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George Washington established the presidency. How much of it would he recognize now?

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George Washington established the presidency. How much of it would he recognize now?

George Washington crosses the Delaware River during the American Revolutionary War in 1776.

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The U.S. president may be referred to as the most powerful person in the world now, but that wasn’t what the Founding Fathers intended.

In fact, when the United States was born, they didn’t really have much of a plan for the executive branch. After years of British royal rule, the framers were fearful of giving the new nation’s leader too much power.

“Framers never intended the presidency to be a public office. It was meant to be more of a clerk role in charge of the executive office,” says Brandon Rottinghaus, a political science professor at the University of Houston. “There is no one moment where a switch flipped where the presidency became a public office. It happened gradually.”

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It’s the nation’s first president, George Washington, who understood the potential significance of the role. He helped establish a balance of being a strong leader while not mimicking British royal rule and established traditions that we still see today, historians tell NPR.

As we head into the final two months before Election Day, let’s learn more about the history of the presidential office, how Washington influenced so much of what we see today and just how much the journey to the White House has changed.

The founders didn’t have much of a plan for the executive

In the early days after the Revolutionary War, the Founding Fathers struggled with the question of what type of executive leadership the nation would have, Arizona State University history professor Catherine O’Donnell says.

Their experience with executive leadership was that of a king or royal governor — “not a great model,” she says.

The founders viewed having one executive for the United States with great suspicion. At one point, they considered having a three-man executive leadership, but the founders settled quickly on a one-person executive.

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Nonetheless, Alexander Hamilton, one of the Founding Fathers, felt it was necessary to defend this choice, O’Donnell says. Writing in the Federalist Papers, Hamilton argued that a single executive would be more energetic and ultimately less risky, as the American people would be able to closely watch this one man, she says.

Having one leader, the president, was settled. But what that role should consist of was still a question. In fact, there seemed to be a better idea of what it shouldn’t be — i.e., nonthreatening, absolutely not a king, a man of the people, O’Donnell says.

“People were uneasy about it from the start,” she says.

This black-and-white image shows George Washington circa 1789. Wearing contemporary clothing of the time, he's standing, and his right hand is resting on a desk that has a book lying on it.

George Washington, the first president of the United States of America, circa 1789.

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The man who set the precedents

Enter the first president: George Washington. He was the commander in chief of the Continental Army during the Revolutionary War and was revered after the conflict, says Denver Brunsman, a history professor at George Washington University. Washington never wanted the top job but “had an incredible reputation across the nation,” Brunsman says. “It was a foregone conclusion that he would be president. Then they had to convince him to stay on for a second term.”

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Washington is the only president to have been elected unanimously by the Electoral College twice, Brunsman says. “Having Washington as the first president establishes it as an important office from the start,” he says.

O’Donnell notes that Washington was extremely cautious every step of the way, knowing his actions would set a precedent.

“He really thought the office had to convey respect,” she says. “A lot of people were unsure of even what to call him. They can’t use ‘your highness.’ They can’t call him ‘George.’”

They settled on “Mr. President.” And Washington approached the role with formality, O’Donnell says.

The president’s role has changed and evolved along with the United States’ prominence on the world stage, but Brunsman says, “I think he would recognize broad elements of the job” since many traditions and precedents Washington started still remain.

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He had a brown suit of American fabric made especially for his inauguration, and he wore this special president’s suit whenever he met with people, she says.

He took extremely seriously the task of meeting with people who called on the president, including statesmen and foreign dignitaries, as he wanted to ensure the public understood it had access to the country’s leader. He established days and times for these face-to-face interactions, which included meetings and formal dinners. Today, the president regularly hosts state dinners for foreign leaders visiting the United States.

Washington created his own Cabinet, much like his war cabinet during the Revolutionary War, when he met regularly with close advisers in the military. That system remains.

Washington’s Cabinet was completely different from the British government at the time. To get a role with the British government, it was all about who you knew. Washington focused on picking qualified people with relevant experience to run the government, according to the George Washington Presidential Library at Mount Vernon.

The Washington administration Cabinet had just four members — Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of War Henry Knox and Attorney General Edmund Randolph — compared with today’s 16 positions (the vice president and the 15 department heads).

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Washington also established the tradition of making an inaugural address and a farewell address. His final address, which called for political unity among Americans, is still revered today and read each year in the U.S. Senate.

Washington retired from office after serving two terms as president — and no more — a tradition that continued until President Franklin D. Roosevelt took office for a third term in 1941. The two-term limit was later enshrined in the 22nd Amendment.

Presidents didn’t campaign until the 19th century

This 1999 photo shows Texas Gov. George W. Bush, then a Republican candidate for president, attending a Hispanic community breakfast at Jalapeno's restaurant in Davenport, Iowa. He's seated at a table and is leaning forward as he puts food into his mouth. In front of him on the table is a plate with food on it. Two women are seated with him at the table, and many people stand behind them.

Texas Gov. George W. Bush, then a Republican candidate for president, attends a Hispanic community breakfast at Jalapeno’s restaurant on Aug. 13, 1999, in Davenport, Iowa.

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Kissing babies, eating hot dogs and stopping at state fairs have become common practices for presidential candidates itching to get face time with voters on the campaign trail.

But they are purely modern tactics that weren’t even thought of during Washington’s time, say historians whom NPR spoke with. There was no national campaigning as we know it now.

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“It was considered ungentlemanly, crude, even crass to say you wanted the gig,” says Justin Vaughn, an associate professor of political science at Coastal Carolina University.

In the 19th century, as political parties began to form, candidates were selected by party leaders, George Washington University’s Brunsman says.

For his part, Washington opposed the formation of political parties, believing they fueled partisanship and weakened the nation. But this development was out of his control, as political parties began to form by the end of his first term, Brunsman says.

The country’s most wealthy, powerful men and political bosses in “smoke-filled rooms” decided the parties’ nominees for president well until the 1960s, says Vaughn. It wasn’t until the chaotic 1968 Democratic National Convention that a presidential primary system to select candidates was adopted; the Republican Party followed suit shortly after.

With the earliest parties in the 1790s, newspapers affiliated with either the Federalist Party or the Democratic-Republican Party — the main parties at the time — became a crucial form of media for publicizing their parties’ ideologies and their candidates of choice across the nation, Brunsman says.

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“That’s really the start of this modern campaigning,” he says.

Historians consider the election of 1840 — Democrats versus Whigs — to be the first truly modern presidential election.

“Both sides really employed all these modern techniques of the commercialization of politics: posters, songs, all kinds of media,” Brunsman says.

The 1840 presidential election pitted Whig candidate William Henry Harrison — known as Old Tippecanoe, a nickname from his 1811 military victory against Native Americans at the Battle of Tippecanoe — against the then-president, Democrat Martin Van Buren.

That’s when the Whig Party created the “log cabin” campaign and the famous “Tippecanoe and Tyler Too” song that praised the achievements of Harrison and eventual Vice President John Tyler.

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The log cabin campaign grew out of a Democratic newspaper’s attempt to mock Harrison, saying essentially that he was a simple man who was too old for the job.

In this photo, Kamala Harris, then a U.S. senator and Democratic presidential candidate, cooks pork burgers at the Iowa State Fair on Aug. 10, 2019, in Des Moines, Iowa. She's wearing a red apron over a white shirt and is using a spatula to flip a burger on a grill in front of her.

Kamala Harris, then a U.S. senator and Democratic presidential candidate, cooks pork burgers at the Iowa Pork Producers Association tent while attending the Iowa State Fair in 2019 in Des Moines, Iowa.

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Instead of fighting it, the Whigs embraced this attempt at mockery and presented Harrison as an “everyman” frontier fighter who lived in a log cabin and drank cider, in contrast to the wealthy, out-of-touch Van Buren. This, despite the fact that Harrison came from a wealthy plantation-owning family in Virginia.

The Harrison campaign put log cabins on various campaign items, like cups and teapots, and held “log cabin and hard cider” rallies to push the idea that he was a man of the people — and it worked. Harrison won the 1840 election.

Brunsman says that Washington’s successors “understood that in a democratizing America, you had to campaign and you had to put yourself out there.”

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Video: Secret Tapes Reveal Nixon’s Views on Marijuana

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Video: Secret Tapes Reveal Nixon’s Views on Marijuana

Two years after launching the war on drugs, President Richard Nixon made a startling admission during a meeting in the Oval Office. He said that marijuana was “not particularly dangerous.” The remarks, captured by the former president’s secret recording system, bolster the notion that the criminalization of marijuana was driven by politics. Ernesto Londoño, a New York Times reporter who covers drug use and counternarcotics policy, explains.

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F1’s master of aerodynamics Adrian Newey puts his reputation on the line

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F1’s master of aerodynamics Adrian Newey puts his reputation on the line

During a career spanning more than 40 years and 25 world championships, Formula One engineer Adrian Newey has shown his talent for turning “mad ideas into reality” in building elite racing cars.

In a sport known for technical precision, Newey’s approach has been to repeatedly ask the same four questions. “How can we increase performance? How can we improve efficiency? How can we do this differently? How can I do this better?” he wrote in his 2017 memoir.

A master of aerodynamics, Newey is a rare car designer celebrated in a sport where gladiatorial drivers dominate screen time. When the 65-year-old revealed his intention to leave reigning champions Red Bull this year, the speculation quickly went into overdrive. However, nobody thought retirement would appeal to a man once described by F1 legend Frank Williams as “more competitive than his drivers”.

In joining the Aston Martin F1 team as its managing technical partner, Newey is putting his reputation back on the line. All eyes are on whether he can repeat his success at a fourth team and to further justify his status as an industry legend as well as his annual pay package north of £20mn.

“He had alternatives. He could be sailing. He has taken the opportunity to join with Lawrence Stroll to try and repeat [his success],” said Eddie Jordan, the former F1 team owner and Newey’s manager. 

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Adrian Newey, left, with Christian Horner, who was accused of inappropriate behaviour earlier this year but cleared after an investigation © Mark Thompson/Getty Images

By hiring Newey, billionaire Stroll has signalled his determination to win championships in historical British racing green.

“I can tell you, Adrian is a bargain,” Stroll said. “I’ve been in business for over 40 years now, and I’ve never been more certain. It’s not an investment. He’s a shareholder and a partner.”

Newey, who will officially start at Aston Martin next year, has also been given some equity in the F1 team in a move that he describes as having “skin in the game”.

However, his price tag, which is more than what many drivers and even some top football players earn, has raised eyebrows among some F1 insiders. Others question his recent contribution to the Red Bull’s recent success, pointing to the strength of the team, including its technical director Pierre Waché.

The matter of credit for Red Bull’s success reared its head last year, when Newey’s wife Amanda posted: “What a load of hogwash” on social media in response to an article in industry publication Motorsport that touched on how Red Bull’s technical prowess had evolved.

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Growing up in Stratford-upon-Avon, Newey picked up a passion for four wheels — and engineering — from his veterinarian father, who worked on cars in his garage. Newey would sketch out his own race car designs. By 12 he knew he wanted to design race cars for a living.

Mechanics work on the car of Aston Martin’s Spanish driver Fernando Alonso at the Singapore Grand Prix last year
Mechanics work on the car of Aston Martin’s Spanish driver Fernando Alonso at the Singapore Grand Prix last year © Caroline Chia/Pool/AFP via Getty Images

Attracted by a wind tunnel used by F1 teams, he studied aeronautics at the University of Southampton, reasoning that race cars are more like aircraft.

Newey was a pivotal influence as the sport embraced the importance of aerodynamics in performance, with the “downforce”, the vertical air that pushes cars downwards, increasing grip and speed around corners.

He wrote his name into F1 lore at Williams and McLaren for his role in championship-winning cars in the 1990s. He also experienced tragedy with the crash that resulted in the death of legendary Brazilian driver Ayrton Senna in a Williams car in 1994.

Newey was hired by the late Dietrich Mateschitz, billionaire co-founder of Red Bull from McLaren soon after he bought the old Jaguar F1 team in 2004. The team went on to win both championships — drivers and constructors — four years running from 2010 to 2013. 

After seven years of Mercedes domination, Red Bull returned to the front of the grid in 2021, when Max Verstappen controversially won the drivers’ championship from Lewis Hamilton. The team’s RB19 last year was one of the most dominant F1 cars ever, winning 21 of 22 races.

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Newey’s potential at Aston Martin is not the only reason the sport has been gripped by his move. F1 supporters will also be watching how Red Bull will adjust following disruption this year when a female employee accused team boss Christian Horner of inappropriate behaviour. Horner denied the allegations and was cleared after an investigation.

The engineer, who still uses a pencil to sketch instead of a computer, will lead Aston Martin’s drivers — double world champion Fernando Alonso and Stroll’s son Lance — in turning a middling outfit into champions. Since Stroll rebranded the team, Aston Martin has finished seventh, seventh and fifth in the championship.

He will also need to tackle the next F1 regulatory overhaul in 2026, which requires the construction of an all-new generation of F1 car, more agile with revamped aerodynamics.

The designer will have the freedom of a newly built F1 factory and wind tunnel. Honda, which helped to drive Red Bull’s recent championships, has signed up to supply the engine.

Damon Hill, who drove a Newey-designed Williams to championship victory in 1996, says the designer has a special understanding of what drivers need.

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“He understands the car is a tool for the driver and it’s no good creating a beast nobody can drive,” Hill told the Financial Times. “He actually understands your bum is in that seat and if it spooks you, it’s not going to be good.”

While Hill likens F1 to an “unexploded bomb” that can “explode in your face”, he says Newey’s experience means he is ready. “If he can’t get [Aston Martin] out of the midfield to the front end, I’d be astonished,” he said.

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China’s economic activity falters as challenges mount

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China’s economic activity falters as challenges mount

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China’s industrial output and retail sales faltered in August as the economy lost momentum, adding to expectations Beijing will step up stimulus efforts in the final months of the year.

Industrial output grew at the slowest pace since March while retail sales, a gauge of consumption, had their second-slowest month of the year, data from the National Bureau of Statistics showed, despite August being the summer holiday month.

The NBS said “in general the economy was operating smoothly in August”. But it said economic activity “still faces many difficulties and challenges in its continued recovery”, blaming an adverse external environment and “insufficient” domestic effective demand.

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Industrial output rose 4.5 per cent year on year, down from 5.1 per cent in July and missing the average forecast of analysts polled by Bloomberg of 4.7 per cent. Retail sales rose 2.1 per cent against a year earlier compared with 2.7 per cent in July and against analysts’ average forecasts of 2.6 per cent.

President Xi Jinping this week called for officials to meet the country’s annual economic and social development goals, which analysts interpreted as urging them to hit this year’s gross domestic product growth target of 5 per cent year on year.

Xi has focused on industry, particularly in the high-tech manufacturing sector, to offset a three-year property slump that has hit household consumption and undermined investor confidence.

The housing crisis has created what analysts call a two-speed economy, with exports increasing rapidly, especially in terms of volumes of shipments, while domestic demand has been more sluggish.

“China’s growth momentum has slowed rapidly in recent months,” Raymond Yeung, chief economist, Greater China for the Australia and New Zealand Banking Group, said this week.

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He said the gap between China’s official growth target and the final figure could be as much as 0.4—0.5 per cent. “This will likely prompt the authorities to release a stimulus package,” he wrote in a report.

The August data also showed that fixed asset investment grew at the slowest pace since last December while the housing market continued to plunge.

Fixed asset investment grew 3.4 per cent between January and August, compared with 3.6 per cent between January and July. Analysts polled by Bloomberg had forecast about 3.5 per cent.

Excluding real estate, however, fixed asset investment increased by 7.7 per cent year on year between January and August, with infrastructure investment — one of the main targets of government stimulus — up 4.4 per cent year-on-year and manufacturing investment 9.1 per cent higher.

Real estate development investment, meanwhile, fell 10.2 per cent while the sales area of ​​new commercial housing — estimated in square metres — was down 18 per cent.

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The government has so far announced only incremental measures to try to stabilise the housing market and rekindle household demand.

But China’s two-speed economy faces growing risks, analysts said, with its lack of domestic demand and increasing export volumes generating tensions with trade partners.

“Real exports are up 14 per cent over the past year, and China may face more tariffs from trading partners if there is sustained further expansion in the goods trade surplus,” Goldman Sachs said in a research note.

“China may have to stimulate domestic demand to balance the risk of new tariffs dragging on growth and exacerbating disinflation.”

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