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Maine’s foster care population grew at the fastest rate in the nation

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Maine’s foster care population grew at the fastest rate in the nation


Maine’s foster care population grew at a higher rate than any other state between 2019 and 2023, new federal data shows.

It was one of just six states that increased its foster care population during that five-year period, according to a Maine Monitor analysis of data from the federal Adoption and Foster Care Analysis and Reporting System (AFCARS). 

AFCARS published data for fiscal year 2023, the most recent year for which data is available, in May, showing that Maine removed children from their families because of abuse and neglect at one of the highest rates in the country. 

In 2023, Maine was more likely to remove children than all but five other states: West Virginia, Alaska, Montana, Kentucky and South Dakota. That year, Maine removed 4.14 children per 1,000 living in the state, about 75 percent higher than the national rate of 2.4 children per 1,000.

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While Maine’s foster care population increased 17 percent between 2019 and 2023, the most in the nation, the national foster care population fell nearly 20 percent. 

More recent data from Maine’s Department of Health and Human Services, however, shows the state foster care population has declined since reaching a 20-year high last fall.

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Maine’s child welfare system includes DHHS, the Attorney General’s office, which represents the department in court, the attorneys who represent parents and the judges who preside over child protection cases. 

Within DHHS, the Office of Child and Family Services (OFCS) oversees child protective cases and the removal of children. In an interview, OFCS Director Bobbi Johnson said the growth of Maine’s foster care population was due in part to higher than average rates of cases involving substance abuse, a lack of attorneys to represent parents and a dearth of behavioral and mental health support services, which has “resulted in a lack of reunification services.”

Johnson, who became the office’s director in early 2024, also attributed the increase to several highly publicized deaths of children known to DHHS in late 2017 and early 2018. Those tragic deaths prompted legislative changes and policy shifts, as well as an increase in reports to the department.

The phenomenon is not unique to Maine. Research has suggested media coverage of child deaths can prompt increases in the number of children entering foster care and decreases in the number adopted or reunited with their families, as caseworkers take a “better safe than sorry” approach.

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Johnson said the department is working with organizations that study the science of children’s safety as it adjusts its approach to be less “reactive.” 

She expressed a desire to improve the system and staff knowledge instead of “saying the system is not working effectively and everything needs to be changed, which I think tends to be what you see in jurisdictions where there are child fatalities.”

Some still see an issue, however.

“We continue to be in a place in our state where we are almost solely focused on these tragedies and criticism of the child welfare agency’s response; that has an impact on decision-making at many levels, which can lead to more kids coming into care,” Melissa Hackett, a policy associate with the Maine Children’s Alliance, said in an email. 

Poverty vs. neglect

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The federal data shows that two-thirds of the children Maine put in foster care in 2023 were placed there because of neglect, which is higher than the national average.  

In recent years, there has been a growing consensus nationwide that in many cases, removing children from homes can result in more long-term harm than leaving them there and connecting families with services, such as mental health and substance use treatment, behavioral supports and financial resources. This movement is linked to the idea that child welfare agencies often accuse parents of neglect when the root issue is poverty, and could be addressed by putting supports in place rather than removing a child.

Earlier this week, Governor Janet Mills signed legislation into law that changed the state’s definition of child neglect, creating an exception for parents who can’t provide necessities because they are unable to afford them. More than half of U.S. states have adopted similar statutes. The department supported the change. 

But some lawmakers and advocates in Augusta argued that the bill didn’t go far enough. They argue the state is unnecessarily separating families and paying for foster care, lawyers and court time instead of addressing the symptoms of poverty. They argue the state is opening too many cases, making it harder to identify those that are particularly dangerous. 

“The system we have now is not designed to effectively keep children safe,” Alica Rea from the Maine ACLU testified before a legislative committee in April. “Instead, the system puts parents, especially single mothers, in the impossible situation of having to overcome poverty in order to stop being monitored and to reunite with their children, without providing them with the resources necessary to do so.”

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Not everyone shares this perspective. According to Maine’s child welfare ombudsman, the state is not removing children from homes quickly enough. 

“Since 2019, the trends that my office has seen do not show that the Department is taking too many children into state custody,” Christine Alberi wrote in an email. “The Department has often delayed taking children into custody too long after multiple investigations or safety plans.”

Alberi said the department’s reaction after 2018 included “a much higher level of risk aversion” that was “not a model for child welfare practice.”

This included reinvestigating cases sent to the Alternative Response Program (which is often where low severity cases are referred) and ending out-of-home safety planning, which resulted in more children entering custody, Alberi said. 

“Many changes were needed but instead of refocusing on proper practice, the Department did too much too quickly,” Alberi wrote. 

Declining numbers

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Data suggests Maine’s foster care surge may be receding.  

The number of children entering state custody increased from 820 to 1,246 between 2017 and 2019, a 50 percent rise. But in the next five years, entries into the system fell 15 percent to 1,054 in 2023. 

Despite the lower level of children entering the system, the overall foster care population continued to grow until well into 2024, as the number of children exiting the system, due to adoption or reunification with parents, was lower than the number of children entering. 

While federal data is lagging, Maine’s child welfare dashboard has more current numbers. They show that the foster care population continued to increase from 2023 to 2024. In July, the number of children in state care hit a 20-year high of 2,579. 

But that total has been declining since, dropping to 2,290 in April. 

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Johnson sees the decline as “a positive movement.”

She attributed the decline to more adoptions (Maine has a higher rate of children leaving the system through adoption than the national average) and efforts to identify barriers to either adoption or reunification. She also credited investments in the state’s behavioral health system, which allow families to get help before removal is needed, Johnson said.

“Building out the infrastructure of prevention within our state is really critical,” she said.



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As Democrats pick up the pieces after Graham Platner, many wonder: how did this happen?

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As Democrats pick up the pieces after Graham Platner, many wonder: how did this happen?


Almost exactly one year ago, Graham Platner, who has no political experience, was cherry-picked by out-of-state political activists.

According to a person familiar with the campaign, Daniel Moraff and Leanne Fan, who have made a name for themselves by recruiting populist candidates across the country, traveled to Maine and rented a house near Platner’s home in Sullivan to convince him to run for the US Senate. Throughout the process, Moraff became Platner’s “right-hand man”, the person described, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of backlash.

But homing in on Platner as a newcomer to oust long-serving Republican Susan Collins came at a cost. The Wall Street Journal recently reported that Moraff asked for an expedited, cheaper background check to be completed in a matter of days. The firm Moraff and his team contracted with also did not do a candidate interview or questionnaire, per the Journal’s report.

Volunteer Rebecca Hartwell before a town hall in Ogunquit, Maine, on 22 October 2025. Photograph: Sophie Park/Getty Images

The fallout of those decisions happened on a colossal scale. In a midterm year with record spending across the country, the Democratic party had come to pin its hopes on Platner to help clinch Senate control with his meteoric campaign and ability to unite independent and progressive voters alike with a clear, anti-establishment message.

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Controversies ensued, bringing with them straight-to-camera videos of Platner explaining and denying various scandals. Finally, an allegation that broke the dam this week: a woman he dated accusing him of sexual assault, of drunkenly forcing her to have sex with him after coming to her house uninvited. Asked in an interview on CNN whether Platner raped her, the woman, Jenny Racicot, replied: “By definition, yes, absolutely.”

His support collapsed. Platner waited days as calls grew for him to withdraw. Then on Wednesday, he released an 11-minute video announcing the end of his campaign that left Maine voters scrambling and betrayed, and the country wondering: how did this happen?

A primary election night watch party after Platner won the Democratic nomination, on 9 June in Blue Hill, Maine. Photograph: Robert F Bukaty/AP

“It feels like some of the first rules of politics may have been broken here,” said Andrew Feldman, a national progressive strategist. “We were seeing rookie mistake after rookie mistake, and now we find ourselves in this situation.”

David Farmer, a Democratic strategist based in Maine, said the vetting process for Platner was tantamount to “malpractice”.

“I’ve had to have these conversations with candidates in the past – where you sit down and you ask them really tough questions,” Farmer said. “What drugs have you used? Have you ever had an affair? You ever cheated on your wife? You ever cheated on anybody? It’s really uncomfortable and probing, and a miserable event for everybody involved.”

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The person familiar with the campaign said that Moraff and Fan “fell in love with an aesthetic without knowing the state” that ultimately did a “disservice” to Maine’s working-class voters.

Platner’s campaign did not respond to the Guardian’s request for comment on the methods used to check the former nominee’s background.

A rising star and an early redemption arc

Platner’s early campaign days – after he announced his run in August of last year – saw a rare rush of grassroots excitement as he criss-crossed the state for town halls, with backing from Bernie Sanders and an ad produced by Zohran Mamdani’s 27-year-old media strategist, Morris Katz.

An oyster farmer and marines veteran, Platner issued plain-spoken warnings that Maine’s working class had been hollowed out – healthcare was unaffordable, young people couldn’t buy homes – and said he’d survived only because of the veterans’ benefits he receives from being “blown up” too many times in combat. His searing indictment of the political establishment matched the anti-Washington mood and anger many Democrats felt toward their party’s leaders.

“His tone, his look, his voice, his message captured a frustration with Washington, a frustration with economic injustice,” Farmer noted.

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Bernie Sanders and Graham Platner in Orono, Maine, on 24 May. Photograph: Robert F Bukaty/AP

Democratic leaders had someone else in mind: the 78-year-old term‑limited governor Janet Mills. But Mills hadn’t yet announced her run. In the meantime, 41-year-old Platner positioned himself as the gruff local businessman hardened by tours in Iraq and Afghanistan, pushing for generational change. Once Mills entered, he quickly framed her as emblematic of the status quo, arguing that a Chuck Schumer‑backed candidate would mirror Collins‑style “fake moderation”.

The Democratic establishment was skeptical of Platner from the outset, concerned that he brought too much baggage to the race against a seasoned incumbent. But progressives say the party is also to blame for pushing Mills as an alternative. If she had been elected, Mills would have been the oldest freshman in Senate history.

Platner brushed off his earlier scandals: Reddit posts from 2013 to 2021 where – among other things – he called white rural Americans “stupid” and “racist”, questioned why “Black people didn’t tip” and said sexual‑assault survivors should “take some responsibility … and not get so fucked up”. While apologetic, he characterized the posts as side-effects of severe PTSD and disillusionment from combat.

He tried to get ahead of more controversy by revealing a covered-up skull-and-crossbones tattoo that resembled a Totenkopf, a symbol known for its use by the Nazi SS. Platner said it came from a night drinking with military buddies in Croatia 18 years earlier. “I’m not a secret Nazi,” he told the Pod Saves America hosts.

In this photo provided by WGME, Platner points to a cover-up tattoo that had previously been an image recognized as a Nazi symbol, in Portland, Maine, on 22 October. Photograph: AP

Platner and his allies in Congress argued the uproar was overblown. At the time, Platner told the Guardian that Mainers related to his struggle and didn’t see the posts or tattoo as disqualifying. Many voters also said they could look past his mistakes and viewed his redemption arc as genuine. “If what the voters wanted were people who were grown in vats and had never done or said anything that they might regret their entire lives, we’d have a very different country,” Moraff told the Journal in May.

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But inside his campaign, cracks had started to appear. In October, Platner’s political director, Genevieve McDonald, and his finance director both left his team. The latter, Ronald Holmes III, said his “professional standards” no longer “fully aligned with those of the campaign”. McDonald said Platner’s failure to fully disclose the extent of his Reddit posts led to her departure. She went on to question whether Platner really didn’t know the meaning of his tattoo.

Bracing for the worst

There was lingering concern among Maine locals and political operatives that more would come out about Platner’s past. One voter at a town hall in April asked him – point‑blank – if there were examples of sexual misconduct in past relationships that could emerge and endanger his chances. Another said that she was extremely wary about how untested Platner was.

Ultimately, his star continued to outshine the septuagenarian governor’s lackluster campaign. Mills, citing dwindling financial resources, eventually dropped out of the race, giving Platner a glidepath to the nomination.

And then – 10 days before the Democratic primary – reports revealed that Platner’s wife, Amy Gertner, had confided in McDonald about sexually explicit messages he’d sent outside their marriage, disclosures she made in an attempt to get ahead of any opposition research.

Platner with his wife, Amy Gertner, during a primary election night watch party, on 9 June in Blue Hill, Maine. Photograph: Robert F Bukaty/AP

In extraordinary fashion, Platner was summoned to Washington DC to answer lawmakers’ questions about the latest controversy. Shortly after the meeting, the New York Times reported that previous partners described “unsettling” and “toxic” behavior. One of the women, Lyndsey Fifield, a conservative operative who dated Platner from 2013 to 2015, alleged he frequently grabbed her by the shoulders, once yanked her out of a taxi by her wrist, and during one argument twisted her arm behind her back, shoved her into a bedroom and held the door shut until she was “calm”. Fifield also cast doubt on Platner’s claim that he was unaware that his tattoo was a Nazi symbol, telling the Times that he referred to it as “my Totenkopf”.

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Platner rejected Fifield’s claims and branded them as “politically motivated”.

While some voters were deterred, Platner still ended up clinching more than 70% of the vote in the primary. National Democrats, however, were left to grapple with a catch‑22: what would be an insurmountable scandal? And would it be worse than if Collins, who had helped overturn Roe v Wade and backed several key Trump policies, was re‑elected to a sixth term?

“It’s like a frog being in a pot of boiling water. If you raise the temperature slowly, you don’t know it’s boiling until it’s too late,” said Farmer.

The final straw

When Politico published their story on Monday, outlining Jenny Racicot’s claims that Platner raped her nearly five years ago, the condemnation came hard and fast. Endorsements evaporated and calls for Platner to withdraw were immediate. As he denied the allegations in a lo-fi self tape, it became clear this would be the red line for those who had stood by him until this point.

“The messenger was not the right person to match the inspiring message,” said Adam Green, executive director of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee. “It is really unfortunate for the overall project of trying to challenge corporate power and shake up a broken political system.”

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Platner during an interview in South Portland, Maine, on 6 March. Photograph: Bloomberg/Getty Images

It would be another two days before Platner published another video announcing his decision to end his campaign, claiming the allegations against him were part of a coordinated political attack.

Troy Jackson, who campaigned alongside Platner while running for the Democratic nomination in the Maine gubernatorial race, and is now one of several candidates running to replace him, told MS Now: “Graham told me point-blank that there was nothing in his past that I had to worry about. And he lied to me. And he lied to a lot of us.”

Now, as Democrats battle with the feeling of deja vu from Joe Biden’s withdrawal from the 2024 presidential race, it’s left some unnerved about whether the Maine Senate race is still winnable. “It’s so upsetting because it feels like we’ve been completely bamboozled by a candidate that so many people believe in,” said Feldman.



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Maine Resiliency Center launches survey to gauge Lewiston shooting’s impact

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Maine Resiliency Center launches survey to gauge Lewiston shooting’s impact


LEWISTON (WGME) Nearly three years after the Lewiston mass shooting, the Maine Resiliency Center is asking the public to share how the tragedy has affected them and the community.

The nonprofit has launched a survey to better understand the impacts of the mass shooting in October 2023 and to help guide future support efforts.

The director of the Maine Resiliency Center said the ripple effects have spread widely and the organization wants to hear from anyone who has been affected.

“You could have been a service provider who is providing therapy or counseling for people; you could have been a funeral home director or city employee; you could be someone who lives in this community and knows somebody who is directly impacted or you could be directly impacted yourself. All of those opinions and information are really valuable to us as we look to support the broader community moving forward,” the director said.

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To take part in the survey, go to maineresiliencycenter.org.



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Maine’s high court keeps transgender athlete referendum off 2026 ballot

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Maine’s high court keeps transgender athlete referendum off 2026 ballot


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Our political journalists are based in the Maine State House and have deep source networks across the partisan spectrum in communities all over the state. Their coverage aims to cut through major debates and probe how officials make decisions. Read more Politics coverage here.

AUGUSTA, Maine — The Maine Supreme Judicial Court on Friday upheld Secretary of State Shenna Bellows’ decision to keep a referendum banning transgender girls from female school sports off the November ballot.

The high court ruled Bellows was “not only authorized but was constitutionally bound” when she moved in May to throw out more than 1,500 signatures gathered by out-of-state circulators who never agreed to submit to Maine’s jurisdiction.

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The unanimous ruling from the six-justice panel closes out a monthslong legal fight that began when Bellows’ office invalidated more than 12,000 signatures submitted by Protect Girls’ Sports in Maine, leaving the petition 532 signatures short of the 67,682 needed to qualify.

The group, backed heavily by Republican megadonor Richard Uihlein, had argued Bellows overstepped her authority by enforcing a settlement that ended a 2023 First Amendment lawsuit over Maine’s ban on out-of-state circulators, rather than letting Maine voters decide whether to loosen the state’s residency rules for petition circulators.

The court rejected that argument, finding Bellows was bound by the Maine Constitution’s residency requirement for circulators except where a federal injunction narrowly excused her from enforcing it, and that four nonresident circulators who never checked a box consenting to Maine jurisdiction fell outside that carveout.

Justices also rejected the campaign’s fallback argument that one circulator’s belated affidavit, filed months after the Feb. 2 filing deadline, should have salvaged her roughly 61 signatures, citing a state law requiring circulator affidavits to be filed when the petition is.

The decision effectively ends the campaign’s bid for the 2026 ballot, though the court noted proponents could still gather the roughly 500 additional signatures needed to try again for the 2027 ballot.

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