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Lummis: DeSantis is leader of the Republican Party 

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Lummis: DeSantis is leader of the Republican Party 

Sen. Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo.) on Monday declared that Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, not former President Trump, is the chief of the Republican Occasion, signaling GOP help is shifting away from Trump within the wake of the 2022 midterm election.  

Requested by a reporter for Politico whether or not she would endorse Trump, Lummis replied, “I don’t suppose that’s the correct query.”  

“I believe the query is who’s the present chief of the Republican Occasion. Oh, I do know who it’s: Ron DeSantis,” she mentioned.  

“I’m saying at present, Ron DeSantis is the chief of the Republican Occasion, whether or not he desires to be or not,” she defined.  

Lummis’s assertion got here as a brand new ballot commissioned by Membership for Progress Motion reveals DeSantis main Trump in two key states, Iowa and New Hampshire, which historically host the primary two contests of the presidential main.  

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The ballot of 508 doubtless Iowa Republican caucus voters performed from Nov. 11 to Nov. 13 reveals DeSantis main Trump 48 % to 37 %, with 16 % undecided. It’s a marked enchancment for DeSantis, who trailed Trump 37 % to 52 % amongst Iowa Republican caucus voters in August.  

The ballot of 401 doubtless New Hampshire Republican main voters throughout the identical November time-frame reveals DeSantis main Trump 52 % to 37 %, with 11 % undecided. An August Membership for Progress Motion ballot confirmed Trump and DeSantis tied at 45 % in New Hampshire.  

This month’s Membership for Progress Motion ballot additionally confirmed DeSantis main Trump by an enormous margin in Florida, 56 % to 30 % with 14 % undecided.  

Fifty-five % of doubtless Republican main voters in Georgia mentioned they favored DeSantis, whereas 35 % mentioned they favored Trump, in keeping with the Membership for Progress Motion ballot.  

Some Senate Republicans, nevertheless, nonetheless help Trump, together with Alabama Sen. Tommy Tuberville, who advised reporters Monday that he’ll again Trump’s presidential bid if he broadcasts one this week.  

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Different Republicans, reminiscent of Senate Minority Whip John Thune (S.D.), are staying impartial for now. 

“The ‘24 [election cycle] will get underway a lot quickly. I assume there can be fairly sturdy competitors on the Republican aspect when the time comes,” Thune mentioned.  

Requested if he would name on Trump to not run once more, Thune mentioned, “It’s a free nation, and he’ll do what he’s going to do.”  

“I’m not endorsing anyone at this level,” he mentioned.  

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Some Liberal Christians Find Comfort in Bishop Mariann Budde’s Plea to Trump

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Some Liberal Christians Find Comfort in Bishop Mariann Budde’s Plea to Trump

Millions of Christians in churches around the world heard the same passage on Sunday from the Gospel of Luke. In it, Jesus declares his intentions “to proclaim good news to the poor,” as he speaks to people gathered in a synagogue in Nazareth.

At Episcopal Church of the Transfiguration in Dallas, the passage felt particularly appropriate this week, though it was chosen years ago as part of a three-year cycle of Bible readings.

“It’s Jesus 101,” said Michelle Williams, 55, a parishioner at the church.

It was the first Sunday since a fellow Episcopalian, Bishop Mariann E. Budde, delivered a sermon that many observers heard as an echo of passages like the one from Luke. Speaking at a prayer service at the National Cathedral in Washington the day after President Trump’s inauguration, she faced the president and made a direct plea: “Have mercy.”

After the service, Mr. Trump called Bishop Budde a “Radical Left hard line Trump hater” in a social media post. His foes immediately hailed her as an icon of the resistance. But for many progressive Christians and their leaders, the confrontation was more than a moment of political catharsis. It was about more than Mr. Trump. It was an eloquent expression of basic Christian theology, expressed in an extraordinarily public forum.

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Sara Ivey, 71, another parishioner at Church of the Transfiguration, said the sermon reminded her of Psalm 103, which describes God as “merciful and gracious, slow to anger and abounding in steadfast love.” The sermon, which she watched live, made her “very proud to be an Episcopalian,” she said.

Bishop Budde’s sermon delivered a jolt of energy in many mainline Protestant churches, whose numbers and influence have declined steeply from a high point in the middle of the last century. Some mainline Christians have sensed an unsettling whiff of irrelevance that has accelerated in the Trump era, as Mr. Trump has elevated a stream of conservative, political Christianity whose leaders in some cases do not even consider Bishop Budde a fellow Christian.

So it was startling for many progressive Christians and their leaders to see Bishop Budde’s sermon overpower the prayers that were delivered at the inauguration by clergy members who are more sympathetic to Mr. Trump — and to see her rely primarily on theological principles themselves, rather than advocating specific policies.

“A plea for mercy, a recognition of the stranger in our midst, is core to the faith,” Presiding Bishop Sean Rowe, the Episcopal Church’s top clerical leader, said in an interview. “It is radical, given the order of the world around us — it is countercultural — but it’s not bound to political ideology.”

Across the country, mainline churchgoers proudly shared clips of Bishop Budde’s sermon online and made plans to read her books with their book clubs. Priests and pastors discussed the sermon in church newsletters and in intimate conversations with their members.

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The clergy members addressed it directly in their sermons, too. At Church of the Transfiguration, the associate rector, the Rev. Ted Clarkson, acknowledged to the congregation that aspects of the bishop’s sermon might have been “hard to hear.” But “mercy is truth,” he said, “and I expect a bishop to preach the truth.” (Bishop Budde preached on Sunday at a church in Maryland.)

Indeed, not all mainline churchgoers appreciated her message. Some at Church of the Transfiguration worried that it had inappropriately politicized the pulpit, or had allied the denomination with one political party, according to the Rev. R. Casey Shobe.

White mainline Christians in the United States are politically diverse, in contrast to white evangelicals, who are overwhelmingly Republican. There are still more Republicans than Democrats in mainline pews, according to an analysis of the 2022 Cooperative Election Study by Ryan Burge, a political scientist. (Episcopalians are something of an exception; 58 percent of them are Democrats.) Even so, the mainline tradition tends to be theologically liberal, preferring Bishop Budde’s message of mercy over an emphasis on judgment or authority.

Pastor Jonathan Barker of Grace Lutheran Church in Kenosha, Wis., said he felt a thrill seeing the clips of the sermon spread across his social media feeds, popping up from Lutheran colleagues, parishioners and people he would not have guessed to be supportive.

His congregation is part of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, and it was active in mobilizing support for Jacob Blake, a Black man shot by a white police officer in Kenosha in 2020. Some 50 years ago, at the height of mainline strength, the Grace congregation had about 1,500 people. Now it has about 40.

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“We are willing to do things that other people would find hopeless,” he said. “Our Christian tradition is marked by hope. This feels like a time where we need hope.”

Others who had long ago stopped attending services wondered if there might be a place for them after all.

“It gave me hope — maybe I’ll be able to go to church again,” said Amy Tankard, 59, who lives in a rural part of eastern Virginia.

Ms. Tankard had once been part of a church in the Presbyterian Church (USA), with a female pastor. But the church splintered during the coronavirus pandemic, she said, and the pastor was ousted over a dispute over whether the church should stay closed because of health concerns.

Ms. Tankard told her husband she was not setting foot back in church until the church stopped being so involved in conservative politics.

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“It feels like, if you are not with the current government, then you are not with church,” she said. “And I miss it. I think it’s why her sermon meant so much.”

It was too soon to know whether one sensational moment in one pulpit was enough to lead people like Ms. Tankard back to church. Mainline Protestants now comprise about 14 percent of American adults, according to the Pew Research Center. Evangelical Protestants represent about 25 percent, and Catholics 20 percent.

Mr. Trump has abandoned the mainline. He announced in 2020 that he no longer identified with the Presbyterian denomination that confirmed him as a child, but rather as a nondenominational Christian, a tradition closely associated with evangelicalism.

Bishop Budde’s message seemed to be resonating beyond the usual audience for Sunday sermons.

Her most recent book, “How We Learn to Be Brave,” was listed as temporarily out of stock on Amazon Friday afternoon. At that time, the book was No. 4 on the site’s list of best-sellers, 11 spots above Vice President JD Vance’s memoir “Hillbilly Elegy.”

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The publisher of Bishop Budde’s book, Avery, an imprint of Penguin Books, was scrambling to reprint “a significant number of books,” said Tracy Behar, Avery’s president and publisher. She declined to share specifics.

At Church of the Transfiguration, Father Shobe pointed out that the sermon was more than just the one brief passage that made headlines. In her remarks, he said, Bishop Budde explored more deeply the concept of unity in complex times.

The last few months had been difficult for many people in the mostly progressive Dallas congregation, he said. But they were determined not to spend the next four years fixating on Mr. Trump’s every attention-grabbing move.

“We’re going to be much more focused on the broader work of the kingdom of God, which is beautiful and good and true,” he said. “If we can focus on that which is beautiful and good and true, we will ride through these four years and find our purpose.”

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Tech stocks tumble as China’s DeepSeek sows doubts about AI spending

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Tech stocks tumble as China’s DeepSeek sows doubts about AI spending

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Tech stocks tumbled on Monday as advances by Chinese artificial intelligence start-up DeepSeek cast doubt on whether the US could sustain its leadership in AI by spending billions of dollars on chips.

DeepSeek last week released its latest large language AI model, which achieved a comparable performance to those of US rivals OpenAI and Meta but claims to use far fewer Nvidia chips.

The results sent a shockwave through markets on Monday, with Nvidia on course to lose more than $300bn of market value, the biggest recorded drop for any company, as investors reassessed the likely future investment in AI hardware.

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“DeepSeek R1 is AI’s Sputnik moment,” venture capital investor Marc Andreessen wrote on X, drawing a comparison with the wake-up call to the US from the Soviet Union’s success in putting the first satellite into orbit.

Shares in Nvidia, one of the biggest winners from the AI revolution, were down 11 per cent in pre-market trading. European chip equipment maker ASML was down 10 per cent. Microsoft fell 6 per cent and Meta slid 5 per cent. Stock futures pointed to a 4.2 per cent drop in the tech-heavy Nasdaq, while the S&P 500 index was set to decline 2.4 per cent.

The rout extended well beyond traditional tech names. Siemens Energy, which supplies electrical hardware for AI infrastructure, plunged 22 per cent. Schneider Electric, a French maker of electrical power products that has invested heavily in services for data centres, fell 9.2 per cent.

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“It’s DeepSeek for sure,” said one Tokyo-based fund manager of the selling on Monday, adding that investors were rapidly assessing whether hardware spending on AI could ultimately be a lot lower than current estimates.

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AI investment by large-cap US tech companies hit $224bn last year, according to UBS, which expects the total to reach $280bn this year. OpenAI and SoftBank announced last week a plan to invest $500bn over the next four years in AI infrastructure.

“It shows how vulnerable the AI trade still is, like every trade that is consensus and based on the assumption of an unassailable lead,” said Luca Paolini, chief strategist at Pictet Asset Management.

Founded by hedge fund manager Liang Wenfeng, DeepSeek last week released a detailed paper explaining how to build a large language model that could automatically learn and improve itself.

“It seems as if there is a bit of reality dawning that China has not been sitting idle, even as these tariffs and investment restrictions on tech companies have been put in place,” said Mitul Kotecha, Asia head of emerging markets macro and foreign exchange strategy at Barclays.

The US imposed stringent restrictions on chip exports to China under former President Joe Biden, banning the sale of Nvidia’s most advanced models to the country.

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Some analysts cautioned that the market reaction was overdone and that DeepSeek’s advances would ultimately prove positive for AI chipmakers such as Nvidia.

Dylan Patel, chief analyst at chip consultancy SemiAnalysis, said cutting the cost of training and running AI models would over the longer term make it easier and cheaper for businesses and consumers to adopt AI applications.

“Advancements in training and inference efficiency enable further scaling and proliferation of AI,” said Patel. “This phenomenon has occurred in the semiconductor industry for decades, where Moore’s Law drove a halving of cost every two years while the industry kept growing and adding more capabilities to chips.”

Some Chinese tech stocks advanced amid the excitement over DeepSeek, although the wider CSI 300 index closed down 0.4 per cent. In Hong Kong Baidu closed 4 per cent up and Alibaba was up 3 per cent.

Video: AI is transforming the world of work, are we ready for it? | FT Working It
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A Republican court candidate in North Carolina wants to toss out thousands of votes

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A Republican court candidate in North Carolina wants to toss out thousands of votes

Standing in front of the North Carolina Supreme Court in Raleigh on Jan. 14, Ted Corcoran reads a list of over 60,000 people who cast ballots in the November 2024 election but whose votes have been challenged by Republican court candidate Jefferson Griffin in his extremely close race with Democratic Justice Allison Riggs.

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Chris Seward/AP

CHARLOTTE, N.C. — Tory Grimm-Oropesa moved to Charlotte from northern California in 2022. She then voted in two elections without incident. But after voting in November of last year, she received an unusual piece of mail.

“I got a postcard in the mail with a QR code on it that said my ballot was being challenged,” she said.

That postcard was from the campaign of Republican Jefferson Griffin, in a contest for a seat on the North Carolina Supreme Court. After two recounts in the swing state, Griffin is trailing Democratic incumbent Allison Riggs by a miniscule 734 votes out of more than 5.5 million ballots cast.

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Griffin hasn’t pointed to any case of voter fraud, but he is contesting Grimm-Oropesa’s vote — along with roughly 65,000 others.

His challenge means that a bitter fight over a state high court seat is still working its way through the courts, more than 80 days after Election Day.

The next step comes Monday, when the 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals will hear arguments, before ultimately deciding whether the case should be decided in federal court or in state court.

Meanwhile, Grimm-Oropesa is upset.

“It’s not a matter of I did something wrong or I’m trying to cheat in voting,” she said. “I voted in three different elections now, perfectly fine, never had an issue. So I don’t understand why this one and just this one result should be thrown out.”

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3 buckets of challenged ballots

Riggs was appointed to the North Carolina Supreme Court in 2023 by then-Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper. She has recused herself from this case, and possibly deciding her own election.

But she has publicly criticized Griffin’s challenge. In a recent statement, Riggs said Griffin was wasting taxpayer dollars in “a baseless attempt to overturn his electoral loss.”

Griffin has said he can’t comment on his legal effort.

The list of challenged voters includes some elected officials. It also includes Riggs’ parents. The contested ballots are in three buckets:

  • A little more than 60,000 of them are due to voters having incomplete registrations. At one point, North Carolina’s voter registration forms didn’t explicitly say that a driver’s license number or the last four digits of a Social Security number were needed. More than 200,000 voters statewide are believed to have missing information.
  • Griffin is also challenging a small group of overseas voters who haven’t lived in North Carolina. 
  • And then roughly 5,500 of the challenged ballots are also from overseas. Those voters didn’t show a copy of their photo ID when voting, and Griffin has argued they should be thrown out. These challenged ballots come from just four Democratic-leaning counties in the state.

The state Board of Elections had approved rules that didn’t require photo ID for overseas ballots. Those rules were then unanimously approved in March by the North Carolina Rules Review Commission, whose 10 members were selected by the Republican leaders of the state House and Senate.

And both Republicans and Democrats on the state Board of Elections in December rejected Griffin’s push to disqualify those voters.

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Certification of the election has been blocked

GOP political consultant Paul Shumaker, who advised Griffin’s campaign, said it’s reasonable for a court to review the decisions made by the elections board and other agencies — even if they were bipartisan.

“Why are we going to have an appointed board be the final determination of the interpretation of our laws? Do we really want that?” he said. “We have judicial review of the legislative process. [What] about judicial [review] of the administrative process and how our elections are handled?”

The North Carolina Supreme Court has blocked certification of the election. But last week it said the challenge should first be heard in lower state courts, a setback for Griffin.

However Chief Justice Paul Newby, a Republican, appeared to support Griffin’s challenge. He also cast doubt over the entire election process.

In the ruling, he said Riggs’ ability to erase Griffin’s lead of 10,000 votes on election night was a “highly unusual course of events.” (It’s common in elections for one candidate to appear to be leading and then fall behind as all results are tallied.)

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Newby wrote: “[T]his case is not about deciding the outcome of an election. It is about preserving the public’s trust and confidence in our elections through the rule of law.”

The state Board of Elections, which has a Democratic majority, has said the post-Election Day counting of mail ballots and provisional ballots followed state law.

Some Republicans are uneasy with Griffin’s challenge

As the dispute has dragged on, some Republicans say Griffin has gone too far.

Republican state Supreme Court Justice Richard Dietz wrote earlier this month that it would invite “incredible mischief” to have post-election litigation that “seeks to rewrite our state’s election rules” and “remove the right to vote in an election from people who already lawfully voted under the existing rules.”

Andrew Dunn, the communications director on an unsuccessful GOP campaign for governor four years ago, said the Democratic Party’s talk about threats to democracy are, in his view, usually overblown.

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“However this case to me is different,” he said. “This case is about complaining about the results of an election and trying to go back and retroactively disqualify voters who cast ballots in good faith.”

Depending on court rulings, the state supreme court race could be re-tabulated — or a new election could be ordered.

Meanwhile, voters like Annie Rickenbaugh of Charlotte wonder if their challenged ballots will still count.

“I’m a regular person trying to pay my rent,” she said. “I don’t want to have to deal with this.”

She said she went to the county board of elections to re-register in the hopes her ballot is never challenged again.

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