Northeast
Hunter Biden files and quickly withdraws motion for new trial in criminal gun case
Hunter Biden’s legal team filed and quickly withdrew a motion for a new trial on Monday, nearly a week after the first son was found guilty on all charges related to his purchase of a firearm in 2018.
Biden’s legal team, led by attorney Abbe Lowell, filed a motion in Delaware federal court on Monday morning requesting a new trial, arguing the court lacked jurisdiction as two appeals in the case are still pending.
“The Third Circuit [appeals court], however, did not then and has not yet issued its mandate as to the orders dismissing either appeal,” Lowell wrote in the filing. “Thus, when this Court empaneled the jury on June 3, 2024 and proceeded to trial, it was without jurisdiction to do so.”
The motion, however, was quickly withdrawn from a court document website, Reuters reported.
HUNTER BIDEN FOUND GUILTY ON ALL COUNTS IN GUN TRIAL
Many prominent reporters and pundits were supportive of Hunter Biden this week after the first son was found guilty on all counts by a Delaware jury. (AP Photo/Matt Slocum)
“The Motion for a New Trial (formerly DI 233) has been deleted at the request of counsel,” a note filed on a docket website reads, calling it a “correcting entry,” the outlet reported.
Biden was found guilty last Tuesday of making a false statement in the purchase of a gun, making a false statement related to information required to be kept by a federally licensed gun dealer, and possession of a gun by a person who is an unlawful user of or addicted to a controlled substance.
HUNTER BIDEN TRIAL ENTERS DAY 5 AFTER TESTIMONY FROM SISTER-IN-LAW-TURNED-GIRLFRIEND: ‘PANICKED’
Prosecutors worked to prove that Biden lied on a federal firearm form, known as ATF Form 4473, in October 2018, when he ticked a box labeled “No” when asked if he is an unlawful user of substances or addicted to controlled substances. Biden purchased the gun from a store in Wilmington.
A court sketch depicts Hunter Biden’s federal trial in Wilmington, Delaware, on Monday, June 10, 2024. (William J. Hennessy Jr.)
Biden pleaded not guilty in the case.
READ THE VERDICT
Biden has a well-documented history of drug abuse, which was most notably documented in his 2021 memoir, “Beautiful Things,” which walks readers through his previous need to smoke crack cocaine every 20 minutes, how his addiction was so prolific that he referred to himself as a “crack daddy” to drug dealers, and anecdotes revolving around drug deals, such as a Washington, D.C., crack dealer Biden nicknamed “Bicycles.”
Abbe Lowell, attorney for Hunter Biden, arrives at the J. Caleb Boggs Federal Building on June 4, 2024 in Wilmington, Delaware. (Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)
Lowell did not dispute Biden’s long history with substance abuse amid the trial, which also includes an addiction to alcohol. The defense instead argued that on the day Biden bought the Cobra Colt .38, he did not consider himself an active drug addict, citing the first son’s stint in rehab ahead of the October 2018 purchase.
‘LIKE A SON’: FORMER TOP BIDEN ADVISER WITH DEEP BUSINESS TIES TO CHINA SPOTTED INSIDE HUNTER BIDEN GUN TRIAL
Prosecutors, however, argued Biden was addicted to crack cocaine before, during and after he bought the handgun. Just one day after the gun purchase, prosecutors showed the court that Biden texted Hallie Biden, his sister-in-law turned girlfriend, to say he was “waiting for a dealer named Mookie.” A day after that text, he texted that he was “sleeping on a car smoking crack on 4th Street and Rodney” in Wilmington.
Hunter Biden arrives at federal court with his wife Melissa Cohen Biden on Monday, June 3, 2024 in Wilmington, Delaware. (AP Photo/Matt Rourke)
A jury of his peers deliberated for roughly three hours across two days before finding Biden guilty on each charge.
He will be sentenced later this year, though no date has yet been issued.
Biden faces a total maximum prison time of 25 years for the three charges. Each count also carries a maximum fine of $250,000 and three years of supervised release. Biden, however, is a first-time offender, making it unlikely he will face maximum penalties when he is eventually sentenced.
Fox News Digital reached out to Lowell’s office for comment regarding the withdrawn motion, but did not immediately receive a response.
Read the full article from Here
Pittsburg, PA
Analysis: Most Pittsburgh‑area communities are losing residents — here’s why that might be OK
Connecticut
Diesel fuel spill shuts two lanes on I-91 north in Wethersfield
WETHERSFIELD, Conn. (WFSB) – A tractor trailer’s diesel fuel saddle tank ruptured on I-91 north between exits 25 and 27, state police said.
Approximately 25 to 30 gallons of fuel was released to the road surface, according to the state Department of Energy and Environmental Protection. No ground soil or waterways were involved, DEEP said.
The two right lanes were closed, according to the state Department of Transportation.
No other vehicles were involved and no injuries were reported, state police said.
Wethersfield Fire Department solidified the diesel fuel on the ground surface with Speedy Dry, DEEP said. An environmental cleanup contractor was en route for cleanup.
Copyright 2026 WFSB. All rights reserved.
Maine
Local control is holding education back in Maine | Opinion
Scott A. Harrison, Ed.D., M.B.A., is a senior advisor at The Harrison Group, a consultancy based in Yarmouth.
Maine has long valued local control in education. That tradition reflects an important belief that communities should have a strong voice in shaping their schools. But local control should not prevent us from asking a harder question: Are there core functions that could be delivered more effectively through a single statewide framework?
One of the most important is educator evaluation and professional growth. Maine law already recognizes the importance of this work. Under Title 20-A, Chapter 508 (Educator Effectiveness), districts must implement performance evaluation and professional
growth systems that evaluate educators, assign effectiveness ratings and support
professional growth.
The law further requires superintendents to use those ratings to inform key human capital decisions, including recruitment, hiring, induction, mentoring, professional development, compensation, assignment and dismissal. In short, educator evaluation is not intended to be a compliance exercise. It is intended to be a primary lever for the continual improvement of teaching and learning.
In 2012, LD 1858 sought to advance that vision by giving districts broad flexibility to design their own systems. Districts could choose instructional frameworks, establish measures of effectiveness and determine how evaluators would be trained and calibrated. The goal was to balance local autonomy with professional accountability.
More than a decade later, however, the evidence suggests that flexibility alone has not produced consistent results.
My research involving 130 educators across four Maine school districts found only modest perceptions of performance evaluation and professional growth systems’ effectiveness.
On a four-point scale, average ratings ranged from 2.48 to 2.99. While educators generally agreed that districts provide individualized growth plans and can differentiate levels of instructional effectiveness, they rated several critical implementation areas notably lower, including instructional coaching, evaluator training, feedback quality, evaluator calibration and the use of evaluation data to inform professional learning and personnel decisions.
Although the sample was relatively small, the findings closely mirror what I have observed while working with predominantly rural Maine districts over the past decade.
The qualitative findings were equally revealing. Teachers and administrators described systems that are often cumbersome, inconsistently implemented and difficult to sustain. Educators reported spending significant time developing goals and documenting evidence, while administrators acknowledged that competing priorities frequently reduce evaluation to a compliance exercise rather than a meaningful opportunity for growth.
Participants cited insufficient training, inconsistent expectations, limited coaching support and weak connections between evaluation results and professional learning. Perhaps most significant, though not surprising given the realities of today’s schools, the primary obstacle appears to be not commitment, but capacity — the time, expertise and tools required to implement these complex systems with fidelity.
Designing and sustaining high-quality evaluation systems requires expertise in instructional leadership, observation and feedback, adult learning, professional development, data use and evaluator calibration. While some districts have built this capacity, many — particularly smaller and rural systems — have not. Even where expertise exists, time remains a major barrier.
Effective evaluation depends on regular observation, coaching, feedback and calibration. Yet for principals balancing instructional leadership with the daily demands of running a school, carrying out these responsibilities consistently can be extraordinarily difficult.
As a result, Maine has effectively asked more than 250 districts to independently build and maintain highly complex educator effectiveness systems. The outcome is predictable: uneven quality and implementation, and variable impact on teaching and learning.
This raises an important policy question: Should every district continue to design, train, calibrate and maintain its own evaluation system, or would educators and students be better served by a common statewide framework supported by regional and state expertise?
A statewide approach would not eliminate local control. Districts would continue to make decisions about hiring, staffing, curriculum, budgeting and school improvement priorities. Instead, the state would provide shared infrastructure: a common instructional and evaluation framework, validated tools, evaluator training, calibration supports, professional learning resources and implementation assistance.
The benefits extend beyond evaluation. A common framework would create stronger alignment across Maine’s educator pipeline. Colleges and universities could align coursework, clinical experiences and assessments to the exact same standards used in schools while sharing responsibility for educator success beyond initial placement.
Preparation programs, districts and the state would become partners in a continuous system of educator development, creating mutual accountability for results and a stronger return on Maine’s investment in teacher preparation.
Such alignment matters. As systems thinker Peter Senge observed, people working within the same system tend to produce similar results. If we want more consistent outcomes for students, we must pay closer attention to the systems shaping educator practice.
A statewide approach would not eliminate local control. Districts would continue to make decisions about hiring, staffing, curriculum, budgeting and school improvement priorities.
A common framework would establish a shared language and clearer expectations throughout the career continuum. It would also make continuous improvement easier. Rather than asking hundreds of districts to independently revise complex systems, the state could evaluate implementation, refine practices, share lessons learned and respond to emerging research. Educators have experienced too many short-lived initiatives that consume considerable time and effort before fading away.
A coherent statewide system would provide greater stability and more meaningful long-term improvement. The question is not whether local control matters. It does. The question is whether every district should be expected to independently build and sustain complex systems that require specialized expertise, significant resources and ongoing refinement.
If Maine is serious about improving outcomes for students, it should rethink which functions are best managed locally and which are better supported through statewide infrastructure. Educator effectiveness is one example. There are likely others.
In a previous op-ed here, I argued that Maine should reconsider whether teacher compensation is best negotiated district by district. The same question applies here. When critical human capital systems are essential to student success, a coherent statewide framework may be better positioned to advance equity, efficiency and effectiveness while preserving local decision-making where it matters most.
The goal is not less local control, but a smarter balance between local autonomy and statewide support — one that strengthens schools and improves outcomes for every student, regardless of geography.
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