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One voted Biden. One picked Trump. It's a tale of two counties in pivotal Wisconsin
Located less than an hour outside Madison, Wisc., Columbia county has both city commuters and people in more rural, small towns. Portage, with a population of around 10,000, is the largest town in the county.
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Located less than an hour outside Madison, Wisc., Columbia county has both city commuters and people in more rural, small towns. Portage, with a population of around 10,000, is the largest town in the county.
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On a recent Tuesday morning in Portage, Wis., Sharon Wade tended to her craft and antique furnishing shop. Standing in front of a wall lined with color-coded paints, she helped a friend find the correct tools to spruce up an old dresser.
“You’re going to be fine, Sandy! I promise you,” Wade laughed, as she unwrapped a new paintbrush. “You know you can call me if you need to.”
Her store sits within Columbia County, a county less than an hour outside of Madison. Despite some loyal customers, Wade said business has slowed over the past year.
“It’s been difficult to see people come in, that were regulars before that bought, and now they just come in to look,” she said, addressing rising prices in town. “I don’t blame them, you get in that situation where you have to buy things that you need, not necessarily what you want.”
Protecting her business drives her vote. After supporting former President Barack Obama in both 2008 and 2012, she then backed former President Donald Trump twice in 2016 and 2020. Now, she plans to vote for President Biden, arguing Trump’s legal woes are a deal breaker for her.
Sharon Wade runs a store in downtown Portage, Wisc., that specializes in antique and vintage furnishings, and handcrafted gifts.
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Sharon Wade runs a store in downtown Portage, Wisc., that specializes in antique and vintage furnishings, and handcrafted gifts.
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“I just feel like there’s so much going on with his life that how can he focus on our country,” she said. “We need someone who’s going to be dedicated to what’s happening for us.”
Wade’s voting history mirrors Columbia County – known as a pivot county – one of several in the state that voted twice for Obama and then flipped to Trump in 2016.
In 2020, Trump won Columbia by just under two percentage points. But in neighboring Sauk County, he lost by about the same margin.
Both counties – made up of mid-size towns and rural areas outside the capital city – may be potential indicators of which candidate could win the state this year. But less than six months out, many voters remain divided and polarized, leaving little room for outliers to make up their minds.
Jen Gamblethomas sat in a coffee shop in Baraboo, the largest town in Sauk County.
“I think that everybody that I know knows who they’re voting for,” said Gamblethomas, a Democrat who works with a local veterinarian in town.
“People have solidified what their values are and what they’d like to see happen,” she added. “I think everybody’s holding true to where they stand.”
Mark Kolloway sat a few tables away from Gamblethomas. The real estate investor supports Trump and actually moved from Illinois to Wisconsin in part because of the split nature of the state.
“I like the fairness of it,” he said. “At least here, it’s a flip of a coin.”
A statewide ground game
Both the Biden and Trump teams are working alongside the state-wide parties to put staff on the ground in Wisconsin. But in a state that Biden won by just under 21,000 votes four years ago and Trump carried in 2016 by nearly the same margin, its political nature is not lost on either party.
“Wisconsin is the land of the nail-biter,” explained Ben Wikler, the chair of the state’s Democratic Party.
Wikler has seen the state through a series of major wins, including Biden’s victory in 2020. And he’s keen on delivering Biden’s message this year with what he’s calling “surround sound,” with both in-person and online outreach.
“Regardless of who’s going to win in a county and by how much, the real question is how many voters are out there that we have not connected with yet,” he said. “That is work that we can only really do by showing up and talking to people and meeting them where they are and listening to them. And you have to do that far out from Election Day.”
Brian Schimming, the chair of the Wisconsin Republican Party, said pivot counties like Columbia and Sauk are his party’s targets this year. Like Democrats, he’s keen on reaching out to new and nonvoters who could make a difference in a competitive county and state. That said, first-time voters in Wisconsin overwhelmingly voted for Biden four years ago – aligning with national trends.
“It’s a major – if not the major opportunity for us,” he explained. “If I can get them to vote early, that is also good. So we’re trying some things around here that might not necessarily be expected of Republicans.”
Schimming’s emphasis on early voting is a shift that the RNC has taken over the past year, a notable move given Trump’s previous comments disparaging it, though Trump has recently pivoted on the subject and begun promoting early voting on social media.
“If I’m able to go talk… five, eight, 10% of Republicans in this state [into] voting early – like up to two weeks early,” Schimming explained, “I can then take the resources I save because I got those people to go vote and spend them on those swing voters or the new voters.”
Local organizers are pushing the issues
A plastic Christmas tree standing at least 10 feet tall and decked out with red, white and blue ornaments graces the front entrance of a repurposed bank in Rock Springs, Wisc., population 300. The walls are lined with campaign posters, and a sign reading “God Bless America” is hung on the original, heavy bank vault door.
The bank serves as the headquarters for the Republican Party of Sauk County, which has made it a tradition to gather every Thursday at 9 am for coffee.
A family member of the Republican Party of Sauk County offered up the refurbished bank in Rock Springs to serve as the group’s headquarters.
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A family member of the Republican Party of Sauk County offered up the refurbished bank in Rock Springs to serve as the group’s headquarters.
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“Sauk County is a national bellwether,” said County Chairman Jerry Helmer as a dozen people sat around tables in the bank. “It’s not red, it’s not blue, it’s purple.”
Sauk has been somewhat of a bellwether since 2008, correctly voting for the winning presidential candidate since President Obama’s first run.
“I see that the Republicans are more excited and more wound up than I have ever seen them,” he added.
Members of the group said the election is in part a referendum on Biden’s policies, notably his handling of issues like immigration and the economy, topics the county party brings up with voters.
“People now have seen the alternative. They’ve seen what Biden has done. They’ve seen what the Democrats are doing. They’ve seen the impact,” said member Gordon Statz.
“To me, Joe Biden is doing more campaigning for Trump than Trump is for himself,” he added.
Gordon Statz, a retired quality manager at an automotive company, is the treasurer of the Republican Party of Sauk County. He said he feels optimistic about former President Trump’s chances this fall.
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Gordon Statz, a retired quality manager at an automotive company, is the treasurer of the Republican Party of Sauk County. He said he feels optimistic about former President Trump’s chances this fall.
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Democrats in the county say they too know the stakes. When organizer Judy Brey goes out canvassing, she hears many of the same issues from voters that the Republican organizers also raised.
“The border and immigration and cost of living. Over and over and over again,” she said, sipping coffee around a table with a few members of the Sauk County Democrats. “They say our president is doing nothing about it. I’m not going to vote for him.”
“But that’s what our job is,” Susan Knower, the chair of the group, cut in. “Those low-information voters, those are the ones that we have to make sure that we’re contacting,” she added.
The group said they’re hoping to engage with voters over a handful of top issues, notably protecting access to abortion — a topic that Knower argued can bring in more women and younger voters.
Democrats have been successful in highlighting the issue in recent off-year elections. Just last spring Wisconsin voters turned out in record numbers for a state supreme court race where safeguarding reproductive rights was a top priority of the winning candidate.
That said, Knower is worried about low levels of Democratic enthusiasm. Though she doesn’t expect large swaths of Sauk voters to flip to Trump, she’s concerned that Biden’s record has not resonated with his potential supporters.
Susan Knower, the chair of the Democratic Party of Sauk County, said the party needs to engage with voters around protecting abortion access and make a concerted effort to highlight President Biden’s policy wins.
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Susan Knower, the chair of the Democratic Party of Sauk County, said the party needs to engage with voters around protecting abortion access and make a concerted effort to highlight President Biden’s policy wins.
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“People don’t know that,” she explained, pointing to the president’s infrastructure bill and his work capping drug prices.
“Also if you’re not thrilled about Biden, you will be way less thrilled about another Trump administration,” she added. “And so you cannot sit home. And that’s got to be our message.”
Uncertain voters in an uncertain county
Politics was not on Marissa Flick’s mind while she ate lunch with her family at a diner in Baraboo. Sitting there with her 18-month-old son, she laughed off the idea of another Biden-Trump rematch.
“I’m not voting for that reason alone,” Flick said, who also works as a caretaker for her sister. “I feel like there shouldn’t be 80-year-old men running our country.”
Flick explained her mother advised her to vote for Biden in the 2020 race. This time, despite taking issue with some of Trump’s rhetoric, particularly on immigration, she feels disconnected from the whole race.
“I don’t really know what to look for,” she said. “Every time you see a video of someone, they’re always just bashing the other side, not saying … what they’re going to do to make the country better.”
The door isn’t fully closed, Flick said, explaining if someone provided her with good enough reasons, she would consider backing Biden again.
Kathleen Jahn, an artist in Portage who specializes in watercolor and pastel painting, said she’s not sure who she’ll vote for this election cycle.
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Kathleen Jahn, an artist in Portage who specializes in watercolor and pastel painting, said she’s not sure who she’ll vote for this election cycle.
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Back in Columbia County, local artist Kathleen Jahn is manning an art market in downtown Portage.
“Nobody’s grabbing my heart,” she said, standing near her section of the store which featured knitted items and framed watercolor paintings.
Despite supporting some of Trump’s policies, Jahn doesn’t trust him anymore. At the same time, she isn’t fully sold on Biden.
“He’s got a lot of good ideas. And he wants to help a lot of the people. But I think sometimes he’s not doing it in the correct way,” she said.
As a swing voter in a swing county in a swing state, she has a rule.
“I personally, when I get together with people, say we’re here to enjoy ourselves. We will not talk about politics or religion,” she explained, letting out a laugh as she added, “Sorry!”
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Michigan governor threatens to pull troops from D.C. if used for Trump task force
Members of the National Guard stand in front of a large image of U.S. President Donald Trump that hangs from the the Robert F. Kennedy Department of Justice Building on May 18, 2026 in Washington, D.C.
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WASHINGTON, D.C. — In a strongly worded letter to the head of Michigan’s National Guard, Gov. Gretchen Whitmer reiterated troops from her state are only to be used for operations surrounding America 250 celebrations in Washington, D.C., and not for President Trump’s long-running — and controversial — joint task force to fight crime. She said that she would pull her troops from the city if that is not the case, in the letter obtained by NPR.
“Please take all necessary measures to ensure the Michigan National Guard is only supporting the narrow and limited America 250 Mission and is in no way supporting the D.C. Safe and Beautiful Mission,” wrote Gov. Whitmer, referencing the official name for the federal task force.
Trump deployed hundreds of troops to Washington, D.C., in August of 2025, in what experts said was a stunning departure from governing norms. He said he did so to address rampant crime, despite declining crime rates at the time. The number of troops in the city has increased over time to more than 4,800 from Washington, D.C. and almost two dozen states, which until recently were exclusively Republican-led.
Michigan — which has 161 guard members currently in the city — is one of four Democratic-led states that sent members of their National Guard to D.C. in recent weeks, ahead of an influx of tourists for America 250 celebrations. North Carolina and Kentucky each sent one member of their guard, while Minnesota sent more than a hundred last week.
Kentucky confirmed to NPR Monday that it had recalled its one guard member over the weekend, after that member was “diverted to the task force by the federal government without the knowledge or consent of Gov. Beshear of the Kentucky Guard,” Scottie Ellis, a spokesperson for Gov. Beshear, wrote to NPR in an email.
When contacted by NPR, spokespeople for each respective Democratic governor’s office made it clear that their guard members were sent to help specifically with America 250, not for law enforcement purposes as part of the larger ongoing federal joint task force operation. All four states have been clear about their opposition to the Trump administration’s ongoing deployment of National Guard troops to D.C., filing an amicus brief in support of litigation challenging it as recently as May.
But in recent days, a video of troops identifying themselves as Michigan National Guard members patrolling the Georgetown waterfront — an upscale neighborhood more than a mile away from any official America 250 celebrations — began circulating on social media. NPR has authenticated the video. Whitmer’s office did not immediately respond to NPR’s request to verify that the troops were Michigan members.
All state guard members are currently in D.C. under Title 32 status, which essentially means that the federal government pays for the deployment, but the state governors maintain control and command of their troops. But former National Guard officials say it’s impractical for states to play a role in day-to-day activities in a complex national mission like what’s happening in D.C.
“If the National Guard has defined the America 250 Mission to extend beyond direct support for events celebrating the nation’s 250th anniversary, please let me know so we can ensure the Michigan National Guard’s efforts are carefully limited,” Gov. Whitmer’s letter reads.
It goes on to say that if that can’t be ensured, then Gov. Whitmer will “end Michigan’s support for the America 250 mission.”
Legal experts, like those at the Brennan Center for Justice who have closely been watching Trump’s ongoing deployment to D.C., worry that drawing a distinction between the America 250 celebration and the general mission of the joint task force in the city will prove difficult. The joint task force is largely carrying out high visibility presence patrols in residential neighborhoods, public parks and metro stations.
Troops from all four Democratic-led states are listed as part of the official federal joint task force numbers released to the public. Gov. Whitmer said the Michigan troops should not be included in that count.
The offices for other Democratic governors NPR reached out to about that list also said their guard members shouldn’t be included.
When asked about the confusion, a spokesperson for the joint task force told NPR that it is overseeing all guard members in D.C. for organizational purposes, but being on the list “does not change their specific mission.” The joint task force did not immediately respond to NPR’s request for comment as to why Michigan guard members were apparently in Georgetown, and if that was part of the America 250 operations.
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Senate Ethics Committee dismisses complaint against Sen. Ruben Gallego
Sen. Ruben Gallego, D-Ariz., walks out of the Senate chamber on Oct. 1, 2025.
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The Senate Ethics Committee has dismissed a complaint brought against Sen. Ruben Gallego involving allegations of campaign finance violations and potential sexual misconduct.
The allegations against the Arizona Democrat were brought to the committee in April by a fellow member of Congress, Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, R-Fla. But in a letter to Gallego dated June 26, the committee said it had uncovered no wrongdoing.
“Based on the investigation of the Committee, the Committee did not find evidence that your actions violated Federal law, Senate rules, or related standards of conduct,” the panel wrote.
The panel also said it appreciated Gallego’s “full cooperation” throughout the investigation.
Gallego welcomed the findings, saying in a statement that the dismissal “reaffirms what I have said about these accusations from the beginning: they were right-wing conspiracies peddled by far-right activists like Anna Paulina Luna, the White House, and their allies.”

“I look forward to an apology from Rep. Luna for weaponizing the ethics process while refusing to investigate historic corruption that’s making life harder for families,” he continued.
Whispers about potential misconduct by Gallego began to circulate in April following the resignation of Rep. Eric Swalwell, D-Calif. Swalwell stepped down in response to a swell of sexual assault and misconduct allegations. NPR has not independently verified the allegations against Swalwell, but he has adamantly denied them.
Swalwell and Gallego were close friends, and during Swalwell’s short-lived 2020 presidential campaign, it was Gallego who served as campaign chair.
In the immediate aftermath of Swalwell’s resignation, Gallego denied knowledge of any alleged history of sexual misconduct, though he acknowledged to reporters that their close friendship may have made it difficult for him to accept rumors about Swalwell and his behavior toward women.
“My friendship with him, our family’s friendship together with him, clouded my judgment, and I was wrong — I deeply, deeply regret that,” Gallego said.
Within days of the resignation, a cryptic post on social media by Luna sparked speculation about Gallego.
“It’s seems like the Senate has its own trash to take out. @LeaderJohnThune You need to look into the allegations against one of your Senators, it’s very disturbing. My chief will be contacting your chief,” she wrote.
The following day, Luna confirmed to CBS News she was referring specifically to Gallego.
Despite the dismissal by the ethics panel, Luna shot back at Gallego on Monday, writing on social media, “These are not conspiracy theories.”
“The good news about DC is everyone talks, and eventually the reporters come forward with your texts,” she said.
The allegations against Swalwell earlier this year brought on a fresh reckoning in Congress over the behavior of some of its male members — some 10 years after the #MeToo movement reshaped the conversation around sexual assault. Shortly after Swalwell resigned, so too did Rep. Tony Gonzales, R-Texas, who had previously admitted to an affair with a former staffer who later died by suicide.
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Native Americans celebrate victory at the Battle of Little Bighorn, 150 years later
Horse mounted riders circle atop a hill at the Battle of Little Bighorn National Monument, near Last Stand Hill, on June 25.
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CROW AGENCY, Mont. — Under the expansive Montana sky, hundreds of members and descendants of 19 tribal nations gather at one of America’s most famous battlefields. They’re here to watch as Native American riders on horseback charge onto the same land their ancestors did 150 years ago when they defeated the U.S. Army’s 7th Cavalry under the command of Lt. Col. George Armstrong Custer.
The riders race across the dry landscape — kicking up clouds of dust before circling at the top of a hill at Little Bighorn Battlefield National Monument. Some of them are wearing headdresses and regalia, others are wearing tank tops and T-shirts. Many of them are carrying their tribal flags in a show of unity — the same unity that made possible their swift victory on June 25, 1876.
“It was so important then, 150 years ago. … It’s important today still,” said Gaby Strong, who is Sisseton-Wahpeton and Mdewakanton. “Our victories are still possible.”

Custer’s goal was to force Native Americans onto reservations. After the 1874 discovery of gold in the Black Hills, Indigenous peoples living off reservations were directed to report to their U.S. field offices, called Indian Agencies, or be deemed hostile.
Native American leaders, including Crazy Horse and Sitting Bull, organized villages and tribes together in a resistance effort.
Several battles broke out in what is now Montana and South Dakota as military forces attempted to push remaining groups onto reservations.
“Crazy Horse, he went from band to band, leader to leader, to tell them about this idea of our relatives coming together for a much greater cause than themselves,” said Christopher Eagle Bear. He is Sicunga Lakota from the Rosebud Sioux Tribe.
In 1876, Custer was tracking a nomadic village of various peoples, including the Oceti Sakowin (Sioux), Cheyenne and Arapaho. Custer was tracking that camp with the help of about three dozen Arikara and Crow scouts. Scouting for the U.S. government was a common practice among many tribes.
Custer divided his forces of around 700 men into three columns, hoping to surround the village.
By June 25, the village had swelled to an estimated 8,000 people. Custer decided to attack early out of fear the allied tribes would disband and escape — a decision which proved to be a fatal mistake.
“It was early morning, they were camped. Then all of a sudden they’d seen Custer’s platoon coming over the ridge,” Eagle Bear said, recounting the battle known to the Lakota as the Battle of Greasy Grass.
Christopher Eagle Bear, 27, is the youngest tribal council member for the Rosebud Sioux Tribe. He said the commemoration was about reclaiming and celebrating their identity.
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“They say the battle lasted as long as it took you to make a cup of coffee and drink it,” he said.
Custer was outnumbered. By the battle’s end, 268 of Custer’s forces were killed, mostly U.S. soldiers. Custer was among those killed. On the other side, fewer than 100 Native Americans were killed, including women and children.
Custer’s crushing defeat sparked fear and outrage nationwide. The U.S. government responded by changing its approach to Indian policy, shifting to forced assimilation. Just three years after the battle, the first off-reservation federal Indian Boarding School opened in Carlisle, Pa. Hundreds more followed, beginning a century of abuse that attempted to erase Native ways of life.
“They realized that they couldn’t destroy us head on. … So after that, they did the next best thing that you could do to tear apart a nation, and that was take away the children,” said Eagle Bear.
Youth leaders hope to inspire the next generation
People are taking down tipis at an encampment along the Little Bighorn River during the 150th anniversary commemoration of the Battle of the Little Bighorn near Little Bighorn Battlefield National Monument. The encampment brought together tribal members from across the Plains for ceremonies, storytelling and remembrance.
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Eagle Bear is camping at the site of that historic village. To commemorate their victory, people from various tribal nations have set up their tipis here, and there is a council lodge in the middle of the camp.
Eagle Bear is here as one of the coordinators for the Rosebud Sioux Tribe’s camp, and he said he wants to set an example for the next generation.
“Someday from now, you know, the kids that are here today, they’re going to come together during the 200th anniversary and they’re going to talk about what they witnessed as kids,” he said. “My prayers are being answered every single day with the fact that these kids are here.”
Just feet away, a group of children are playing lacrosse with traditional sticks to the sound of drumming. And cooking for the camp are members of the Sicunga Youth Council.
“We’ve been planning this for roughly eight months now. So it’s very heartwarming to see everyone that actually showed up and that’s here,” said Ashlen Bonshirt, a member of the youth council.
“We did plan the lacrosse, and there’s yoga, and there are all these different amazing things for our youth,” she said. “But on the other side of it is the garbage, the showers — everything that is here, we had to plan for it.”
The camp is full of young people. School groups, youth councils and kids with their families are staying in tipis all around. Many of them are learning things about the battle that weren’t covered in school.
“I feel like a lot of it is whitewashed,” said 13-year-old Gianna Larocque-Mahto. She’s Dakota, of the Sisseton-Wahpeton Oyate, and she’s here with her grandmother.
“We didn’t get to learn about the Native people’s side, like the Dakota people’s side. We only got to learn from one perspective,” she said. “And I feel like that’s not fair. … I think it’s important that we learn from all different people’s perspectives and not just one person.”
Champion Marquez and his friend Elijah Wallowing pose in front of a tipi in the encampment.
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Gianna Larocque-Mahto rode her horse to the camp from nearby Busby, Mont., joining a group of other riders. They started their “Victory Ride” in Ashland, Mont., roughly 60 miles away.
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Eighteen-year-old Champion Marquez is Cheyenne. He’s also staying at the camp, and he’s been volunteering here this week — working security, helping elders and setting up tipis.
Marquez said the commemoration gives him hope for the future. “Hope that a bunch of new generations are going to learn about what happened at the Battle of Little Bighorn. Seeing all these kids having fun, playing with each other, all these events for them happening.”
“Seeing all this here just [reassures] that … we’re still here.”
A group of children from different tribal nations play lacrosse together using traditional equipment.
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