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Volkswagen plans to close at least 3 German plants and cut thousands of jobs

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Volkswagen plans to close at least 3 German plants and cut thousands of jobs

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Volkswagen plans to shut at least three German plants, axe tens of thousands of jobs and slash pay by 10 per cent, the company’s top employee representative said on Monday.

The restructuring would mark the first closure of domestic plants in the company’s 87-year history and set up a battle with powerful unions and politicians in Germany, where VW has 300,000 employees.

VW’s management has warned that radical measures are needed as Europe’s largest carmaker faces intense competition in China, slowing sales across other major markets and the need to navigate the costly transition to electric vehicles. It recently issued its second profit warning in three months.

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Daniela Cavallo, the head of VW’s works council, on Monday told staff at the company’s main Wolfsburg plant that executives had two days to reverse its plans, as she hinted at future strikes.

She said chief executive Oliver Blume was “playing with the massive risk that . . . we will break off the talks and do what a workforce has to do when it fears for its existence”.

The works council represents VW employees and holds half the seats on the supervisory board.

The plants to be shut will come from 10 that mainly supply the carmaker’s core brand VW brand, according to a spokesperson for the works council.

VW first signalled in September that it was considering shutting German plants but analysts have remained sceptical given the strong opposition from politicians and the works council.

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Volkswagen employees gather outside the company’s Wolfsburg headquarters on Monday for an event held by the works council © Julian Stratenschulte/Getty Images

In a statement on Monday, Thomas Schäfer, the head of the company’s VW brand, said some of its German plants were twice as costly to run than those of rival carmakers.

“We are currently earning too little money from our cars,” he said. “At the same time, our costs for energy, materials and personnel have continued to rise. This calculation cannot work in the long term.”

VW declined to comment on the possible plant closures on Monday, referring to a previous statement that they cannot be ruled out.

Thorsten Gröger, chief negotiator at IG Metall, Europe’s largest union, warned that the cost-cutting would provoke “resistance of a kind it could never imagine”.

Politicians pointed to VW’s management for decisions that had contributed to the company’s current crisis. A spokesperson for the German government said Chancellor Olaf Scholz had been clear that “possible wrong management decisions in the past must not be to the detriment of employees”.

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The parliamentary group for Scholz’s Social Democratic party echoed that view, with Verena Hubertz, SPD’s spokesperson on economic policy, saying: “The workers shouldn’t have to take the rap if management makes the wrong decisions.”

She said Scholz would on Tuesday hold “confidential talks with business and the unions” over safeguarding jobs and “ensuring that future investments are made in Germany”.

The German state of Lower Saxony, a significant shareholder with control of 20 per cent of the voting rights, has previously said its priority is maintaining jobs and has often sided with the works council.

Matthias Schmidt, an independent car analyst, predicted that following negotiations with the works council and the unions in coming weeks VW would probably end up closing two plants. “They are using some type of political manoeuvring to get a deal they want,” he added.

Like German rivals Mercedes-Benz and BMW, VW faces falling profits in China as consumers cut spending and local brands such as BYD take market share.

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The German group, which reports its quarterly results on Wednesday, now expects an operating profit margin of about 5.6 per cent in 2024, down from its earlier forecast of 6.5 per cent to 7 per cent.

In a sign of the deepening pressures in the Chinese market, Porsche, which is majority owned by VW, on Friday reported a 41 per cent plunge in quarterly profits.

Additional reporting by Guy Chazan and Laura Pitel in Berlin

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What Threats Does My Vote Really Face?

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What Threats Does My Vote Really Face?

Poll workers verify your information and accept your ballot.

Fake or illegal votes are rare. Voting machines and staff can make minor errors accepting ballots, but there are checks to catch them. The real threat is the perception that fraud is a widespread problem, officials and experts say, if it keeps voters from turning out or fuels unrest.

Will poll watchers interfere?

Local Election Workers Count Votes

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Most use technology to count ballots and keep a paper record to audit them.

Will it be harder to vote by mail?

Most voters will have a seamless experience casting a mail ballot, but more of these ballots could be challenged in 2024. Some states adopted stricter rules after the 2020 surge in mail voting, such as tighter signature or ID requirements and shorter ballot return windows.

What about foreign interference?

U.S. security agencies say that foreign adversaries cannot alter our election results. Instead, they may spread false claims about the results that put election staff and their work at risk.

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Are election workers in danger?

Election administrators, who have faced a rise in personal threats since 2020, are preparing for protests, some by hiring security guards and installing panic buttons. Protests could put the timely counting of votes at risk.

After local officials review and certify results, states must finalize them by Dec. 11.

What if results are contested?

Recounts are automatic in some states if the results are close, and candidates and voters can petition or sue for a recount in others. Lawsuits contesting results or alleging fraud could delay the final tally in some places, though courts must move swiftly.

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Could officials refuse to certify?

County boards must certify their results once checks are complete. But since 2020, officials in at least 20 counties across eight states have voted to deny or delay certification, with many making false claims of fraud.

States can go to the courts to force boards to certify. It is unlikely, but a lengthy legal battle could prevent a state from certifying its results by the deadline, which could put the counting of its electors at risk.

The Electoral College chooses the president, based on state results. Electors meet on Dec. 17.

What about fake electors?

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The Electoral Count Reform Act, passed in 2022, makes clear that the state’s top election official must certify the electors pledged to the candidate who wins the most votes.

Attempts by Trump allies in 2020 to push officials to designate alternate electors in states where he lost would be near impossible under the new law.

Election officials and experts worry that false claims about fraudulent votes and electors could spark protests and put the electors’ ability to vote at risk.

Congress Performs the Final Count

On Jan. 6, a newly elected Congress meets at the Capitol to finalize the electoral votes, overseen by the vice president.

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Could they reject results?

It is possible that some members of Congress could object to a state’s certification of electoral votes. They would need support in both the House and Senate to challenge the results, and a majority of both chambers to reject them.

If no candidate wins a majority of electoral votes, the House would vote to choose the president.

Members of the public who object to the results could protest — as an angry mob did on Jan. 6, 2021 — to try to stop Congress from counting the electoral votes. The Department of Homeland Security has said it will ramp up security on Jan. 6.

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Minneapolis man accused of shooting neighbor arrested; chief says police ‘failed’ victim

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Minneapolis man accused of shooting neighbor arrested; chief says police ‘failed’ victim


“We failed this victim,” said Minneapolis Police Chief Brian O’Hara Sunday night. “He should not have been shot.”

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A Minnesota man suspected of shooting his neighbor while he was cutting a tree was arrested and charged early Monday morning. His neighbor reported him to police several times before the shooting, officials say.

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The suspect, John Herbert Sawchak, 54, is believed to have shot his neighbor, Davis Moturi, on Oct. 23 from inside his Minneapolis home while the victim was cutting a tree.

The victim reported Sawchak several times before, including after Sawchak is said to have threatened to shoot the victim if he touched the same tree he was cutting when Wednesday’s shooting occurred, according to Minneapolis Police Chief Brian O’Hara.

When Moturi’s wife got home, she believed her husband had suffered from a heart attack and Emergency Medical Services transported him to the hospital, O’Hara said during a press briefing Friday.

There, medical personnel discovered he’d been shot.

The victim could not remember what happened before he was found unconscious, including that fact that he was shot, O’Hara said. No witnesses were around at the time of the shooting.

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USA TODAY reached out to the Minneapolis Police Department. Sergeant Garrett Parten confirmed the victim’s name and directed USA TODAY to the press briefing on YouTube for the latest information.

Florida murder: Palm Beach County man, 21, faces murder charge in failed drug deal

Suspect arrested days later

Sawchak was arrested peacefully Monday morning after a SWAT operation that lasted several hours.

“Minneapolis Police exhausted all of our efforts to peacefully bring the situation to resolution (prior) to escalating the use of force with a SWAT team and special tactics,” said O’Hara.

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Sawchak was charged with the following felonies, according to the Hennepin County Sheriff’s Department:

  • Second-degree attempted murder
  • First-degree assault
  • Stalking
  • Harassment

The suspect is being held on a $1 million bail and is set to a court appearance on Tuesday at 1:30 p.m., according to the department’s arrest records.

Police chief apologizes

The victim had also reported his neighbor several times before the shooting and made several 911 calls regarding Sawchak. He also reported his neighbor before when he threatened to shoot him if he touched a specific tree, according to O’Hara.

“We failed this victim,” O’Hara said Sunday night. “He should not have been shot.”

When police responded to the calls, Sawchak refused to open the door and speak with officers, according to O’Hara.

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A lieutenant had gone to the suspect’s house over 20 times. The number does not include the times other officers have been called to the address.

This led to the lieutenant giving his phone number to the victim, said O’Hara. The lieutenant asked the victim to call him when he did see Sawchak leave his home.

High-risk warrant

Before Sunday night, police had concerns over an altercation and wanted to arrest the suspect where he did not have access to his firearms, but O’Hara said the man was a “recluse” and did not leave his house often.

The suspect, who O’Hara said was “mentally ill,” was known to possess firearms, had violent confrontations in the past and refused to cooperate in “the dozens of times that police officers have responded to the residence.”

The execution of the arrest warrant was deemed “high-risk.”

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“Based on our assessment, the likelihood of an armed, violent confrontation where we may have to use deadly force with the suspect in this case is high,” said O’Hara during a press briefing on Friday. “Prior to Wednesday, all we had was a threats warrant.”

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Toplines: October 2024 Times/Siena Polls of Registered Voters in Nebraska and Nebraska’s 2nd C.D.

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Toplines: October 2024 Times/Siena Polls of Registered Voters in Nebraska and Nebraska’s 2nd C.D.

How These Polls Were Conducted

Here are the key things to know about these polls from The New York Times and Siena College:

• Interviewers spoke with 1,194 voters in Nebraska, including 500 voters in Nebraska’s Second Congressional District, and with 1,180 voters in Texas from Oct. 23 to 26, 2024

• Times/Siena polls are conducted by telephone, using live interviewers, in both English and Spanish. Overall, more than 97 percent of respondents were contacted on a cellphone for these polls.

• Voters are selected for the survey from a list of registered voters. The list contains information on the demographic characteristics of every registered voter, allowing us to ensure we reach the right number of voters of each party, race and region. For these polls, interviewers placed about 210,000 calls to about 75,000 voters.

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• To further ensure that the results reflect the entire voting population, not just those willing to take a poll, we give more weight to respondents from demographic groups that are underrepresented among survey respondents, like people without a college degree. You can see more information about the characteristics of our respondents and the weighted sample at the bottom of the page, under “Composition of the Sample.”

• The margin of sampling error among likely voters for each poll is about plus or minus three percentage points. In theory, this means that the results should reflect the views of the overall population most of the time, though many other challenges create additional sources of error. When the difference between two values is computed — such as a candidate’s lead in a race — the margin of error is twice as large.

If you want to read more about how and why the Times/Siena Poll is conducted, you can see answers to frequently asked questions and submit your own questions here.

Full Methodology

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The New York Times/Siena College polls of 1,194 voters in Nebraska, including a poll of 500 voters in Nebraska’s Second Congressional District, and 1,180 voters in Texas were conducted in English and Spanish on cellular and landline telephones from Oct. 23 to 26.

The margin of sampling error among the likely electorate is plus or minus 3.2 percentage points in Nebraska, plus or minus 4.8 points in Nebraska’s Second Congressional District, and plus or minus 3.3 percentage points in Texas.

Sample

The survey is a response-rate-adjusted, stratified sample of registered voters taken from the voter file maintained by L2, a nonpartisan voter-file vendor, and supplemented with additional voter-file-matched cellular telephone numbers from Marketing Systems Group. The sample was selected by The New York Times in multiple steps to account for differential telephone coverage, nonresponse and significant variation in the productivity of telephone numbers by state.

In Nebraska, records were selected separately for the polls of Nebraska’s Second Congressional District and of the rest of the state. To adjust for noncoverage bias, the L2 voter file for each state was stratified by statehouse district, party, race, gender, marital status, household size, turnout history, age and homeownership. The proportion of registrants with a telephone number and the mean expected response rate were calculated for each stratum. The mean expected response rate was based on a model of unit nonresponse in prior Times/Siena surveys. The initial selection weight was equal to the reciprocal of a stratum’s mean telephone coverage and modeled response rate. For respondents with multiple telephone numbers on the L2 file, or with differing numbers from L2 and Marketing Systems Group, the number with the highest modeled response rate was selected.

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Fielding

The sample was stratified according to political party, race and region. Marketing Systems Group screened the sample to ensure that the cellular telephone numbers were active, and the Siena College Research Institute fielded the poll, with additional fieldwork by ReconMR, the Public Opinion Research Lab at the University of North Florida, the Institute for Policy and Opinion Research at Roanoke College, the Center for Public Opinion and Policy Research at Winthrop University in South Carolina and the University of New Hampshire Survey Center. Interviewers asked for the person named on the voter file and ended the interview if the intended respondent was not available. Overall, more than 97 percent of respondents were reached on a cellular telephone.

The questions were translated into Spanish by ReconMR. Bilingual interviewers began the interview in English and were instructed to follow the lead of the respondent in determining whether to conduct the survey in English or Spanish. Monolingual Spanish-speaking respondents who were initially contacted by English-speaking interviewers were recontacted by Spanish-speaking interviewers. In Nebraska, 14 percent of interviews (15 percent of the weighted sample) among self-reported Latinos were conducted in Spanish, and 12 percent of the interviews (20 percent of the weighted sample) were conducted in Spanish among self-reported Latinos in Texas.

An interview was determined to be complete for the purposes of inclusion in the questions about whom the respondent would vote for if the respondent did not drop out of the survey after being asked the two self-reported variables used in weighting — age and education — and answered at least one of the questions about age, education or presidential-election candidate preference.

Weighting (registered voters)

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The survey was weighted by The Times using the survey package in R in multiple steps.

First, the sample was adjusted for unequal probability of selection by stratum.

Second, each poll was weighted to match voter-file-based parameters for the characteristics of registered voters.

The following targets were used:

• Party (classification based on participation in partisan primaries) by race (L2 model), in Texas

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• Party (party registration) by a classification of how strongly partisan the respondent is based on a model of vote choice in prior Times/Siena polls, in Nebraska’s Second Congressional District

• Party (party registration), in the rest of Nebraska

• Race or ethnicity (L2 model)

• Age (self-reported age, or voter-file age if the respondent refused) by gender (L2 data)

• Education (four categories of self-reported education level, weighted to match Times-generated targets derived from Times/Siena polls, census data and the L2 voter file)

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• White/nonwhite race by college or noncollege educational attainment (L2 model of race weighted to match Times-generated targets for self-reported education in Nebraska’s Second Congressional District; L2 model of race weighted to match Times-generated targets derived from census data in Texas)

• Marital status (L2 model)

• Homeownership (L2 model)

• Turnout history (Times classifications based on L2 data)

• Method of voting in the 2020 elections (Times classifications based on L2 data)

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• State region (Times classifications)

• Census block group density (American Community Survey five-year census block group data), in Texas and the rest of Nebraska

• Census tract educational attainment, in Texas

Third, in Nebraska, the sums of the weights of the polls were balanced so that respondents in Nebraska’s Second Congressional District represented the proper proportion of the Nebraska poll.

Finally, the sample of respondents who completed all questions in the survey was weighted identically as well as to the result for the general-election horse-race question (including voters leaning a certain way) on the full sample.

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Weighting (likely electorate)

The survey was weighted by The Times using the R survey package in multiple steps.

First, the samples were adjusted for unequal probability of selection by stratum.

Second, the first-stage weight was adjusted to account for the probability that a registrant would vote in the 2024 election, based on a model of turnout in the 2020 election.

Third, the sample was weighted to match targets for the composition of the likely electorate. The targets for the composition of the likely electorate were derived by aggregating the individual-level turnout estimates described in the previous step for registrants on the L2 voter file. The categories used in weighting were the same as those previously mentioned for registered voters.

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Fourth, the initial likely electorate weight was adjusted to incorporate self-reported intention to vote. Four-fifths of the final probability that a registrant would vote in the 2024 election was based on the registrant’s ex ante modeled turnout score, and one-fifth was based on self-reported intentions, based on prior Times/Siena polls, including a penalty to account for the tendency of survey respondents to turn out at higher rates than nonrespondents. The final likely electorate weight was equal to the modeled electorate rake weight, multiplied by the final turnout probability and divided by the ex ante modeled turnout probability.

Finally, the sample of respondents who completed all questions in the survey was weighted identically as well as to the result for the general election horse-race question (including leaners) on the full sample.

The margin of error accounts for the survey’s design effect, a measure of the loss of statistical power due to survey design and weighting.

The design effect for the full sample is 1.27 for the likely electorate in Nebraska, 1.18 in Nebraska’s Second Congressional District and 1.32 for the likely electorate in Texas.

Among registered voters, the margin of sampling error is plus or minus 3.1 points in Nebraska, including a design effect of 1.23; plus or minus 4.8 points in Nebraska’s Second Congressional District, including a design effect of 1.21, and plus or minus 3.1 points in Texas, including a design effect of 1.19.

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For the sample of completed interviews, among the likely electorate, the margin of sampling error is plus or minus 3.3 points in Nebraska, including a design effect of 1.29; and plus or minus 3.4 points in Texas, including a design effect of 1.35.

Historically, The Times/Siena Poll’s error at the 95th percentile has been plus or minus 5.1 percentage points in surveys taken over the final three weeks before an election. Real-world error includes sources of error beyond sampling error, such as nonresponse bias, coverage error, late shifts among undecided voters and error in estimating the composition of the electorate.

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