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Christine Blasey Ford aims to own her story with 'One Way Back'

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Christine Blasey Ford aims to own her story with 'One Way Back'

Christine Blasey Ford speaks during a hearing of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Sept. 27, 2018, on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C.

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Christine Blasey Ford speaks during a hearing of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Sept. 27, 2018, on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C.

Michael Reynolds/AP

Christine Blasey Ford said civic duty compelled her to come forward when she learned Brett Kavanaugh was President Trump’s top choice for a Supreme Court opening in the summer of 2018. But her testimony did not change the ultimate result of Kavanaugh’s nomination.

Ford testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee that Kavanaugh had sexually assaulted her at a party back when they were teenagers in the Washington, D.C., area. When it was Kavanaugh’s turn to testify, he denied it happened.

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Cover of One Way Back
Cover of One Way Back

In her new book, One Way Back, she writes “My story just can’t be about the three months in 2018 when my life exploded in front of the world’s eyes. My life weaves together surfing, statistics, motherhood, friendships, and politics.”

In an interview on Morning Edition, Ford said it was only a couple of years ago that she felt ready to revisit how her life was upended by Kavanaugh’s rise to the exalted position on the U.S. Supreme Court. Tired of an endless smear campaign, she decided it was time to write her own story.

While she moved far away from Washington, Ford says what she experienced there in her teenage years left an indelible mark. Reluctant to testify in a public setting, Ford forged ahead nonetheless. She writes that part of what gave her the strength to do so was her love of surfing; Ford equates the experience to facing the intensity of ocean waves. “You’ve got to take the wave and you might wipe out. You might get crushed and held under by three waves or you might get a great wave, you know? But you’re going to have to take it,” she told NPR’s Michel Martin.

Ford received tens of thousands of letters from supporters and detractors. She would have to hire a security team, take her family into hiding after threats to kill her, and she would see her character and sanity assailed for years.

But she also became a symbol of courage and hope to untold numbers of people. Following is an interview between NPR’s Michel Martin and Christine Blasey Ford. It has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

To hear the broadcast version of this conversation, use the audio player at the top of this page.

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How did you come to share your story with the judiciary committee?

When I saw the short list, I was concerned and felt that I at least needed to share the information, not necessarily publicly, but let the government know that that had happened to me and that possibly they would want to look into some of the other candidates on that list.

Why did you think that was important to do?

I felt like as a citizen that it’s our responsibility to weigh in when we have relevant information for a job of that level of esteem and importance. I grew up in Washington, D.C., so I had high reverence for all of our governmental institutions and the Supreme Court as a child visiting there on field trips, that seemed to be where we send the best of the best. And I just felt a sense of patriotism and civic duty that I needed to let someone know and that they could then decide if it was of import.

This is years after Anita Hill was subpoenaed to testify, after it became known that she had had what she said was an experience of sexual harassment with Clarence Thomas when they both worked together. And that was a very bruising experience, you know, for all involved. Do you remember the whole experience with Anita Hill and Clarence Thomas? Did you think it would be like that or did you think it would be different than that?

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I do remember that very well, and I remember most about that is her level of detail in recalling the incidents. I was hoping that it was not going to be similar. I was very scared of the idea of sitting in front of the Senate, and I was hoping that there was some other way that it could play out where I could share the information with the senators without having to sit in Washington, D.C., with them in that big room where she sat.

One of the things that surprised me, people may remember this from the coverage even at the time, is that the committee really did not want to hear from you. Did you find that surprising after all these years after Anita Hill was subpoenaed to testify against Clarence Thomas, and they were heavily criticized for this. At the time, the Judiciary Committee was all male. That was one of the issues sort of at play here .But did you think it would be different all these years later, that they really did want to hear from you?

I did overestimate how interested they would be in this information. I really thought that it was important for them to know and that they would want to know. And I viewed myself as helpful like I was trying to be helpful to them and apparently that was not how they necessarily viewed it and it became highly politicized.

When a decision was made and it was clear that you were then going to testify, can you even sort of describe what it was like to be in the middle of that?

I was still ambivalent about speaking publicly in front of the Senate. I wanted to meet with them privately. And I wrote a letter saying that I felt that was the best thing to do for his family and for my family and would reduce sort of the amount of attention and the circus around it and as well as the threats to both families. So that was my preference but it didn’t happen that way. They wanted to have an open hearing. I wasn’t watching it or thinking about how it connected to a MeToo movement or to another hearing. I was just trying to get through it.

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What made you finally decide to cross that threshold? I was struck by your saying up to the last minute you were not sure you were going to go through with it. Why do you think you did?

Well, I certainly had a phone and email inbox full of messages of people telling me not to do it, either for caring reasons or for reasons where they were trying to scare me. And then I also had text messages and emails full of people from all over the world saying, we need you to do this as survivors. And so I had a lot of people, weighing in on what I should do. And it seemed like it was about 50-50 and finally I thought, this is so stressful, maybe this will just end the stress and that maybe if I testify, it’ll be over.

The level of smear media and a report from the Senate or from half of the committee with allegations that are salacious and criminal, that felt really gut wrenching for me because those were the people that I set out to help. So to me, that’s kind of the hardest part is setting out as a citizen and feeling you have a patriotic duty and a higher calling and that you’re willing to sustain some level of backlash. But to have the actual people that you’re trying to help be the people who are involved in that backlash is a little bit difficult to come to terms with. And part of why I wrote the book is I don’t want it to be the case that other people don’t come forward. So I wanted to show that no matter how scary this is, it is something you can live through and survive and come out the other side.

Nina Kravinsky produced the audio for this story. Meghan Sullivan edited the digital version.

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Western banks in Russia paid €800mn in taxes to Kremlin last year

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Western banks in Russia paid €800mn in taxes to Kremlin last year

The largest western banks that remain in Russia paid the Kremlin more than €800mn of taxes last year, a fourfold increase on prewar levels, despite promises to minimise their Russian exposure after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

The seven top European banks by assets in Russia — Raiffeisen Bank International, UniCredit, ING, Commerzbank, Deutsche Bank, Intesa Sanpaolo and OTP — reported a combined profit of more than €3bn in 2023.

Those profits were three times more than in 2021 and were partly generated by funds that the banks cannot withdraw from the country.

The jump in profitability resulted in the European banks paying about €800mn in tax, up from €200mn in 2021, an analysis by the Financial Times shows. It came in addition to profits at US lenders such as Citigroup and JPMorgan.

The taxes paid by European banks, equivalent to about 0.4 per cent of all Russia’s expected non-energy budget revenues for 2024, are an example of how foreign companies remaining in the country help the Kremlin maintain financial stability despite western sanctions.

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The foreign lenders have benefited not just from higher interest rates but also from international sanctions on Russian banks. Such measures have deprived their rivals’ access to international payments systems and increased western banks’ own appeal to clients in the country.

More than half of the European banks’ €800mn tax payments correspond to Austria’s Raiffeisen Bank International, which has the largest presence in Russia of the foreign lenders.

RBI’s Russian profits more than tripled to €1.8bn between 2021 and 2023, accounting for half of the Austrian group’s total profit, compared with about a third before the war.

In addition to regular tax contributions in 2023, Raiffeisen paid €47mn as the result of a windfall levy the Kremlin imposed on some companies last year.

After President Vladimir Putin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, RBI repeatedly voiced its plan to downsize and divest its operations in Russia. It has faced persistent criticism from the European Central Bank and the US Treasury department for not yet completing the withdrawal.

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Although RBI has made some efforts to reduce its Russian exposure — such as a 56 per cent decrease in its loan book since early 2022 — some measures point to the contrary.

Recent job postings by RBI in Russia suggest ambitious plans for “multiple expansion of the active client base”, the FT has reported.

Deutsche Bank, Hungary’s OTP and Commerzbank had significantly reduced their presence in Russia, which was already small compared with RBI, their representatives said. Intesa is the closest to exiting but has yet to sell its Russian business. UniCredit declined to comment.

Despite closing its corporate and retail business, Citigroup, the US’s fourth-largest lender, which earned $149mn profit and paid $53mn in Russia in 2023, became the fourth-biggest taxpayer among western banks in Russia, according to the Kyiv School of Economics’ calculations based on Russian Central Bank data.

Another American giant, JPMorgan, earned $35mn and paid $6.8mn in taxes, according to the research institution.

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JPMorgan, once the main contractor of Russian banks for opening correspondent accounts in US dollars, has been trying to leave since 2022. The bank is now stuck and facing a multimillion-dollar lawsuit from its former partner in Russia, VTB.

The US banks’ figures are not included in the €800mn total as they do not report comparable Russian results on the group accounts used for the FT calculations.

Western lenders have benefited from the imposition of sanctions on most of the Russian financial sector, which has denied access to the Swift international interbank payment system. That made international banks a financial lifeline between Moscow and the west.

Such factors contributed to RBI’s net fee and commission income in Russia increasing threefold from €420mn in 2021 to €1.2bn in 2023.

“It is not only in RBI’s interest to stay in Russia. The [Russian central bank] will do everything it can to not let them go because there are few non-sanctioned banks through which Russia can receive and send Swift payments,” a senior Russian banking executive said.

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The central bank did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

According to the executive, Russian and foreign counterparties now often settle cross-border payments in roubles, but the Russian currency also goes through accounts at RBI and similar banks “to reduce sanctions risk” and “speed up the process”.

The international banks’ combined revenue, profit and tax figures have fallen since 2022 but remain much higher than prewar results.

The banks have also benefited from interest rate rises with the Russian central bank’s key rate now at 16 per cent, almost two times higher than before the war.

The rate increases have helped the lenders earn bumper revenues from their floating-rate loans and accumulate extra income from funds trapped in Russian deposit accounts.

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The banks cannot access cash earned in Russia due to regulatory restrictions imposed in 2022 that prohibited dividend payouts from Russian subsidiaries to businesses from “unfriendly” western countries.

“We can’t do anything with Russian deposits apart from keeping them with the central bank. So as interest rates went up, so did our profits,” a senior executive at a European bank with a Russian subsidiary said.

About 20 per cent of the tax payments to the Russian budget in 2023 made by OTP consisted of taxes on dividends, the bank said. Much of its funds remain stuck in deposit accounts in Russia, it added.

Locked-up cash presents a significant obstacle to exiting Russia. Since early 2022 the banks have also required personal authorisation by President Vladimir Putin for the sale of their Russian operations.

Only seven western banks — out of 45 included in the list of those in need of presidential approval to exit — have received such an authorisation, including Mercedes-Benz Bank and Intesa.

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Candace Parker, 3-time WNBA and 2-time Olympic champion, says 'it's time' to retire

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Candace Parker, 3-time WNBA and 2-time Olympic champion, says 'it's time' to retire

Candace Parker #3 of the Las Vegas Aces is pictured at Michelob Ultra Arena on July 1, 2023 in Las Vegas. Parker announced her retirement on Sunday.

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Candace Parker #3 of the Las Vegas Aces is pictured at Michelob Ultra Arena on July 1, 2023 in Las Vegas. Parker announced her retirement on Sunday.

Ethan Miller/Getty Images

Candace Parker — a three-time WNBA champion, two-time league MVP and two-time Olympic gold medalist — has announced she’s retiring from basketball after 16 seasons.

In a post on Instagram, Parker said, “I promised I’d never cheat the game & that I’d leave it in a better place than I came into it. The competitor in me always wants 1 more, but it’s time. My HEART & body knew, but I needed to give my mind time to accept it.”

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The 38-year-old had a foot injury that sidelined her last season. She’d hoped to return to the Las Vegas Aces this upcoming year to try to win another title.

“This offseason hasn’t been fun on a foot that isn’t cooperating. It’s no fun playing in pain (10 surgeries in my career) it’s no fun knowing what you could do, if only…it’s no fun hearing ‘she isn’t the same’ when I know why, it’s no fun accepting the fact you need surgery AGAIN.”

Parker played her first 13 seasons with the Los Angeles Sparks — and, in 2008, was the first in WNBA history to be named Rookie of the Year and Most Valuable Player in the same season. She was named MVP again in 2013. She won titles with the Sparks, Chicago Sky and the Las Vegas Aces. She’s the only player in league history to win championships with three teams.

Parker won two NCAA titles while playing for famed collegiate coach Pat Summitt at the University of Tennessee. As a freshman in 2006, Parker became the first woman to slam dunk in an NCAA tournament game.

She helped Team USA win Olympic gold medals at the Beijing Olympics in 2008 and at the London Games in 2012.

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“Your place in sports history is cemented,” said sports journalist Jemele Hill. “While I’m going to miss seeing you on the court, what you’ve done for the game is a big reason the game is as healthy as it is.”

Moments after Parker made the announcement, the Las Vegas Aces posted a tribute video for the WNBA star.

Parker says she’ll continue to work in broadcasting and one day hopes to own both an NBA and WNBA team.

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Tory rebels aim to oust Sunak if party suffers big losses in local elections

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Tory rebels aim to oust Sunak if party suffers big losses in local elections

Rishi Sunak will face a challenge to his leadership if the Conservatives suffer heavy losses and lose high-profile mayors in Thursday’s local elections, rightwing Tory rebels have claimed.

Most Conservative MPs believe the prime minister would survive even a terrible set of results on May 2 because there is no viable alternative and a general election is around the corner.

“There will just be sullen grumpiness all round,” said one former cabinet minister.

James Cleverly, home secretary, warned the Tory rebels last Thursday that trying to remove Sunak would be a “catastrophic idea” and compared a putative putsch with jumping out of a plane without a parachute.

But a group of Conservative MPs and ex-officials, including diehard supporters of ex-premiers Boris Johnson and Liz Truss, say they will launch one final bid to try to topple Sunak.

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Speaking anonymously, the Tory rebels told the Financial Times that a plan has been drawn up to destabilise or oust Sunak once the results of the local elections in England and Wales have been announced.

On Sunday, the rebels threw down the gauntlet to Sunak with a five-point policy plan, setting out proposals to end junior doctors’ strikes with a more generous pay offer, introduce tougher migration measures, increase defence spending to 3 per cent of gross domestic product by 2027, toughen sentences for prolific offenders, and cut the welfare bill.

The plotters set out the 100-day plan as a blueprint of “quick wins” that could be adopted by Sunak’s successor if the rebels manage to successfully topple him.

The threat of a coup attempt has created a febrile atmosphere at Westminster with speculation that Sunak could soon name the date for a general election to head off the danger.

Plotters claim there is a whipping operation to try to muster the 52 letters that must be sent by Tory MPs to Conservative grandees in order to trigger a no-confidence vote in Sunak.

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“The polls and focus groups that have gone round show that nothing Rishi does matters,” said one Conservative rebel. “It’s not the policy, it’s the messenger. People just don’t like the guy.”

Sunak repeatedly declined to rule out a July election in an interview with Sky on Sunday. “I’m not going to do that,” he said.

In comments referring to his previous remark that an election in the second half of 2024 was his “working assumption”, he added: “[It’s] the same thing I’ve said all year.”

A Downing Street insider insisted Sunak was still “planning for an autumn election”, dismissing rumours of an early poll as “complete nonsense” being spread by Labour party mischief-makers.

A rightwing Tory MP, who denied being part of any plot, predicted that some in the party would move against Sunak after the local elections and would rally around any alternative would-be leader capable of “stemming the bloodshed”.

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“Over the Easter recess, colleagues spent more time on the ground in their seats and got a better sense of how bad things are,” said the MP.

On Saturday, Dan Poulter, the Tory MP for Central Suffolk and North Ipswich and a former minister, defected to Labour.

Many Conservative MPs refer to talk of a possible coup as “mad”, but they accept that Sunak could face fresh Conservative infighting after the local elections.

Colin Rallings and Michael Thrasher, local elections experts at Plymouth University, have predicted the Tories could lose 500 of the roughly 900 council seats they are defending, which would be a serious setback.

Sunak’s allies are particularly focused on whether the party can win any of the high-profile mayoralties up for grabs – notably London, the West Midlands and Tees Valley.

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Sadiq Khan, London’s Labour mayor, is expected to win a third term. But Andy Street, Tory mayor of West Midlands, and Lord Ben Houchen, Conservative mayor of Tees Valley, are in hard-fought battles with Labour.

Tory grandees believe Street and Houchen can prove that Tories can still win — in spite of the party trailing Labour by about 20 percentage points or more in national opinion polls — and that will buy Sunak some breathing space.

The prime minister’s team is doing its best to keep potentially mutinous MPs away from Westminster, where plotting is often rife in the Gothic palace’s corridors and bars.

A May bank holiday recess begins on May 2, with the House of Commons not resuming until May 7. Even after that, MPs expect only “light whipping” for the rest of the week, meaning that some will stay away.

The idea of Tory MPs replacing Sunak with a fourth leader in a single parliament, following Johnson and Truss – and just months before an election – is seen by most Conservative MPs as unconscionable.

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The absence of a viable alternative to Sunak is a problem facing the rebels, even if some posit Penny Mordaunt, leader of the Commons, as a compromise candidate.

Penny Mordaunt, leader of the Commons, has been mentioned as a potential candidate for Tory leader © Leon Neal/Getty Images

Mordaunt, who faces a struggle to hold on to her Portsmouth North seat at the election, insists her name is often mentioned by people who want to damage her. “The public are so tired of this,” she has told friends.

Sunak’s allies insist the prime minister’s success in finally securing royal assent for his Rwanda asylum bill, which underpins the government’s strategy to curb illegal migration, and his promise to boost defence spending, has shown he is on the front foot and up for the fight.

Cleverly warned Tory rebels not to “feed the psychodrama”. He told a Westminster press lunch: “We should have the discipline to stay focused on what we’ve achieved in government and what we’re planning to do next.”

One former minister loyal to Sunak said: “There’s no sense that there are anywhere near enough mad MPs to attempt to send the Tory party into the guaranteed death spiral that a sword-wielding leadership upheaval would bring.”

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Join Lucy Fisher, George Parker and colleagues for an FT subscriber webinar on May 8 to examine the national fallout from the local elections. Register now at ft.com/ukwebinar.

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