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This synagogue calls itself 'anti-Zionist.' Here's what that means in practice
Sholom Sandalow reads from the Torah as Rabbi Brant Rosen watches on a Saturday morning Shabbat service with Tzedek Chicago, an anti-Zionist congregation.
Yonat Shimron
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Yonat Shimron
CHICAGO — Friday night Shabbat services at Tzedek Chicago have all the hallmarks of a typical service, with candle lighting and a rousing rendition of Lecha Dodi, a key hymn welcoming the Sabbath.
But this service also leads with a prayer for the people of Gaza, composed by Rabbi Brant Rosen: “In this moment of ceasefire,” a congregant reads, “let us remain steadfast in our solidarity with the people of Gaza who have resisted the relentless violence of genocide with bottomless wells of courage and resilience.”
For Rosen, solidarity with Palestinians has become a core Jewish value. He founded Tzedek Chicago — the word “tzedek” means “justice” in Hebrew — after breaking with the Zionism of his upbringing. For Rosen, the break came after a 2008 incursion by Israel on Gaza in which he felt that Israel was committing war crimes against the Palestinian people.
During a recent Shabbat meal, he talked about founding Tzedek as intentionally non Zionist.
“You know, in the very first sermon for the high holidays that I gave, I said that we have very clear core values and we’re very clear about what we stand for. And we’re not for everyone. And that’s okay. We actually stand for very specific values.”
Rabbi Brant Rosen (center) raises a glass of wine at a Friday night Shabbat dinner.
Yonat Shimron
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Yonat Shimron
A minority among Jews
Three years ago, Tzedek Chicago became explicitly anti-Zionist — meaning it does not support a Jewish nation-state.
That view is at odds with the vast majority of American Jews. According to a 2021 survey by the Pew Research Center, 80% of American Jews say caring about Israel is an important or essential part of what being Jewish means to them.
Most American Jewish congregations say a prayer for the State of Israel every Shabbat. Some proudly display the Israeli flag in their sanctuaries. They raise money to support Israel — more than $850 million since the October 7, 2023 attack by Hamas — according to the Jewish Federations of North America.
To these congregations, support for Israel is almost a religious tenet of American Judaism. Those who reject that tenet risk being cast out. Tzedek Chicago’s members talked about relatives who will no longer speak to them, of being fired or having to quit under pressure from previous jobs at Jewish organizations. Rosen himself was kicked off of the Chicago Board of Rabbis.
Fealty to Israel is ingrained in American Jewish culture.
“The narrative is that the world tried to kill us and Israel saved us — and it’s existential,” said Rosen. “And it’s not just a political issue. It’s not just an opinion. It’s life itself.”
Marjorie Feld, a historian at Babson College, just outside of Boston, explained the roots of that idea.
“A lot of American Jews live with that very sacred space inside of them for Holocaust consciousness,” Feld said. “And then a lot of those same people tie it to the necessity of unqualified support for Israel.”
But the war in Gaza, in which 46,000 Palestinians have been killed, according to Gazan officials, has led more American Jews to challenge that loyalty and to seek out places like Tzedek. Since the start of the war in Gaza, Tzedek has nearly doubled in size, to 430 households, many of them tuning in by Zoom from all over the world. It also meets once a month in person and offers weekly Torah study and a popular children’s program.
Palestinian rights as a Jewish value
Rosen estimates there are now some 30 other anti-Zionist congregations or prayer groups around the country. To them, basic equality and human rights are fundamentally Jewish.
“When it comes to Israel-Palestine, Jewish rights and Jewish life should be no more important or sacrosanct than Palestinian rights and Palestinian life,” Rosen said, “I get that from the Torah, and I get that from just being a human being of conscience.”
That message is especially appealing to younger Jews. Polls have shown a nearly 35 – 45 percentage point drop in support for Israel among Americans born after 1980 — highlighting a big generational divide.
Owen Howard is a 23-year-old graduate student at DePaul University who has been attending Shabbat services at Tzedek since September.
“We need to be able to decide for ourselves and not have that pushed down on us in a repressive way that we’re ostracized from the rest of Jewish society because we dared to question,” said Howard who is also president of DePaul’s Jews 4 Justice student group.
Children place stickers on a map showing where their ancestors are from at Tzedek Chicago’s Sunday family program.
Yonat Shimron
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Yonat Shimron
Communal resistance
Maya Schenwar, a Chicago based writer and editor, has been a member of Tzedek since it started 10 years ago. She now brings her son to the children’s program.
“For a while I felt like there was no congregation that I could belong to, where I could come and be my full self and feel dedicated to social justice, including solidarity with Palestine,” said Schenwar, 42. “When Tzedek began I felt like, OK, this is a place where I can actually live the Judaism that feels like who I want to be in the world.”
For Rosen and his congregation, being anti-Zionist means practicing a Judaism that is committed to a universalist vision of reconciliation and liberation.
This Shabbat, Rosen gave a short sermon on the importance of breathing freely, both for oneself and for others.
“The first step toward resistance and meeting the challenge of this political moment, I believe, is just taking a breath, learning how to breathe,” he said. “And then the answers will come. The relationships will be built. We will know where we need to be.”
The American Jewish community must now decide whether there is a place at the table for these new anti-Zionist spaces.
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Map: 4.9-Magnitude Earthquake Shakes Louisiana
Note: Map shows the area with a shake intensity of 4 or greater, which U.S.G.S. defines as “light,” though the earthquake may be felt outside the areas shown. The New York Times
A light, 4.9-magnitude earthquake struck in Louisiana on Thursday, according to the United States Geological Survey.
The temblor happened at 5:30 a.m. Central time about 6 miles west of Edgefield, La., data from the agency shows.
U.S.G.S. data earlier reported that the magnitude was 4.4.
As seismologists review available data, they may revise the earthquake’s reported magnitude. Additional information collected about the earthquake may also prompt U.S.G.S. scientists to update the shake-severity map.
Source: United States Geological Survey | Notes: Shaking categories are based on the Modified Mercalli Intensity scale. When aftershock data is available, the corresponding maps and charts include earthquakes within 100 miles and seven days of the initial quake. All times above are Central time. Shake data is as of Thursday, March 5 at 8:40 a.m. Eastern. Aftershocks data is as of Thursday, March 5 at 10:46 a.m. Eastern.
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Donald Trump has no ‘phase two’ plan for Iran war, says US senator
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Man accused of plot to assassinate Trump testifies Iran pressured him, says Biden and Haley were other possible targets
The allegation sounded like the stuff of spy movies: A Pakistani businessman trying to hire hit men, even handing them $5,000 in cash, to kill a U.S. politician on behalf of Iran ‘s powerful paramilitary Revolutionary Guard.
It was true, and potential targets of the 2024 scheme included now-President Donald Trump, then-President Joe Biden and former presidential candidate and ex-U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley, the man told jurors at his attempted terrorism trial in New York on Wednesday. But he insisted his actions were driven by fear for loved ones in Iran, and he figured he’d be apprehended before anything came of the scheme.
“My family was under threat, and I had to do this,” the defendant, Asif Merchant, testified through an Urdu interpreter. “I was not wanting to do this so willingly.”
Merchant said he had anticipated getting arrested before anyone was killed, intended to cooperate with the U.S. government and had hoped that would help him get a green card.
U.S. authorities were, indeed, on to him – the supposed hit men he paid were actually undercover FBI agents – and he was arrested on July 12, 2024, a day before an unrelated attempt on Trump’s life in Butler, Pennsylvania. During a search, investigators said they found a handwritten note that contained the codewords for the various aspects of the plot, CBS News previously reported.
Merchant did sit for voluntary FBI interviews, but he ultimately ended up with a trial, not a cooperation deal.
“You traveled to the United States for the purpose of hiring Mafia members to kill a politician, correct?” Assistant U.S. Attorney Nina Gupta asked during her turn questioning Merchant Wednesday in a Brooklyn federal court.
“That’s right,” Merchant replied, his demeanor as matter-of-fact as his testimony was unusual.
The trial is unfolding amid the less than week-old Iran war, which killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in a strike that Trump summed up as “I got him before he got me.” Jurors are instructed to ignore news pertaining to the case.
The Iranian government has denied plotting to kill Trump or other U.S. officials.
Merchant, 47, had a roughly 20-year banking career in Pakistan before getting involved in an array of businesses: clothing, car sales, banana exports, insulation imports. He openly has two families, one in Pakistan and the other in Iran – where, he said, he was introduced around the end of 2022 to a Revolutionary Guard intelligence operative. They initially spoke about getting involved in a hawala, an informal money transfer system, Merchant said.
Merchant testified that his periodic visits to the U.S. for his garment business piqued the interest of his Revolutionary Guard contact, who trained him on countersurveillance techniques.
The U.S. deems the Revolutionary Guard a “foreign terrorist organization.” Formally called the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the force has been prominent in Iran under Khamenei.
Merchant said the handler told him to seek U.S. residents interested in working for Iran. Then came another assignment: Look for a criminal to arrange protests, steal things, do some money laundering, “and maybe have somebody murdered,” Merchant recalled.
“He did not tell me exactly who it is, but he told me – he named three people: Donald Trump, Joe Biden and Nikki Haley,” he added.
In 2024, multiple sources familiar with the investigation told CBS News Merchant planned to assassinate current and former government officials across the political spectrum.
Merchant allegedly sketched out the plot on a napkin inside his New York hotel room, prosecutors said, and told the individual “that there would be ‘security all around’ the person” they were planning to kill.
“No other option”
After U.S. immigration agents pulled Merchant aside at the Houston airport in April 2024, searched his possessions and asked about his travels to Iran, he concluded that he was under surveillance. But still he researched Trump rally locations, sketched out a plot for a shooting at a political rally, lined up the supposed hit men and scrambled together $5,000 from a cousin to pay them a “token of appreciation.”
He even reported back to his Revolutionary Guard contact, sending observations – fake, Merchant said – tucked into a book that he shipped to Iran through a series of intermediaries.
Merchant said he “had no other option” than to play along because the handler had indicated that he knew who Merchant’s Iranian relatives were and where they lived.
In a court filing this week, prosecutors noted that Merchant didn’t seek out law enforcement to help with his purported predicament before he was arrested. He testified that he couldn’t turn to authorities because his handler had people watching him.
Prosecutors also said that in his FBI interviews, Merchant “neglected to mention any facts that could have supported” an argument that he acted under duress.
Merchant told jurors Wednesday that he didn’t think agents would believe his story, because their questions suggested “they think that I’m some type of super-spy.”
“And are you a super-spy?” defense lawyer Avraham Moskowitz asked.
“No,” Merchant said. “Absolutely not.”
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