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As Republicans focus on voter fraud, a conservative Maine outlet enters the fray – The Boston Globe

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As Republicans focus on voter fraud, a conservative Maine outlet enters the fray – The Boston Globe


The article prompted outrage among state and national Republicans, who called on Maine to investigate. But, Maine Secretary of State Shenna Bellows said her office, which oversees elections, has yet to see any evidence that backs up the outlet’s claims.

Bellows and Maine Attorney General Aaron Frey have asked the Wire for its records, but the publication has declined, citing concerns about protecting its confidential source of the records, some of which are from Maine’s Medicaid program, MaineCare. The Wire editor, Steven Robinson, has shared redacted copies of the records to other news outlets and elected officials.

“We have no way of knowing if the claims are valid or false without the ability to investigate,” Bellows said. “I expect that we will see, yet again, another safe and secure election here in our state.”

The allegations in Maine come as Republicans prompt claims of noncitizens voting, part of what Democrats and election officials say is a strategy to undermine trust in the electoral process and lay the foundation for legal challenges if former president Donald Trump loses the election to Vice President Kamala Harris.

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It is illegal for noncitizens to vote in US state and federal elections. It has happened, but experts say the practice is extremely rare.

“This is really just a red herring and an attempt to inflame anti-immigrant sentiments and to drum up doubts about the election,” said Alice Clapman, senior counsel with the voting rights program at the New York-based Brennan Center for Justice, of the allegations in Maine.

And, A.J. Bauer, a journalism professor at the University of Alabama who studies conservative media, said the Wire’s reporting seems to be part of a “bigger project of stirring up hyperlocal animosity against migrants.”

Ahead of the election, false or misleading claims about illegal voting have cropped up everywhere from states including Pennsylvania and Virginia to the podium of Donald Trump. The former president has called mail-in ballots “corrupt,” and falsely claimed Democrats encourage noncitizens to vote.

“A lot of these illegal immigrants coming in, they’re trying to get them to vote,” Trump said at the Sept. 10 debate.

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Robinson declined a Globe interview request but in a statement stood by the outlet’s reporting.

“I’m 100% confident that at least six individuals described in MaineCare records as non-citizens are registered to vote and that votes have been cast in their names,” said Robinson, who also authored the piece. He said he doesn’t know how rare or common non-citizen voting is because the government hasn’t investigated.

“Nothing is required of the Maine Wire to solve this problem because the government already has all the records,” he added.

Secretary of State Shenna Bellows attended the inauguration of Maine Governor Janet Mills in 2023 in Augusta, Maine.Robert F. Bukaty/Associated Press

Bellows said her office cannot access Medicaid records due to privacy laws, and added that her office has asked for names, addresses, and birthdates of the individuals cited in the story. A spokesperson for the Department for Health and Human Services said it cannot share private medical records outside the agency due to federal privacy laws.

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Spokespeople for the Attorney General did not respond to requests for comment.

“The unwillingness of the Maine Wire to share this information suggests that they’re more interested in undermining public confidence in our elections and potentially laying the groundwork for challenges” than an investigation, Bellows said.

A spokesperson for Governor Janet Mills also urged the Wire to turn over its documents, but did not address the Republican calls for her government to investigate.

Founded in 2011, the Maine Wire is owned by the Maine Policy Institute, a conservative think tank, and often publishes stories popular with right-wing audiences about topics such as transgender students, immigration, and local crime.

One of the Wire’s funders is Leonard Leo, a Maine resident who who has been deeply influential in helping Republicans fill the US courts with conservative judges. Leo, through two nonprofits, has also donated millions to groups that say their mission is to fight voter fraud and are gearing up to challenge a potential Trump electoral loss, The Wall Street Journal recently reported. Robinson said Leo does not have any editorial control.

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“Any news outlet worth its salt would be concerned about non-citizen voting” and election security, Leo said in a statement, adding: “The Maine Wire did its job, and did it well.”

The Maine Wire report alleging noncitizen voting cited leaked Medicaid records, which included immigration statuses, for 18 people that it said it cross-referenced with voting records. Six of the 18 were registered to vote, all as Democrats, and five had voted in elections since 2016, according to the publication. But the article added that it was unclear if the individuals, some of whom were documented as having severe intellectual disabilities or cognitive impairment, intended to register to vote or were registered by someone else.

The article also did not publish the names of the individuals, saying it wanted to protect both its source and people’s “sensitive health information.” Robinson said the Wire did not interview any of the individuals because it would have required translators and put his source at risk.

That approach violated standard journalistic principles, said Kelly McBride, a media ethicist at the Florida-based Poynter Institute, who added that not pursuing interviews out of a need for translation services is a “weak, weak excuse.”

“It would absolutely be the norm to reach out and seek comment or input from any stakeholder who you are exposing either directly or indirectly in the article, especially if you are accusing them of something,” McBride said. “I cannot see how it would jeopardize their source.”

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McBride added that the piece suffered from a “lack of complete reporting,” citing a section that said: “If their immigration statuses have been correctly recorded.”

Robinson defended his reporting, adding that government officials were incentivized to ensure the accuracy of the records for the state to be reimbursed for Medicaid care. In a second story, Robinson implied there could be substantially more voting by noncitizens in Maine, although did not cite additional evidence.

Some Republicans in the state have latched onto that fear. Maine House Minority Leader Billy Bob Faulkingham, a Republican, said there’s “a high potential risk that it’s a bigger problem,” but did not cite evidence beyond referring to the Wire’s report. And Trey Stewart, a Republican who is the Minority Leader in the Maine Senate said he viewed the underlying records and has “no reason to doubt that it’s credible.”

Faulkingham added the Wire’s report underscored the need for a voter identification law in Maine, because otherwise voting is based on “the honor system.”

Worries about noncitizens voting influenced New Hampshire lawmakers to adopt some of the nation’s strictest voter ID rules in September, though they won’t take effect until after the election.

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Sue Roche, executive director of the Portland-based Immigrant Legal Advocacy Project, said there “is no incentive for noncitizens to vote,” citing serious consequences to their immigration status, including the potential for deportation. “ILAP calls on the public to recognize this tired and predictable rhetoric and to reject the politicizing of human beings.”


Aidan Ryan can be reached at aidan.ryan@globe.com. Follow him @aidanfitzryan. Stella Tannenbaum can be reached at stella.tannenbaum@globe.com.





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Maine

Maine dogs go viral for their autumn joy

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Maine dogs go viral for their autumn joy


Freeport, Maine — In an increasingly outraged America, even the lowly leaf is subject to controversy, with many Americans upset about the hassle of raking and bagging them every fall.

But there is at least one place left in America where pure autumn joy can still be found. It appears annually in Jody Hartman’s front yard in Freeport, Maine, after he piles up his leaves and gives his dog Stella the greenlight to run through them.

“She kind of likes the feeling of it, I think, the sound, maybe, it’s just her little comfort zone,” Hartman said.

Stella started doing this about nine years ago, and a few years after she started, the Hartman family’s other dog, Mabel, also caught the fever.

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Hartman’s videos are now extremely popular on social media, which is why he goes to great lengths to make sure his leaf pile lasts as long as possible.

“I was out in the yard with a hair dryer trying to dry them out,” Hartman said. “I have to cover them with my new roof, just leaf maintenance all the time.”

Hartman said his pooches are the priority, having even kept kids from the piles. He explained why the perfect leaves and his dogs’ excitement are so valuable.

“I think in a world where there’s so much noise, especially on social media, it just doesn’t get much more simple and wholesome than a dog just running and jumping in the leaves, he said. “There’s something about it.”

That little periscope of hope, popping out of the chaos, is a reminder that joy is still out there — if you just jump.

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Gov. Mills skirts Maine flag question but endorses 3 bond proposals

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Gov. Mills skirts Maine flag question but endorses 3 bond proposals


Gov. Janet Mills campaigns for presidential candidate Vice President Kamala Harris on Tuesday at Meadowview Park in Lewiston. Russ Dillingham/Sun Journal

Gov. Janet Mills is not weighing in on a statewide referendum to change the state flag, saying it’s a personal decision that every Mainer must make for themselves.

In her weekly radio address, Mills said she’s supporting all three of the bond proposals on the ballot. They include Question 2, a $25 million bond for research and development; Question 3, a $10 million bond to restore historic community buildings; and Question 4, a $30 million bond to design, develop and maintain multi-use trails across the state.

When it comes to the flag referendum, which is Question 5, Mills has consistently stayed out of the debate.

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The current state flag features the state seal on a blue field. If approved by voters, it would be replaced with a modernized version of the Pine Tree flag that the state used from 1901 to 1909. The proposed flag would feature a pine tree with 16 boughs, representing each county, and blue star on a tan field.

The proposal was made to the ballot through a Democratic bill that was subject to emotional debate in both chambers.

Mills allowed the measure to go to voters without her signature.

“Finally,” Mills says in her radio address, “some folks have asked me how I’ll be voting on Question 5, which is the flag issue. I know that’s an issue on the top of everyone’s minds, but you know what? It’s up to you to decide that, and I’m not going to try to influence the vote.

“State flags are a source of great pride, and however the vote turns out, I hope we can all support the outcome as a symbol of the State of Maine.”

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While she explained that she isn’t taking a position either way on the flag referendum, Mills did not address the only remaining ballot question.

Question 1 would set a $5,000 on contributions to political action committees that advocate for the election or defeat of a candidate. Contributions to PACs controlled by a political party and ballot question committees would not be included and could continue to receive unlimited contributions from individuals or groups.

Maine would be the first state to pass such a law, since the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on Citizens United vs. the FEC, which unleashed unfettered spending on political races as a form of free speech. Advocates for Question 1 expect it will be challenged in court if passed by voters.

When asked why Mills didn’t address Question 1 in her address, her aides pointed to Mills’ statement that she doesn’t “feel the need to speak to every question.”


WHAT’S ON THE BALLOT

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• Question 1: Capping contributions to certain political action committees
• Question 2: A $25 million research-and-development bond
• Question 3: A $10 million bond for historic buildings
• Question 4: A historic $30 million bond to repair and restore trails
• Question 5: At long last, Mainers could vote for a new state flag

Find more election coverage at pressherald.com/election-2024



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Callahan Mine site home to one of Maine’s earliest aquaculture projects

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The first restaurant to serve salmon raised in the flooded pit of the Callahan Mine Superfund site would be the historic Jed Prouty’s Inn and Tavern in Bucksport, biologist Bob Mant reported at a meeting of the Goose Pond Reclamation Society in the fall of 1972. 

About 3,800 of the 4,200 juvenile Coho salmon had survived the summer, said Mant, and roughly half had reached a marketable size of between 10 and 12 ounces.

The 350,000 oysters that had been seeded were also growing nicely, added Mant, and seemed unbothered by the high levels of zinc in the water, which were double those in nearby Blue Hill Bay.

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Mant’s experimental aquaculture project — one of the first of its kind in the state, along with an operation in Wiscasset — began just months after the last ore from the mine was extracted and the open pit was refilled with seawater.

Buildings on the site that once housed assay labs and mining equipment were now crammed with plastic trays of oyster spat and massive fiberglass vats containing thousands of salmon fry. The salmon and oysters would be started on land before being transferred to Goose Pond, where they would be suspended in nets and cages and grown to market size.

Not far from the experimental lab was the tailings pond, a massive pile of unwanted slurry at the mine site’s southern edge, on the banks of Marsh Creek. When it rained or snowed, heavy metals from the pile would leak into the creek and adjacent salt marsh — and into Goose Pond itself.

The idea for an aquaculture project in the former mine pit was the brainchild of Fred Beck, chief geologist for the Callahan Mining Corporation, who had been charged with overseeing the closure of the mine. Beck had recently traveled to Washington state, where he’d seen a pilot project run by Jon Lindbergh, son of the famous aviator Charles Lindbergh, growing salmon in Puget Sound.

“I thought that was kind of fascinating,” recalled Beck, sitting in his basement office in Yarmouth earlier this fall. “Why couldn’t the flooded open pit be used for doing net pen aquaculture, like they were doing out in Puget Sound?”

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A potential deposit

Tiny, bucolic Brooksville is an unexpected place for a Superfund site. With a year-round population of less than a thousand residents, the town is perhaps better known for being the setting for Robert McCloskey’s 1952 children’s classic One Morning in Maine, or as the homestead of Helen and Scott Nearing, the revered grandparents of the back-to-the-land movement.

Famed organic farmers and authors Eliot Coleman and his wife Barbara Damrosch still live nearby, growing hardy vegetables in unheated greenhouses through the unrelenting Maine winter. 

Perched on the northwest edge of Cape Rosier in the village of Harborside looking west into Penobscot Bay, Goose Pond spills out into Goose Cove, a small inlet nestled among some of Maine’s most staggeringly beautiful coastline.

Just across the water, with the tailings pond and bulldozers visible in the distance, birders have logged sightings of belted kingfishers, eagles, osprey, spotted sandpipers and hermit thrush. Walking paths thread their way through the woods on the pond’s eastern edge, now a 1,200-acre state park and nature sanctuary.

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Beck came to Maine after abandoning a planned sailing trip around the world when his wife learned she was pregnant not long after the couple departed Wales.

After first taking a job with the Maine Geological Survey, Beck initially went to work as a consultant for Callahan before being hired as the company’s regional geologist. He spent his days in an office in Blue Hill, poring over old surveys and mining records, searching for unexplored or abandoned deposits and reporting his findings to the company’s office in New York. 

Goose Pond was an obvious choice to go looking for a potential deposit, said Beck. The region had a history of mining going back to the late 1800s, and at one point was the state’s leading producer of base metals, with two mines, a smelter and even a stock exchange operating in Blue Hill. 

The zinc and copper deposits in Harborside were discovered in the early 1880s. The Harborside Copper Mine, as it became known, produced around 10,000 tons of ore from three underground shafts between 1881 and 1883. The ore was barged across the bay to Castine, where they were piled on a dock and periodically picked up by coastal schooners to be brought to smelters in the south. 

But metal prices faltered, and the boom was over almost as quickly as it began, with a final shipment of copper from the Douglass Mine in Blue Hill in 1918 marking the end of base metal mining in Maine for decades. The Harborside Copper Mine shut down in the late 1880s, and lay largely dormant until it was optioned by the Penobscot Mining Company of Toronto in 1956 and leased to Callahan a decade later.

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Digging in a tidal estuary

Callahan determined that the only way to make the deposit profitable would be to extract the metals in an open pit, dug below the pond’s surface.

According to Beck, who is writing a book about the history of the Callahan Mine, the company planned to fund the project with proceeds from its Galena silver mine in northern Idaho, at the time one of the nation’s most productive silver mining operations.

The state of Maine owned the land beneath Goose Pond, which meant Callahan would need permission to drain and excavate it. Four state agencies approved Callahan’s plans and the State Supreme Court also signed off, as did lawmakers and then-Maine Governor John Reed, citing a promise of jobs and a million dollars in annual payroll. The law declared the mine to be “of public interest to the state.”

The law required Callahan to “return the water to the aforesaid tidal estuary upon termination of mining,” but made no mention of any other reclamation or funds.

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A lease signed the following year between Callahan and the Maine Mining Bureau, the state agency responsible for permitting at the time, did require that the company work with the agency to rehabilitate the land. But the document had few details, requiring only that reclamation be “the subject of further discussion and negotiation between the parties.” 

No money or testing of the soils was required in advance, nor was the company required to take any precautions to ensure the waste rock in the tailings pile didn’t leach toxins.

“It did give us some good jobs for three or four years, and that was it,” said John Gray, who worked as an assayer at the mine when it was in operation and whose family has lived in Brooksville for generations. “And then — I don’t think we really realized how much damage was done.”

Nationwide, mining law at the time was in its infancy. Most regulations applied only to coal mines, which had seen a number of high-profile disasters over the years. It wasn’t until 1966, the year the Maine Legislature gave Callahan approval to drain the estuary, that Congress passed a law establishing procedures for developing safety and health standards for metal and nonmetal mines. It would be another decade before The Mine Safety and Health Act was passed.

Locals in Brooksville were largely supportive of the mine, said Gray, who still lives nearby. An electrician by trade, Gray took a job at the assayer for Callahan, submerging ground rock samples in chemical baths to coax the metals out in solution, then drying them under large heaters and reporting back to the mine manager. Assayers could turn around a sample in an hour, if necessary.

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“It was a pretty good job,” said Gray, akin to working at one of the larger paper mills. “It was not quite as good pay as that, but it was pretty good for the area.”

Not everyone was excited about the prospect of digging for heavy metals in a tidal estuary.

Opposition to the project was led by realist painter Albert Sandecki, who had purchased a summer home abutting the Callahan property in 1964.

In a letter shortly after the company began digging, Sandecki warned of the consequences.

“The future value of the entire area is jeopardized by the fact that the Callahan Corporation has not been required by state or local officials to provide a contract or performance bond to insure restorative measures,” Sandecki wrote.

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“It is common documented knowledge from other states that open pit mines present these problems, and there is no reason to assume that this project will be any different in its resultant destruction to scenery, wildlife, and future values of the area.”

‘That’s the way it was’

After getting approval from the state, Callahan quickly set to work constructing two dams — one at the mouth of the estuary to prevent the tides from entering and another at the head of the pond to divert the fresh water drainage from 1,600 acres of adjacent forest and salt marsh. In early 1968, the company drained the water and set about digging a pit that would ultimately descend 340 feet, covering nearly 10 acres of land.

It was evident early on that the mine was creating environmental problems. Without tidal currents to periodically scour the cove, silt was settling in the area below the pond, Beck wrote in a paper in 1970.

Residents began complaining of wells going dry in the area around the pond, or being infiltrated with saltwater. Tests of clams and other shellfish in the cove revealed higher than expected heavy metal content, but since the area had not been studied in advance, there was no established baseline. 

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 “It can only be assumed that the mine is one of the contributors,” Beck wrote.

Brooksville escaped the scourge of acid mine drainage, which can occur in base metal mines and devastate the surrounding environment, only because the metals in Harborside happened to occur in a matrix of talc carbonate, which immediately buffered any acid produced by the surrounding metals. But this was largely luck, as no testing was done in advance.

“In hindsight, of course, we see things that should have been done that weren’t by both government and industry,” said Beck.

“It’s required now by the [Maine Department of Environmental Protection] to do a lot of testing of soils, of water, of groundwater, surface water and so forth before you even dig a shovelful of dirt. But that wasn’t part of the equation back in those days. It’s too bad it wasn’t, but that’s the way it was.”

Callahan built settling ponds and a pipe to help disperse the silt and tried recycling the effluent water in the on-site processing mill, with the hopes of creating a closed system that could be a model for other underwater mines. The company also drilled new wells for those whose wells had gone dry, moving some away farther from the sea. 

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But the tailings pond, where unwanted slurry was dumped after metals were floated out, remained unlined on the bottom and open to the elements, allowing zinc and copper and lead to leach into the adjacent salt marsh and soils. Waste rock piles and ore processing areas had no protective lining underneath or caps on top, unthinkable under modern mining regulations.

“I’m sure there are people who think I’m an evil person,” said Beck, whose company, Maine Environmental Laboratory, now helps state agencies and nonprofits test soil and rocks for mineral content. 

“I’ve always been a strong environmentalist. Most geologists, I think, are,” he said. “Callahan, I think, did their best under the conditions that existed at the time.”

A new purpose

After operating for four years and extracting 5 million tons of rock (including 800,000 tons of valuable ore), Callahan shut down the mine in Harborside, having exhausted the deposit. The company attempted some revegetation of the site, hiring a landscape renewal specialist who experimented with a variety of plants, including zinc-tolerant red fescue grasses from Wales.

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But the plants struggled to take, said Beck, who had been given the unenviable task of managing the cleanup after the mine manager left for a job in Brazil. 

Maine had passed a law in 1969, a year into Callahan’s operation, requiring mining companies to post bonds and submit a comprehensive site rehabilitation plan before beginning mining operations. But Callahan had been grandfathered in and was thus not required to submit any reclamation money to the state. 

Callahan offered to remove the concrete dam and dredge the cove as part of the requirements of its mining lease, but state agencies initially refused, fearing that disturbing the area and allowing tidal flow would make any metal contamination worse.

Eventually, Beck said, the Department of Inland Fisheries and Wildlife agreed that part of the dam should be removed to allow for some tidal flow. Photos of the day the water flowed in show the sea cascading hundreds of feet into the mine pit, a towering, ephemeral waterfall. 

Once the pond had refilled, Beck wondered whether there was a way to repurpose the mine site. The minerals leaching into the pit from the mine site were sulfides, insoluble in seawater, meaning the water itself was free from toxic metals, which Beck and his team confirmed repeatedly with tests. He wondered whether salmon might do well in the pit’s deep, cold waters. 

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Bob Mant, a promising young biologist trained at Princeton University and at the University of Maine, agreed to head up the project, which he named Maine Sea Farms.

In 1974, two years after the mine closed, Callahan, which had initially backed the project, struggled to find additional investors, according to documents Beck gave to The Maine Monitor, and sold the site to Mant for $25,000.

The experiment became, for a time, the largest pen salmon operation on the eastern seaboard, handling millions of fish, according to testimony Bob’s wife Linda gave to Congress in 1977. The on-site laboratory equipment was repurposed to test for metals in the fish, and Mant hired two local men to help him run the operation. 

The salmon and oysters were repeatedly tested for heavy metals but found to have escaped contamination, likely because the minerals in which the metals occurred were insoluble in water, settling instead into the silt below, said Beck.

The fish were sold to restaurants as far south as Boston, said Beck, who ate a few of them himself. 

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But Mant was a better biologist than he was a businessman, said Beck, and struggled to keep the business afloat; Maine Sea Farms lasted just five years before going bankrupt. The equipment was sold off and the buildings eventually torn down.

For years after that the mine was mostly quiet, said Gray. People would walk through the site and pick up shiny pieces of ore, and children occasionally played on the tailings pond. 

“It was kind of fun,” said Gray, “And nobody seemed to get hurt, so it was pretty good.”

A cautionary tale

In 2002, three decades after the Callahan mine closed and after many years of testing, the Environmental Protection Agency designated the former mine and salmon farm as a Superfund site. Initially funded by taxes on petroleum and chemical companies, the goal of the Superfund program was to create a dedicated fund for cleaning up hazardous waste, even when a responsible party couldn’t be identified.

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Cleanup work began in Brooksville in 2011. Contaminated rock and soil was consolidated, and a new system was designed and constructed to manage the tailings. The tailings pond was stabilized and lined and a cover was installed to help prevent heavy metals from leaching out when it rains or snows. 

Drainage systems were installed and erosion controls put in place, and nearby properties were rid of soil contaminated with PCBs, which are thought to have stemmed from the dumping of electrical transformers on the land after Maine Sea Farms closed. 

In the intervening decades, Maine mining law changed dramatically. Companies are now required to conduct years of water and soil testing before applying for mining permits, and must set aside funds for reclamation in advance. It has been more than 40 years since the state has had any active metal mines, and many experts consider Maine to have the most stringent mining laws in the United States.

Those laws were written in large part out of a desire not to repeat what happened with Callahan. During discussion of the most recent mining law changes, which were approved earlier this year, proponents and detractors alike invoked Callahan as a cautionary tale.

The last phase of the cleanup, which the EPA announced in August, is expected to end in 2026 with a final cost of around $55 million, and will include dredging the mouth of the estuary at Goose Cove and covering a large pile of waste rock. 

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The site is now owned by Smith Cove Preservation Trust, a nonprofit based in Ohio. An officer of the trust, James Beneson, told The Weekly Packet in August that his family has been visiting the area for decades and would like to see the property reforested and restored “to some sort of wild state.”

Today the pond itself bears little evidence of the scar beneath its surface, apart from signs warning those looking to cool off in its waters to swim at their own risk. A pocket wetland has been reestablished near the tailings impoundment.

Visitors to Holbrook Island Sanctuary, which occupies the pond’s eastern shore, could be forgiven for not noticing the Superfund site at all, save for the occasional clink of bulldozers in the distance.

“Nature in many ways is remarkably resilient,” EPA representative Ed Hathaway told a crowd gathered in Brooksville this summer. “In many cases, if you remove the real toxic threats, nature will regenerate.”

This story was originally published by The Maine Monitor, a nonprofit civic news organization. To get regular coverage from the Monitor, sign up for a free Monitor newsletter here.

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