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How Many Law Enforcement Agencies Are Involved in LA Immigration Protests?
The protests in Los Angeles against immigration raids, now seven days on, have resulted in a considerable law enforcement presence — significant in both its sheer number and its broad representation across local and federal agencies, including military forces.
The New York Times identified more than a dozen groups that were on the ground in the past week. Times journalists reviewed over a thousand videos and images taken of the protests, including drone footage of the downtown area, to determine officers’ locations and movements and the weapons they were carrying.
Where major agencies were seen operating
It is extremely unusual for active-duty military personnel to be deployed to respond to a domestic protest, as the Trump administration ordered last week. President Trump commandeered 2,000 members of California’s National Guard and placed them under federal control, bypassing the opposition of state leaders, and then sent another 2,000 National Guard troops and 700 Marines to the greater Los Angeles area.
The last time a president bypassed a governor to deploy the National Guard was in March of 1965, on the eve of the civil rights march from Selma to Montgomery, Ala. On Thursday, a federal judge blocked Mr. Trump’s deployment of the troops and ordered the administration to return control of the forces to Gov. Gavin Newsom. The administration has appealed the decision.
The array of local law enforcement officers on the ground, on the other hand, is not unusual. California has a so-called mutual aid system in place that allows police and sheriffs’ departments to request backup from nearby areas if necessary. The two Los Angeles agencies were joined by at least 240 officers from neighboring counties and cities, as well as 600 California Highway Patrol Officers sent by Mr. Newsom.
Which agencies are represented, and what gear they have
The Los Angeles Police Department has traditionally been in charge of crowd control at protests. Some officers on the ground in recent days have worn basic uniforms, which include a handgun and a baton. Others have been equipped with full riot gear.
Police officers on horseback have significant physical advantage against crowds.
This week, the L.A.P.D. called for mutual aid from other local municipalities, including:
The L.A.P.D. also requested assistance from the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department.
Similarly, the sheriff’s department has called upon neighboring counties to support its efforts, including:
The California Highway Patrol has been leading the efforts to contain crowds as they cross, block or take over major thoroughfares — for instance, when protesters briefly blocked Highway 101 on Sunday.
The Department of Homeland Security, a federal agency, has been performing immigration raids, including those that set off the current wave of demonstrations. Agencies under the department — including Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection — carry out the raids, sometimes with the help of the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
Mr. Trump federalized the California National Guard and deployed around 4,000 troops to defend federal buildings and federal agents. On Monday, Trump also mobilized the U.S. Marine Corps, which has not operated on domestic soil since the 1992 Los Angeles riots. As of Thursday afternoon, Marines were training in the greater Los Angeles area but had not been seen on the ground at the protest site.
On Thursday, U.S. Marshals were spotted in the vicinity of the federal building complex, assisting the L.A.P.D with arrests.
How agencies interact
The National Guard has been positioned alongside Department of Homeland Security officers directly outside a federal building complex in downtown Los Angeles where much of the protest activity has occurred. The Guard members have not been authorized to carry out immigration raids or patrol the city’s streets.
They could be seen on occasion this week interacting with crowds when federal property was involved. On Sunday, the National Guard and D.H.S. officers pushed back demonstrators to clear a way for federal vehicles entering the complex, and the D.H.S. officers sprayed the crowd with pepper spray and pepper balls.
When conducting immigration raids, federal agents from the D.H.S., including Border Patrol, and from the F.B.I. often do interact with crowds of angry community members. Federal agents arrived in armored trucks, wearing tactical gear and carrying military-style rifles, for a raid on a clothing wholesaler on June 6 less than two miles from Los Angeles City Hall. Using flash-bang grenades, the agents dispersed a group of people that gathered to protest the raid.
Given the relatively small protest area — which has been concentrated in just a few square blocks — officers from various agencies have frequently ended up in close proximity. In the below photo, taken Monday, officers from at least five agencies stand on a single corner.
An image showing how multiple agencies were stationed outside a federal building during the protests in Los Angeles. Pictured are members of the California National Guard, and officers from the U.S. Customs and Border Protection, Department of Homeland Security, Los Angeles County Sheriff’s office, and the Los Angeles Police Department.
Los Angeles law enforcement agencies, including the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department and the city’s police department, have responded to demonstrations throughout the city, at times deploying flash-bang grenades, projectiles and other crowd-control measures. They have been authorized only for traffic and crowd control management, and not to perform immigration raids.
As of Thursday, the L.A.P.D. had already arrested more than 160 people in connection with the demonstrations, most of whom face charges of failure to disperse.
Prominent California leaders, including Mr. Newsom, have accused Mr. Trump of inflaming recent tensions in the state. In a speech on Tuesday, Mr. Newsom sharply criticized Mr. Trump’s deportation agenda, which led to the federal raids last week that set off the protests. He also condemned the administration’s decision to commandeer National Guard troops and deploy Marines, calling it “a brazen abuse of power by a sitting president.”
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What to know about Kilmar Abrego Garcia’s release from immigration custody
BALTIMORE — Kilmar Abrego Garcia, whose mistaken deportation helped galvanize opposition to President Donald Trump’s immigration policies, was released from immigration detention on Thursday, and a judge has temporarily blocked any further efforts to detain him.
Abrego Garcia currently can’t be deported to his home country of El Salvador thanks to a 2019 immigration court order that found he had a “well founded fear” of danger there. However, the Trump administration has said he cannot stay in the U.S. Over the past few months, government officials have said they would deport him to Uganda, Eswatini, Ghana and, most recently, Liberia.
Abrego Garcia is fighting his deportation in federal court in Maryland, where his attorneys claim the administration is manipulating the immigration system to punish him for successfully challenging his earlier deportation.
Here’s what to know about the latest developments in the case:
Abrego Garcia is a Salvadoran citizen with an American wife and child who has lived in Maryland for years. He immigrated to the U.S. illegally as a teenager to join his brother, who had become a U.S. citizen. In 2019, an immigration judge granted him protection from being deported back to his home country.
While he was allowed to live and work in the U.S. under Immigration and Customs Enforcement supervision, he was not given residency status. Earlier this year, he was mistakenly deported to El Salvador, despite the earlier court ruling.
When Abrego Garcia was deported in March, he was held in a notoriously brutal Salvadoran prison despite having no criminal record.
The Trump administration initially fought efforts to bring him back to the U.S. but eventually complied after the U.S. Supreme Court weighed in. He returned to the U.S. in June, only to face an arrest warrant on human smuggling charges in Tennessee. Abrego Garcia was held in a Tennessee jail for more than two months before he was released on Friday, Aug. 22, to await trial in Maryland under home detention.
His freedom lasted a weekend. On the following Monday, he reported to the Baltimore immigration office for a check-in and was immediately taken into immigration custody. Officials announced plans to deport him to a series of African countries, but they were blocked by an order from U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis in Maryland.
On Thursday, after months of legal filings and hearings, Xinis ruled that Abrego Garcia should be released immediately. Her ruling hinged on what was likely a procedural error by the immigration judge who heard his case in 2019.
Normally, in a case like this, an immigration judge will first issue an order of removal. Then the judge will essentially freeze that order by issuing a “withholding of removal” order, according to Memphis immigration attorney Andrew Rankin.
In Abrego Garcia’s case, the judge granted withholding of removal to El Salvador because he found Abrego Garcia’s life could be in danger there. However, the judge never took the first step of issuing the order of removal. The government argued in Xinis’ court that the order of removal could be inferred, but the judge disagreed.
Without a final order of removal, Abrego Garcia can’t be deported, Xinis ruled.
The only way to get an order of removal is to go back to immigration court and ask for one, Rankin said. But reopening the immigration case is a gamble because Abrego Garcia’s attorneys would likely seek protection from deportation in the form of asylum or some other type of relief.
One wrinkle is that immigration courts are officially part of the executive branch, and the judges there are not generally viewed as being as independent as federal judges.
“There might be independence in some areas, but if the administration wants a certain result, by all accounts it seems they’re going to exert the pressure on the individuals to get that result,” Rankin said. “I hope he gets a fair shake, and two lawyers make arguments — somebody wins, somebody loses — instead of giving it to an immigration judge with a 95% denial rate, where everybody in the world knows how it’s gonna go down.”
Alternatively, the government could appeal Xinis’ order to the 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals and try to get her ruling overturned, Rankin said. If the appeals court agreed with the government that the final order of removal was implied, there could be no need to reopen the immigration case.
In compliance with Xinis’ order, Abrego Garcia was released from immigration detention in Pennsylvania on Thursday evening and allowed to return home for the first time in months. However, he was also told to report to an immigration officer in Baltimore early the next morning.
Fearing that he would be detained again, his attorneys asked Xinis for a temporary restraining order. Xinis filed that order early Friday morning. It prohibits immigration officials from taking Abrego Garcia back into custody, at least for the time being. A hearing on the issue could happen as early as next week.
Meanwhile, in Tennessee, Abrego Garcia has pleaded not guilty in the criminal case where he is charged with human smuggling and conspiracy to commit human smuggling.
Prosecutors claim he accepted money to transport, within the United States, people who were in the country illegally. The charges stem from a 2022 traffic stop in Tennessee for speeding. Body camera footage from a Tennessee Highway Patrol officer shows a calm exchange with Abrego Garcia. There were nine passengers in the car, and the officers discussed among themselves their suspicions of smuggling. However, Abrego Garcia was eventually allowed to continue driving with only a warning.
Abrego Garcia has asked U.S. District Court Judge Waverly Crenshaw to dismiss the smuggling charges on the grounds of “selective or vindictive prosecution.”
Crenshaw earlier found “some evidence that the prosecution against him may be vindictive” and said many statements by Trump administration officials “raise cause for concern.” Crenshaw specifically cited a statement by Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche on a Fox News Channel program that seemed to suggest the Justice Department charged Abrego Garcia because he won his wrongful-deportation case.
The two sides have been sparring over whether senior Justice Department officials, including Blanche, can be required to testify in the case.
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Afghan CIA fighters face stark reality in the U.S. : Consider This from NPR
A makeshift memorial stands outside the Farragut West Metro station on December 01, 2025 in Washington, DC. Two West Virginia National Guard troops were shot blocks from the White House on November 26.
Heather Diehl/Getty Images
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Heather Diehl/Getty Images
They survived some of the Afghanistan War’s most grueling and treacherous missions.
But once they evacuated to the U.S., many Afghan fighters who served in “Zero Units” found themselves spiraling.
Among their ranks was Rahmanullah Lakanwal, the man charged with killing one National Guard member and seriously injuring a second after opening fire on them in Washington, D.C. on Thanksgiving Eve.
NPR’s Brian Mann spoke to people involved in Zero Units and learned some have struggled with mental health since coming to the U.S. At least four soldiers have died by suicide.
For sponsor-free episodes of Consider This, sign up for Consider This+ via Apple Podcasts or at plus.npr.org. Email us at considerthis@npr.org.
This episode was produced by Erika Ryan and Karen Zamora. It was edited by Alina Hartounian and Courtney Dorning.
Our executive producer is Sami Yenigun.
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Video: Behind the Supreme Court’s Push to Expand Presidential Power
new video loaded: Behind the Supreme Court’s Push to Expand Presidential Power
By Ann E. Marimow, Claire Hogan, Stephanie Swart and Pierre Kattar
December 12, 2025
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