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The uninsurable world: how the market fell behind on climate change

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The uninsurable world: how the market fell behind on climate change

Half a century ago, one of the world’s leading reinsurers published a paper on floods, referencing ancient diluvial stories such as the Mesopotamian epic of Gilgamesh, and urged better monitoring of “climatic variations”.

The 1970s paper by Munich Re, now the largest in the industry, pointed to global warming, polar melt and other environmental shifts as needing further study, “especially as — as far as we know — its conceivable impact on the long-range risk trend has hardly been examined to date”.

Today, the effect of climate change fuelling natural catastrophes such as floods and wildfires is evident, and insurance companies are scrambling.

The industry has been alert to the threat for decades. Yet executives have been spooked by the surge in extreme weather events, creating a property insurance crisis in some parts of the world. 

The sector has been rocked four years in a row as natural catastrophe losses topped $100bn. Even in 2023, a quiet year for hurricanes, there were a record-breaking 37 separate events costing at least $1bn in losses.

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“Very clearly the [insurance industry’s] models are not working,” said Lindsay Keenan, EU co-ordinator at campaign group Insure Our Future. “I’m amazed how they have managed to blag the regulators with their rhetoric that ‘It’s all OK, we have models for that’ over the years, and still today.” 

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Reinsurers took heavy losses before sharply tightening their terms two years ago, putting extra pressure on primary insurers. US property and casualty insurers incurred more than $20bn in underwriting losses in both 2022 and 2023, according to rating agency AM Best. State Farm, the biggest US home insurer, suffered a net loss of more than $6bn in both years. It has since paused new business in California and will not renew tens of thousands of policies.

Veteran industry executives have voiced their concerns about the battle to keep up with climate effects.

William Berkley, the founder and executive chair of insurer WR Berkley Corporation, challenged fellow executives recently about their response to a changing climate that “doesn’t follow” historic patterns.

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“It doesn’t seem like we are changing fast enough for the pace of change we have to adjust to,” Berkley told a gathering at New York University in April.

Insurance models “struggle to factor, with any precision, the probabilities that are accruing from climate change”, said Paula Jarzabkowski, an expert on risk at the University of Queensland. “I suspect that factoring climate risk into underwriting models is adding an uncertainty factor to premiums.”

Industry figures who spoke to the Financial Times identified a few reasons why the sector had fallen behind the curve.

A key issue was the one-year term of insurance policies — the question of whether to insure or reinsure a property or postcode for the coming year only — with little incentive to take a longer-term view. 

Adopting a conservative approach to climate threats also risked the loss of business or driving up capital requirements, some argued.

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“The individual insurance companies look at this and say ‘there is very little advantage to us’ . . . being a leader in this area,” said one insurance expert, speaking privately.

This feeds into a second charge made by some: the risk models provided by the very biggest groups, Verisk and Moody’s RMS, were slow to reflect the effect that accelerating climate change was having on day-to-day losses.

Their priority was to gauge “peak perils”, such as hurricanes, that can cause calamitous losses that can bring the sector to its knees, rather than “secondary perils” such as wildfires and storms, which may have a lesser individual cost — until they begin to widen and cascade.

Big risk modellers reject the idea that they did not focus enough on secondary perils. Jay Guin, chief research officer for extreme event solutions at Verisk, said the company had “been offering models for secondary perils for over 20 years and has made significant investments”. 

But it was not until the 2017-18 wildfire losses in California that the whole industry began to take a “more critical look” at such events, Guin said. “We have improved most aspects of the model and have accounted for the impact of climate change.”

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Executives describe an industry that is now recalibrating the threat from fires and floods. “Everyone has been surprised [by the surge in secondary perils]. It’s a fair criticism that we fell behind,” said Christian Mumenthaler, the departing chief executive of reinsurer Swiss Re.

He said it had been very difficult to predict how global warming would feed through to the cost of localised events, such as floods, which might affect one building on a street but not another.

Bar chart of Home insurance premiums ($bn) in state-backed schemes showing State insurers of last resort grow

Julie Serakos, head of the model product management team at Moody’s RMS, cited other complicating factors such as population growth in vulnerable regions and inflation in payouts. “There’s just more exposure to these types of events.”

Investment has now poured into new software tools and expertise that allow insurers to develop a longer-term view of climate effects.

Despite these efforts to catch up, however, the risk remains that the models will not fully reflect the catastrophic outcomes.

“As scientific evidence on climate change accumulates, you typically find the risks are higher in the new risk assessments compared to the previous one,” said Wim Thiery, a climate scientist at Vrije Universiteit Brussel.

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Scientists have also been unnerved by an unprecedented stretch of record heat over land and sea over the past year. Global average temperatures surpassed the 1850-1900 average by 1.61C in the 12 months to April.

Members of the UK’s Institute and Faculty of Actuaries argued in a recent report with University of Exeter scientists that more attention should be paid to the risk that extreme climate scenarios could be made more likely by a series of atmospheric and physical feedback loops, including the collapse of ice sheets. These tipping points would add even more guesswork to the modelling.

“It’s product recall time for some of these models, things are moving more quickly [than predicted] . . . we need to move on to the next generation of climate scenarios,” said Sandy Trust, head of organisational risk at British fund manager M&G, and a co-author of the report.

Another issue is how the consensus models developed by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the UN body of scientists, are interpreted by the private sector.

Scientists and actuaries “are sailing past each other like ships in the night despite the fact they are using the same language of climate risk”, said Kris de Meyer, head of the UCL climate action unit. 

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The scientific method focuses on the most likely outcomes within the full range of scenarios. The insurance world, conversely, aims to forecast the worst case, however unlikely, to avoid fluke events.

The response from the all-important reinsurance sector has been to draw back from covering secondary perils and to push up prices for primary insurers, who have passed them on to consumers. Greater numbers of property owners are relying on state-backed insurers as a last resort.

Most in the industry expect a continuation of that trend. “The reality is that climate change is essentially a slowburn,” said Steve Bowen, chief science officer at reinsurance broker Gallagher Re. “The general trend [in losses] is going to continue to go up.”

This is the second article in an FT series about the consequences of climate change on insurance. Read part one here.

Climate Capital

Where climate change meets business, markets and politics. Explore the FT’s coverage here.

Are you curious about the FT’s environmental sustainability commitments? Find out more about our science-based targets here

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Trump Says Israel and Lebanon Agree to Extend Cease-Fire by Three Weeks

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Trump Says Israel and Lebanon Agree to Extend Cease-Fire by Three Weeks

President Trump announced a three-week extension of a cease-fire between Israel and Lebanon that had been set to expire in a few days, after hosting a meeting between Israeli and Lebanese diplomats at the White House on Thursday.

Hezbollah, the Iranian-backed militant group that has been attacking Israel from southern Lebanon, did not have representatives at the meeting and did not immediately comment on the announcement. The prime minister of Israel and the president of Lebanon also did not comment.

A successful peace agreement would hinge upon Hezbollah halting attacks, which Lebanon’s government has little power to enforce because it does not control the militia. Lebanon’s military has mostly stayed out of the fighting and is not at war with Israel.

The cease-fire, which was scheduled to end on April 26, would last until May 17 if it takes effect as Mr. Trump described it. Before the cease-fire was brokered last week, nearly 2,300 people were killed in Lebanon and 13 in Israel. Since then, the number of Israeli airstrikes and Hezbollah attacks have been dramatically reduced, though the two sides have continued exchanging fire.

The Lebanese Ambassador to the United States, Nada Hamadeh, credited Mr. Trump for extending the cease-fire, saying that “with your help and support, we can make Lebanon great again.” Mr. Trump replied, “I like that phrase, it’s a good phrase.”

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Asked about the potential of a lasting peace agreement between Israel and Lebanon, Mr. Trump said that “I think there’s a great chance. They are friends about the same things and they are enemies on the same things.”

But Lebanon and Israel have periodically been at war since Israel’s founding in 1948. Israel has invaded Lebanon for the fifth time since 1978, incursions that have destabilized the country and the delicate balance of power between Muslim, Christian and Druze communities.

In the hours before the president’s announcement on social media, Israel and Hezbollah were trading attacks in southern Lebanon, testing the existing cease-fire.

Mr. Trump said the meeting at the White House had been attended by high-ranking U.S. officials, including Vice President JD Vance, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and the U.S. ambassadors to Israel and Lebanon.

Earlier on Thursday, an Israeli strike near the southern Lebanese city of Nabatieh killed three people, according to Lebanon’s health ministry. Hezbollah claimed three separate attacks on Israeli troops who are occupying southern Lebanon, though none were wounded or killed.

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Hezbollah set off the latest round of fighting last month by attacking Israel soon after the start of the U.S.-Israeli bombing campaign in Iran. Israel responded to Hezbollah’s attacks by launching airstrikes across Lebanon and widening a ground invasion of the country’s south.

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U.S. soldier charged with suspected Polymarket insider trading over Maduro raid

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U.S. soldier charged with suspected Polymarket insider trading over Maduro raid

Smoke rises from Port of La Guaira in Venezuela on Jan. 3, 2026 after U.S. forces seized the country’s president, Nicolas Maduro and his wife.

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Federal prosecutors on Thursday unsealed an indictment against a U.S. Army soldier, accusing him of using his insider knowledge of the clandestine military operation to capture Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro in January to reap more than $400,000 in profits on the popular prediction market site Polymarket.

The Justice Department says Gannon Ken Van Dyke, 38, who was stationed at Fort Bragg, in North Carolina, was part of the team that planned and carried out the predawn raid in Caracas earlier this year that resulted in the apprehension of Maduro.

The Department of Justice and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission filed the actions against Van Dyke, the first time U.S. officials have leveled criminal charges against someone over prediction market wagers.

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According to the indictment, Van Dyke now faces counts of wire fraud, commodities fraud, misusing non-public government information and other charges.

Trading under numerous usernames including “Burdensome-Mix,” Van Dyke allegedly traded about $32,000 on the arrest of Maduro, resulting in profits exceeding $400,000.

“Prediction markets are not a haven for using misappropriated confidential or classified information for personal gain,” said U.S. Attorney Jay Clayton for the Southern District of New York. “Those entrusted to safeguard our nation’s secrets have a duty to protect them and our armed service members, and not to use that information for personal financial gain.”

Van Dyke’s defense lawyer is not yet publicly known. Polymarket did not return a request for comment.

The charges against Van Dyke come at a sensitive time for the prediction market industry, which has been growing exponentially, despite calls in Washington and among state leaders for the sites to be reined in.

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Van Dyke is the first to be charged in the U.S. for suspected Polymarket insider trading, but Israeli authorities in February arrested several people and charged two on suspicion of using classified information to place bets about military operations in Iran on Polymarket.

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Senate Adopts GOP Budget, Laying the Groundwork to Fund ICE and Reopen DHS

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Senate Adopts GOP Budget, Laying the Groundwork to Fund ICE and Reopen DHS

The Senate early Thursday morning adopted a Republican budget blueprint that would pave the way for a $70 billion increase for immigration enforcement and the eventual reopening of the Department of Homeland Security.

Republicans pushed through the plan on a nearly party-line vote of 50 to 48. It came after an overnight marathon of rapid-fire votes, known as a vote-a-rama, in which the G.O.P. beat back a series of Democratic proposals aimed at addressing the high cost of health care, housing, food and energy. The debate put the two parties’ dueling messages on vivid display six months before the midterm elections.

Republicans, who are using the budget plan to lay the groundwork to eventually push through a filibuster-proof bill providing a multiyear funding stream for President Trump’s immigration crackdown, used the all-night session to highlight their hard-line stance on border security, seeking to portray Democrats as unwilling to safeguard the country.

Democrats tried and failed to add a series of changes aimed at addressing cost-of-living issues, seizing the opportunity to hammer Republicans as out of touch with and unwilling to act on the concerns of everyday Americans.

Here’s what to know about the budget plan and the nocturnal ritual senators engaged in before adopting it.

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The budget blueprint is a crucial piece of Republicans’ plan to fund the Department of Homeland Security and end a shutdown that has lasted for more than two months. After Democrats refused to fund immigration enforcement without new restrictions on agents’ tactics and conduct, the G.O.P. struck a deal with them to pass a spending bill that would fund everything but ICE and the Border Patrol. Republicans said they would fund those agencies through a special budget bill that Democrats could not block.

“We can fix this with Republican votes, and we will,” said Senator Lindsey Graham, Republican of South Carolina and the Budget Committee chairman. “Every Democrat has opposed money for the Border Patrol and ICE at a time of great peril.”

In resorting to a new budget blueprint, Republicans laid the groundwork to deny Democrats a chance to stop the immigration enforcement funding. But they also submitted themselves to a vote-a-rama, in which any senator can propose unlimited changes to such a measure before it is adopted.

The budget measure now goes to the House, which must adopt it before lawmakers in both chambers can draft the legislation funding immigration enforcement. That bill will provide yet another opportunity for a vote-a-rama even closer to the November election.

Democrats took to the floor to criticize Republicans for supercharging funding for federal immigration enforcement rather than moving legislation that would address Americans’ concerns over affordability.

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“This is what Republicans are fighting for,” said Senator Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York and the Democratic leader. “To maintain two unchecked rogue agencies that are dreaded in all corners of this country instead of reducing your health care costs, your housing costs, your grocery costs, your gas costs.”

Democrats offered a host of amendments along those lines, all of which were defeated by Republicans — and that was the point. The proposals were meant to put the G.O.P. in a tough political spot, showcasing their opposition to helping Americans afford high living costs. Fewer than a handful of G.O.P. senators crossed party lines to support them.

The G.O.P. thwarted an effort by Mr. Schumer to require that the budget measure lower out-of-pocket health care costs for Americans. Two Republicans who are up for re-election this year, Senators Susan Collins of Maine and Dan Sullivan of Alaska, voted with Democrats, but the proposal was still defeated.

Republicans also squelched a move by Senator Ben Ray Lujan, Democrat of New Mexico, to create a fund that would lower grocery costs and reverse cuts to food aid programs that Republicans enacted last year. Ms. Collins and Mr. Sullivan again joined Democrats.

Also defeated by the G.O.P.: a proposal by Senator John Hickenlooper, Democrat of Colorado, to address rising consumer prices brought on by Mr. Trump’s tariffs and the war in Iran; one by Senator Edward J. Markey, Democrat of Massachusetts, to require the budget measure to address rising electricity prices, and another by Mr. Markey to create a fund to bring down housing costs.

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Senator Jon Ossoff, a Democrat who is up for re-election in Georgia, also sought to add language requiring the budget plan to address health insurance companies denying or delaying access to care, but that, too was blocked by Republicans.

While Republicans had fewer proposals for changes to their own budget plan, they also sought to offer measures that would underscore their aggressive stance on immigration enforcement and dare Democrats to vote against them.

Mr. Graham offered an amendment to allocate funds toward a deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to the apprehension and deportation of adult immigrants convicted of rape, murder, or sexual abuse of a minor after illegally entering the United States. It passed unanimously.

Senator Josh Hawley, Republican of Missouri, sought to bar Medicaid payments to Planned Parenthood, which provides abortion and other services, and criticized the organization for providing transgender care to minors. Senator John Kennedy, Republican of Louisiana, also attempted to tack on the G.O.P. voter identification bill, known as the SAVE America Act. Both proposals were blocked when Democrats, joined by a few Republicans, voted to strike them as unrelated to the budget plan.

The Republicans who crossed party lines to oppose their own party’s proposals for new voting requirements were Ms. Collins along with Senators Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Thom Tillis of North Carolina.

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Ms. Collins and Ms. Murkowski also opposed the effort to block payments to Planned Parenthood.

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