the short-term affordability requirements end. Because they are permanently attached to the housing, shared equity models are a far thriftier use of public subsidies.

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We should reject Project 2025 by voting against Trump in the November election. Maine, and the country, can’t afford either Carson’s proposed housing policies or the threat the overall plan poses to our democracy.

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Conservation, not courts, should guide Maine’s fishing rules | Opinion

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Conservation, not courts, should guide Maine’s fishing rules | Opinion


Steve Heinz of Cumberland is a member of the Maine Council of Trout Unlimited (Merrymeeting Bay chapter).

Man’s got to eat.

It’s a simple truth, and in Maine it carries a lot of weight. For generations, people here have hunted, fished and gathered food not just as a pastime, but as a practical part of life. That reality helps explain why Maine voters embraced a constitutional right to food — and why emotions run high when fishing regulations are challenged in court.

A recent lawsuit targeting Maine’s fly-fishing-only regulations has sparked exactly that
reaction. The Maine Council of Trout Unlimited believes this moment calls for clarity and restraint. The management of Maine’s fisheries belongs with professional biologists and the public process they oversee, not in the courtroom.

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Trout Unlimited is not an anti-harvest organization, nor a club devoted to elevating one style of angling over another. We are a coldwater conservation organization focused on sustaining healthy, resilient fisheries.

Maine’s reputation as the last great stronghold of wild brook trout did not happen by accident; it is the product of decades of careful management by the Maine Department of Inland Fisheries and Wildlife (MDIFW), guided by science, field experience and public participation.

Fly-fishing-only waters are one of the tools MDIFW uses to protect vulnerable fisheries. They are not about exclusivity. In most cases, fly fishing involves a single hook, results in lower hooking mortality and lends itself to catch-and-release practices. The practical effect is straightforward: more fish survive and more people get a chance to fish.

Maine’s trout waters are fundamentally different from the fertile rivers of the Midwest and Mid-Atlantic states. Our freestone streams are cold, fast and naturally nutrient-poor. Thin soils, granite bedrock and dense forests limit aquatic productivity, meaning brook trout grow more slowly and reproduce in smaller numbers.

A single season of low flows, high water temperatures or habitat disturbance can set a population back for years. In Maine, conservation is not a luxury; it is a biological necessity.

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In more fertile southern waters, abundant insects and richer soils allow trout populations to rebound quickly from heavy harvest and environmental stress. Maine’s waters simply do not have that buffer.

Every wild brook trout here is the product of limited resources and fragile conditions. When fish are removed faster than they can be replaced, recovery is slow and uncertain. That reality is why management tools such as fly-fishing-only waters, reduced bag limits and seasonal protections matter so much.

These rules are not about denying access; they are about matching human use to ecological capacity so fisheries remain viable over time. Climate change only raises the stakes, as warmer summers and lower late-season flows increasingly push cold-water fisheries to their limits.

Healthy trout streams also safeguard drinking water, support wildlife and sustain rural economies through guiding and outdoor tourism. Conservation investments ripple far
beyond the streambank.

Lawsuits short-circuit the management system that has served Maine well for decades. Courts are not designed to weigh fisheries science or balance competing uses of a complex public resource. That work is best done through open meetings, public input and adaptive management informed by professionals who spend their careers studying Maine’s waters.

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Man’s got to eat. But if we want Maine’s trout fisheries to endure, we also have to manage them wisely. That means trusting science, respecting process and recognizing that
conservation — not confrontation — is what keeps food on the table and fish in the water.



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Maine men’s basketball holds on to beat NJIT

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Maine men’s basketball holds on to beat NJIT


TJ Biel scored 21 points and Newport native Ace Flagg added 10 points and seven rebounds as the University of Maine men’s basketball team held on for a 74-70 win over the New Jersey Institute of Technology on Saturday in Newark, New Jersey.

Logan Carey added 11 points and five assists for the Black Bears, who improve to 3-15 overall and 1-2 in the conference. Yanis Bamba chipped in 14 points.

Maine led by seven at the half, but NJIT went on a 13-0 run in the first four minutes to take a 43-37 lead. The Black Bears recovered and took the lead on a dunk by Keelan Steele with 7:53 left and held on for the win.

Sebastian Robinson scored 24 points and Ari Fulton grabbed 11 rebounds for NJIT (7-11, 2-1).

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Maine legalized iGaming. Will tribes actually benefit?

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Maine legalized iGaming. Will tribes actually benefit?


Clarissa Sabattis, Chief of the Houlton Band of Maliseets, foreground, and other leaders of Maine’s tribes are welcomed by lawmakers into the House Chamber in March, 2023 in Augusta. (Robert F. Bukaty, /Associated Press)

Maine’s gambling landscape is set to expand after Gov. Janet Mills decided Thursday to let tribes offer online casino games, but numerous questions remain over the launch of the new market and how much it will benefit the Wabanaki Nations.

Namely, there is no concrete timeline for when the new gambling options that make Maine the eighth “iGaming” state will become available. Maine’s current sports betting market that has been dominated by the Passamaquoddy Tribe through its partnership with DraftKings is evidence that not all tribes may reap equal rewards.

A national anti-online gaming group also vowed to ask Maine voters to overturn the law via a people’s veto effort and cited its own poll finding a majority of Mainers oppose online casino gaming.

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Here are the big remaining questions around iGaming.

1. When will iGaming go into effect?

The law takes effect 90 days after the Legislature adjourns this year. Adjournment is slated for mid-April, but Mills spokesperson Ben Goodman noted it is not yet known when lawmakers will actually finish their work.

2. Where will the iGaming revenue go?

The iGaming law gives the state 18% of the gross receipts, which will translate into millions of dollars annually for gambling addiction and opioid use treatment funds, Maine veterans, school renovation loans and emergency housing relief.

Leaders of the four federally recognized tribes in Maine highlighted the “life-changing revenue” that will come thanks to the decision from Mills, a Democrat who has clashed with the Wabanaki Nations over the years over more sweeping tribal sovereignty measures.

But one chief went so far Thursday as to call her the “greatest ever” governor for “Wabanaki economic progress.”

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3. What gaming companies will the tribes work with?

DraftKings has partnered with the Passamaquoddy to dominate Maine’s sports betting market, while the Penobscot Nation, the Houlton Band of Maliseet Indians and the Mi’kmaq Nation have partnered with Caesars Entertainment to garner a smaller share of the revenue.

Wall Street analysts predicted the two companies will likely remain the major players in Maine’s iGaming market.

The partnership between the Passamaquoddy and DraftKings has brought in more than $100 million in gross revenue since 2024, but the Press Herald reported last month that some members of the tribe’s Sipayik reservation have criticized Chief Amkuwiposohehs “Pos” Bassett, saying they haven’t reaped enough benefits from the gambling money.

4. Has Mills always supported gambling measures?

The iGaming measure from Rep. Ambureen Rana, D-Bangor, factored into a long-running debate in Maine over gambling. In 2022, lawmakers and Mills legalized online sports betting and gave tribes the exclusive rights to offer it beginning in 2023.

But allowing online casino games such as poker and roulette in Maine looked less likely to become reality under Mills. Her administration had previously testified against the bill by arguing the games are addictive.

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But Mills, who is in the final year of her tenure and is running in the high-profile U.S. Senate primary for the chance to unseat U.S. Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, said Thursday she would let the iGaming bill become law without her signature. She said she viewed iGaming as a way to “improve the lives and livelihoods of the Wabanaki Nations.”

5. Who is against iGaming?

Maine’s two casinos in Bangor and Oxford opposed the iGaming bill, as did Gambling Control Board Chair Steve Silver and the Maine Center for Disease Control and Prevention, among other opponents.

Silver noted Hollywood Casino Bangor and Oxford Casino employ nearly 1,000 Mainers, and he argued that giving tribes exclusive rights to iGaming will lead to job losses.

He also said in a Friday interview the new law will violate existing statutes by cutting out his board from iGaming oversight.

“I don’t think there’s anything the board can do at this point,” Silver said.

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The National Association Against iGaming has pledged to mount an effort to overturn the law via a popular referendum process known as the “people’s veto.” But such attempts have a mixed record of success.



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