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Northvolt dilemma: Can European EVs avoid relying on Asian batteries?

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Northvolt dilemma: Can European EVs avoid relying on Asian batteries?

Two months before Northvolt filed for bankruptcy in the US, Robin Zeng, known as China’s “battery king”, had a quick but grim answer as to why European battery makers were struggling to make good products.

“They have a wrong design . . . they have a wrong process . . . and they have the wrong equipment. How can they scale up?” the chief executive of CATL told Nicolai Tangen, the head of Norway’s $1.8tn oil fund. “So almost all mistakes together.”

The bleak assessment from the world’s biggest electric vehicle battery manufacturer captures the scale of the failure for the industries behind the critical technology for Europe’s decarbonisation, leaving governments, companies and investors at a loss as to how to recraft the continent’s strategy to compete with China.

“How are we not taking this more seriously? The European car industry is the heartland of European industry’s supposed prowess,” said one long-standing investor in Northvolt after the collapse into US bankruptcy last week of Europe’s biggest battery hope. “The depth of the crisis for the European car industry is almost unlimited. It’s incredibly grim.”

Brussels took its first steps to establish a battery supply chain across Europe in 2017, with Northvolt at the heart of its ambitions. The bloc has since increased its share of the global battery market from 3 per cent to 17 per cent with annual turnover of €81bn in 2023 after spending more than €6bn of the EU budget to support cross-border battery projects and research and innovation.

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But in terms of EV batteries, Asian participants including CATL, BYD, and LG Energy Solution and SK On of South Korea, control about 70 per cent of the global market. Many of the 30 gigafactory projects in Europe have also been designed and built with the help of Chinese and Korean companies.

Northvolt chief executive Peter Carlsson. The Swedish group was at the heart of Brussels’ ambitions to establish a battery supply chain across Europe © Charlie Bibby/FT
Robin Zeng
CATL chief executive Robin Zeng said European battery makers had the ‘wrong design . . . they have a wrong process . . . and they have the wrong equipment’ © Lam Yik/Bloomberg

As the EU’s ambitions have faltered, the struggles of Northvolt have come to embody the challenge the continent faces. The bloc wants to continue encouraging costly investments in the clean technologies needed to meet its ambitious climate goals, while at the same time stemming the wave of plant closures and job cuts that are already spreading across the automotive sector and heavy industries. 

“It’s fair to say we’re at a pivotal moment right now,” said Wouter IJzermans, executive director at the Batteries European Partnership Association. 

People involved in the Northvolt saga said options were narrowing for Europe to address its dependence on China and other parts of Asia for the technology and materials that will be critical as the automotive industry transitions to electric vehicles. 

Efforts are still being made by other start-ups such as France’s Verkor and Volkswagen’s battery business PowerCo, but they are facing either diminished ambitions or tougher financing prospects.

PowerCo is considering building just one out of the two production lines previously planned for its plant in Salzgitter in Germany due to slowing market demand. 

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Verkor counts Renault as its main client and recently finalised a new €1.3bn financing round to back the construction of a plant in the northern French port city of Dunkirk. But its chief executive Benoit Lemaignan said financing talks were arduous on the back of Northvolt’s woes and the slowdown in the growth of electric vehicle sales this year.

A mural of a VW electric vehicle at the construction site of the Volkswagen AG SalzGiga fuel cell gigafactory, operated by PowerCo, in Salzgitter, Germany in 2023
The Volkswagen fuel cell gigafactory under construction in Salzgitter, Germany, last year © Krisztian Bocsi/Bloomberg

“There was a whole fresh round of audit work and validation of the set-up, our chemistry, the machines and all the equipment,” Lemaignan said. “It’s not something automatic, to find financing today. It’s an issue that goes well beyond Verkor, and affects the financing of all of the energy and climate transition industries.” 

In France, there is also Automotive Cells Company, a venture backed by carmakers Stellantis and Mercedes-Benz, and oil major TotalEnergies, which started producing batteries in 2023. But this year ACC paused plans to expand further with plants in Germany and Italy as it considered switching to a lower-cost form of battery technology and adjusted to a slower EV adoption rate. 

“There are expansion phases and crisis phases, if you draw a parallel with other industries. Perhaps we’re living through the first big challenges for Europe’s battery industry. But there will be factories and there will be clients, we’re seeing that more and more,” Lemaignan said.

Consequences from Northvolt’s US bankruptcy filing are already being felt, with carmakers being forced once again to turn to their Asian suppliers to reduce their exposure to its collapse. 

Germany’s Porsche has never confirmed its relationship with Northvolt, but a person familiar with the agreement between the two companies said the Swedish start-up was contracted to make the batteries for the all-electric Porsche 718, scheduled for launch next year.

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As Northvolt’s troubles deepened, the sports-car maker began looking for alternative suppliers. While Porsche also buys batteries from South Korea’s Samsung SDI, LGES and China’s CATL, the person added that diversification was a complicated task at relatively short notice.

A cell assembly worker in the dry area of a production line at the Automotive Cells Company (ACC) gigafactory in Douvrin, France
France’s ACC, a venture backed by Stellantis, Mercedes-Benz and TotalEnergies, started producing batteries in 2023 © Nathan Laine/Bloomberg

Northvolt’s demise means the battle for dominance of the European market is likely to play out between Asian battery makers. 

LGES and SK On both have European plants, in Poland and Hungary respectively, while CATL has a factory in Germany and a second site in Hungary due to begin production next year.

But Tim Bush, a Seoul-based battery analyst at UBS, said there was little prospect at present that the Asian battery makers would be able to help the EU to meet its target for 90 per cent of the continent’s EV batteries to be produced locally by 2030.

Bush noted that Korean battery makers were already paring back their investments in Europe, having invested billions of dollars in plants in North America that have been running at low utilisation rates because of lower than expected consumer demand for EVs.

Potential Chinese battery investments on the continent were also likely to be complicated by the ongoing trade dispute between Brussels and Beijing over EU tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles, he added.

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“The Koreans are not expanding, the Chinese have suspended construction and Europe’s new entrants are dropping like flies,” said Bush.

Against such obstacles, the European Commission is weighing plans to require Chinese developers to have plants and bring their intellectual property to Europe in order to access EU subsidies, the FT has previously reported. 

With European start-ups still behind in their ability to manufacture batteries at scale, industry executives say the only solution may be to continue their reliance on Asian participants until homegrown companies can absorb technology knowhow on battery chemistry, mass production and equipment manufacturing.

“We need to find a deal with China because we won’t be able to compete . . . without the support of the Chinese companies that control the mining industry, chemicals, refining and their capacity and competence,” Luca De Meo, Renault’s chief executive, told reporters last month.

But the dilemma is how long Europe needs to wait for the technology transfers to complete, and whether it would already have lost the race by then.

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“If you really zoom out, what does Europe want to be? I really question whether Europe wants to give up yet another industry like it did with solar panels. Europe is not a leader in AI. I want my kids to grow up somewhere where there are a lot of jobs,” said a Northvolt executive.

Reporting by Kana Inagaki and Harriet Agnew in London, Patricia Nilsson in Frankfurt, Sarah White in Paris, Alice Hancock in Brussels, Christian Davies in Seoul, and Richard Milne in Oslo

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With the white nationalist group Patriot Front, what you see is not what you get

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With the white nationalist group Patriot Front, what you see is not what you get

Members of the group Patriot Front ride the subway as a commuter looks on, in Washington, D.C., on July 4.

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The sight of hundreds of masked men roaming the streets of Washington, D.C., on July Fourth weekend, wearing khakis, blue shirts and uniform patches, was chilling to some of the city’s residents.

For many Americans, it was the first they heard about Patriot Front, a white nationalist organization that was born out of the deadly 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Va. A now-viral Reuters photo prompted reflections on the experience of a lone African American woman who was photographed in a Metro subway car, surrounded by white supremacists.

The planned demonstration of force was timed to bring a fringe group of extremists into public view as the nation marked 250 years of its independence. Indeed, the stunt succeeded in earning the group media coverage across mainstream outlets, amplifying its brand and potential to reach new recruits. On this occasion, the members refrained from engaging in violence and property damage, projecting an image of law-abiding, orderly activism.

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But those who are closely familiar with Patriot Front’s history and operations warn: Don’t believe what you see.

“That is not who they are in private,” said Len Kamdang, director of the Criminal Justice Project at the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. “Although they were on their best behavior [last] weekend, this is a dangerous group that commits acts of violence all over the country.”

Patriot Front’s history of violence and property damage

Kamdang’s organization sued members of Patriot Front for vandalizing a public mural dedicated to the tennis legend and Black activist Arthur Ashe in Richmond, Va., in 2021. Ashe, who was inducted into the International Tennis Hall of Fame in 1985, was born in Richmond and his legacy is a continuing source of pride to members of that community.

“A couple of Patriot Front members showed up under cover of night and vandalized the mural,” Kamdang said. “They painted white stencils all over. … They literally tried to whitewash him and they put their symbols of hate all over — their stencils, their slogans. And all the while they were caught on video. And that video leaked using some of the most horrible language that you can imagine.”

In many jurisdictions, law enforcement can seek additional hate crime charges or sentencing enhancements in cases where illegal acts appear to have been motivated by racial bias. But in this case, Kamdang said, Patriot Front members faced no criminal charges and their identities were only revealed when online activists later infiltrated the group and leaked internal records.

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Graham Platner makes it official in Maine, submitting paperwork to leave Senate race

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Graham Platner makes it official in Maine, submitting paperwork to leave Senate race

Now-former Democratic Senate candidate Graham Platner speaks at his primary election night event on June 9 in Blue Hill, Maine. Platner officially dropped out of the race July 10 following rape allegations from a former romantic partner that he denies.

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Graham Platner, Maine’s Democratic nominee for Senate, is officially out of the race.

The Maine Secretary of State said Platner filed the necessary paperwork to withdraw his candidacy two days after he announced he planned to do so following an accusation of rape by a former romantic partner. Platner denies the allegation.

The Maine Democratic Party has until July 27 to pick Platner’s replacement.

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In his withdrawal notice, Platner said “people are desperate for change” and that’s why they voted “for a new kind of politics” by making him the Democratic nominee. He expressed gratitude for those who supported his campaign and said that he will continue to fight for “the movement we have built together and the future we believe in.”

He ended his notice with a strong statement aligned with the progressive platform.

“F*ck ICE. Free Palestine. Up the Hearts.”

Platner announced his plan to withdraw from the race in an 11-minute video he posted to social media on July 8. He said he had no choice but to suspend his campaign, citing it was no longer viable financially.

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“We are going to lose our ability to fundraise. We are going to lose our ability to access voter data. We are going to lose all of the things that any campaign needs on the basic level simply to function,” he said.

Platner added that dropping out was not an admission of guilt. Rather, the decision, he said, is to keep the progressive movement in Maine alive to defeat Republican Sen. Susan Collins in November. Platner blamed the “political establishment” for his downfall and argued the goal was to force him out of the race.

“We built a campaign. We engaged in electoral politics. We motivated people. We banded together. We did it the way that we were told we are supposed to make change and we won. And now they are not going to let us have it. Not if it’s me,” he said.

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Waymo called the cops on teen riders, raising privacy concerns

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Waymo called the cops on teen riders, raising privacy concerns

A Waymo robotaxi drives in San Francisco’s North Beach neighborhood this week.

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Police in San Mateo, Calif., posted Monday on social media that they had apprehended a pair of teenagers from a Waymo driverless robotaxi after the company alerted authorities to suspected criminal activity. It’s the latest incident involving video surveillance of passengers and others by autonomous vehicles — raising questions about the limits of privacy in such vehicles.

The Facebook post by the San Mateo County Police said: “Parents do you know where your teens are? @waymo does!”

The 15-year-olds were allegedly drinking alcohol and shooting toy guns from the car, according to the police. They said Waymo’s systems detected behavior that then triggered a safety response, after which the company disabled the vehicle and contacted police.

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Waymo’s cars, equipped with an array of cameras, microphones and other sensors to monitor passengers and other nearby vehicles, are becoming more common in cities across the United States. Experts say the detention of the two teens in San Mateo highlights a potential — but not inevitable — trade-off between privacy and convenience. It also questions the extent to which companies similar to Waymo are required to hand over private data, including audio and video of passengers, in situations where a crime is suspected.

NPR reached out to Waymo, which is owned by Alphabet, the parent company of Google, for comment on the details of the San Mateo incident and how the company responded, but did not hear back. But on its website, the company says that as many as 29 cameras in its autonomous cars provide an all-around view and “are designed with high dynamic range and thermal stability, to see in both daylight and low-light conditions, and tackle more complex environments.”

“There already exist laws that govern duty to report or even duty to protect” for carriers such as Waymo, according to Alessandro Acquisti, a professor of information technology at the MIT Sloan School of Management. “The privacy problems arise when and if driverless carrier companies used such laws or ethical obligations as a pretext for blanket, indiscriminate accumulation of identifiable data for unspecified future purposes.”

That includes not just monitoring people inside the cars, but outside too. Take, for example, a hit-and-run investigation last year in Los Angeles. Media reported that the police inquiry was aided by video captured by a Waymo taxi that had a clear view of the crime. Critics suggested at the time that authorities were using the company’s vehicles as a mobile surveillance platform. And during 2025 protests in Los Angeles against Immigration and Customs Enforcement crackdowns, demonstrators vandalized Waymos, apparently angry that video recorded by the vehicles could be used by police, although there is no evidence that happened.

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