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The Wisconsin Idea and eugenics: conflicting sides of Charles Van Hise

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The Wisconsin Idea and eugenics: conflicting sides of Charles Van Hise


Illustration by Kay Reynolds.

A proposed university plaque would acknowledge the former UW president’s influence in a 20th-century movement that prompted sterilization, discrimination, and genocide.

Charles Van Hise (1857-1918) is an important but controversial figure in the history of the University of Wisconsin. He co-authored the Wisconsin Idea, a one-sentence ideology that has helped guide the development of our state for decades. He was a prominent figure in the Progressive movement, an important political chapter in Wisconsin’s history.

However, Van Hise was also a eugenicist, who believed the human race should use selective breeding and forced sterilization to eliminate “inferior” traits from society. Eugenics is a misinformed extrapolation of Darwin’s Theory of Evolution, applying “survival of the fittest” to humans as well as plants and animals. 

A new plaque is set to be installed in the lobby of Van Hise Hall (1220 Linden Drive) at the UW-Madison, addressing the former university president’s support of eugenics, pending approval by UW-Madison Chancellor Jennifer Mnookin.

The plaque is a result of years of collaboration between Kacie Lucchini Butcher, director of the UW-Madison Center for Campus History, and the Committee on Disability Access and Inclusion (CDAI), an advisory body of faculty, staff, and students that operates as part of UW-Madison’s shared governance system. In 2021, Lucchini Butcher gave a presentation to the CDAI on Van Hise and eugenics at UW-Madison. After her presentation, the CDAI reached out to Lucchini Butcher about working together to find a way to address Van Hise’s history on campus.

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Lucchini Butcher and the CDAI worked closely with UW administration and the Madison community, hosting multiple public engagement sessions between 2022 and 2023 to raise awareness of the issue and collect public opinion. They finally decided to design a plaque, which Lucchini Butcher describes as the “first step for the CDAI and for UW on confronting the legacy of Van Hise and eugenics.”

The proposed language for the plaque reads:

“Charles Van Hise was a professor at UW-Madison from 1879 to 1903, after which he served as its president until 1918. As president, Van Hise offered the best-known articulation of the Wisconsin Idea. He was also an advocate of eugenics, a set of beliefs and practices that has justified discrimination against marginalized people deemed “unfit” based on individual and group characteristics and identities. The impact of eugenics can be seen not only in the genocides of the 20th century but also, for example, in discriminatory immigration practices and in involuntary sterilization laws. As UW- Madison strives to serve the people of Wisconsin and the world, the legacy of Van Hise reminds us that we must acknowledge and grapple with all parts of our past and all parts of our present to move forward together.”

Now that the plaque proposal has passed through many channels for approval, including the Campus Planning Committee, Mnookin has the final say in whether or not the plaque will be installed in Van Hise Hall. The proposed plaque language was sent to Mnookin in April. UW-Madison spokesperson John Lucas tells Tone Madison he doesn’t “yet have timing updates on this project, which is still in the planning process.” A CDAI timeline indicated that the approval process has been delayed due to Mnookin’s travel schedule.

Despite Van Hise’s role in promoting the eugenics movement in Wisconsin, the narrative surrounding him, crafted in part by UW, is overwhelmingly positive. His biography on the UW Archives and Record Management website describes him as having “the distinctions of receiving the first PhD degree granted by the University of Wisconsin (1892, geology), being the first UW alumnus to head the university, and being the longest serving leader of the university.”

Only after clicking on a link at the bottom of UW’s Van Hise’s biography do you find a  presentation by the University Committee on Disability Access and Inclusion on Van Hise’s involvement with the eugenics movement. Van Hise’s important role in UW-Madison’s history and his ugly eugenicist beliefs pose difficult but familiar questions about how to handle terrible truths about Wisconsin history. 

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The eugenics movement at UW-Madison

Modern eugenics emerged in the 1880s, and by the early 1900s, the U.S. saw the creation of several national organizations promoting eugenics; the Race Betterment Foundation was founded in 1911 by Dr. John Harvey Kellogg (using the Kellogg Cereal fortune). Leon J. Cole—founder of the UW Genetics Department—was also a featured speaker at the First National Conference on Race Betterment in 1914. 

The eugenics movement in the U.S. in the early 1900s advocated for forced sterilization, institutionalizing the mentally “feeble,” and limiting immigration depending on race and health. The American Eugenics Society had hoped to sterilize one-tenth of the U.S. population in order to prevent “heredity degeneration.”

In 1910 Van Hise published an essay titled “The Conservation Of Natural Resources In The United States,” in which he wrote that “human defectives should no longer be allowed to propagate the race.” By human defectives, Van Hise might have been talking about African Americans, Native Peoples, immigrants, “wayward” women, the mentally or physically disabled, or any number of Americans with traits seen as undesirable by society in the early 20th century.

Van Hise would undoubtedly have been in support of a massive sterilization effort like the one advocated for by the American Eugenics Society. Van Hise wrote, “we know enough about eugenics so that if that knowledge were applied, the defective classes would disappear within a generation.”

That same year, Leon J. Cole founded the Department of Experimental Breeding at UW-Madison, which would eventually become known as the Genetics Department; it was the first of its kind in the country. The department was intended to focus its efforts on improving Wisconsin agriculture with genetics. However, in the early 1900s U.S., the eugenics movement was taking off, and scientific methods applied to breeding animals were already being applied to the human race.

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As Van Hise wrote in “The Conservation Of Natural Resources,” “breeding has been long practiced with reference to producing high-grade stock. Until recently man has given very little attention to the matter as far as his own race is concerned.”

Cole also founded the nation’s first eugenics club at UW in 1912, which hosted bi-monthly lectures from eugenics experts. Multiple classes teaching eugenics were available: “Heredity and eugenics,” taught by Michael F. Guyer, addressed “the laws of heredity, their application to man, and the importance of the biological principles underlying race-betterment.” 

Adolf Hitler’s genocide of the Jewish people in the 1930s and ’40s was, in fact, heavily inspired by the eugenics movement in the United States. Hitler is quoted saying, “now that we know the laws of heredity, it is possible to a large extent to prevent unhealthy and severely handicapped beings from coming into the world. I have studied with interest the laws of several American states concerning prevention of reproduction by people whose progeny would, in all probability, be of no value or be injurious to the racial stock.”

UW-Madison played a significant role in the development of the eugenics movement in the United States. The university continued to teach eugenics until 1948, with courses promoting its theories in the departments of sociology, criminology, genetics, and zoology.

Progressivism and eugenics 

Both Cole and Van Hise were intellectuals in the American Progressive movement. Progressives wanted to reimagine the American economic and political landscape. They pushed for safer workplaces, labor laws, and a more democratic government. Wisconsin, and UW-Madison in particular, and were considered models of progressive reform and intellectualism in the early 1900s.

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During the Progressive movement and Robert La Follete’s term as governor of Wisconsin from 1901 to 1906, reforms were passed to tax railroad tycoons, break up monopolies, and give voters the power to choose primary candidates with direct primary elections. 

Progressivism and eugenics were closely related movements; in fact, eugenics was a Progressive cause. Chris McAllester, graduate student in the UW Genetics Department, researched the history of eugenics in that same department.

“Everyone in the Progressive movement, to first approximation, was pro-eugenics,” says McAllester.

Proponents of eugenics were overwhelmingly Progressives, including prominent members of the suffragist movement. The movements believed their shared goals of social and economic reform were directly tied to the success of the “race.” Progressives believed that the government should encourage selective breeding to strengthen favorable traits, and eliminate “inferior” ones. 

Many Progressive initiatives used theories of eugenicists to justify government policy. When passing labor reforms, like a fixed minimum wage, Progressive economists agreed with their critics, in that instituting a minimum wage could cause job losses (a claim that has since been disproven), but they were unconcerned. For eugenicists, job loss caused by minimum wages was beneficial to society, as it fulfilled the eugenic goal of expelling the “unemployable” from the labor force.

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Eugenicists saw their beliefs transformed into policy in many states. In 1913, Wisconsin Governor Francis McGovern passed Chapter 693, a statute that gave the state the power to sterilize inmates of mental and penal institutions. It further required the presentation of a medical certificate declaring mental competency when applying for a marriage license. 

Between 1913 and 1963, Wisconsin forcibly sterilized 1,823 “defective” individuals with the authority of Chapter 693, before it was finally repealed in 1978. Those targeted by Wisconsin’s sterilization statutes were people with criminal records, mental illnesses, intellectual disabilities, and epilepsy. The majority of those sterilized, 79%, were women, often because they were deemed “sexually promiscuous.”

Eugenics and the Wisconsin Idea

Van Hise played an important role in the passage of the sterilization and marriage statutes, using the ideology of the Wisconsin Idea: state government should work in collaboration with the university for the betterment of the state.

According to McAllester’s research, Van Hise “vocally advocated for eugenic laws in the State of Wisconsin as a part of the ‘Wisconsin Idea’ whereby university experts informed the public and legislators of relevant science.” 

The writings, speeches, classes, and clubs at UW that promoted eugenics all contributed to a racist, sexist, and ableist state consciousness in the 1900s, resulting in almost 2,000 forced sterilizations. Even after the sterilization and marriage statutes were repealed, eugenics teachings continued to influence healthcare in Wisconsin.

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Doctors in Wisconsin, influenced by eugenics teachings and former state policies, continued to sterilize patients without their knowledge or consent after Chapter 693 was repealed. Native Americans accused the Indian Health Service of forcibly sterilizing at least 25% of all Native women between the ages of 15 and 44 in the 1970s.

The eugenics movement eventually lost scientific and social credibility. Traits that the eugenics movement targeted for elimination from the gene pool—like “criminality,” “promiscuity,” or the generic phrase “feeblemindedness”—had little genetic basis. In other words, you cannot inherit a tendency to break the law. The eugenics movement generally ignored the possibility that outside factors like economic status or education level are more likely to influence the development of those traits.

Now more than a century after Van Hise’s death, the legacy of his writing and the movement he promoted, as well as the building carrying his name, continue to loom large over UW’s campus.  

Discussing Van Hise today

After Lucchini Butcher received emails from Madison residents asking her to address Van Hise’s legacy, she knew it was a project she had to undertake. Lucchini Butcher has given 10 to 12 presentations a year on Van Hise and eugenics since 2021. After she presented for the CDAI, members of the committee helped her get the ball rolling.

Lucchini Butcher says that her team never encountered opposition to addressing Van Hise’s support of eugenics, just debate over whether a plaque was the best option. Lucchini Butcher says that a plaque is the right first step for Van Hise Hall, as it achieves her team’s goal of education.

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“Renaming is very controversial right now. So [when] lots of people hear that there is going to be a renaming, they immediately are like ‘No, you’re erasing this person, you’re erasing their legacy,’” Lucchini Butcher says. “And what you get is a huge controversy for a few years, where people are really upset—lots of op-eds, it’s everywhere in the newspaper—the building gets renamed. And then, in four years, nobody remembers.”

McAllester says the best way to address difficult histories is to provide people with access to detailed information about the past.

“To say Van Hise or Cole were eugenicists is different than saying ‘Cole wrote articles in which he argued that philanthropists shouldn’t spend their money on […] improving the lives of people who are having difficulty, or [experiencing] homeless[ness], and instead should be spending their money on advocating for eugenic sterilization, because that would be more effective,” McAllester says.

Although information about Van Hise and eugenics at UW-Madison has been accessible for decades, many people have never heard about this aspect of university history. At every presentation Lucchini Butcher has given on Van Hise, there are always multiple people in the audience who walk away shocked.

“The CDAI and the Center for Campus History have been working for years to raise awareness so that we can get a sense of urgency on doing something around campus,” says Lucchini Butcher. “Why 2023? Why isn’t the plaque up yet? The unsexy answer is that the university is a bureaucratic institution, and nothing happens quickly, or as quickly as we want.”

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Lucchini Butcher says she hopes that the plaque will do what renaming won’t: educate future generations of UW students, and start conversations about how to reckon with abhorrent truths about the histories of our communities.






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Wisconsin

New Wisconsin AD Shawn Eichorst: Badgers Need ‘Texas Swagger’ And Less Humility

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New Wisconsin AD Shawn Eichorst: Badgers Need ‘Texas Swagger’ And Less Humility


New Wisconsin athletic director Shawn Eichorst, who spent the last eight years at Texas, believes his new and old schools have much in common.

Both are well-regarded research universities in state capitals that belong to major conferences and have relatively similar enrollments.

He also pointed out one difference.

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“There’s swag at Texas, right?” Eichorst said Tuesday during his introductory news conference. “There’s 30 million people in Texas. We’ve got swag, too, but we have a little humility with that deal. We need to get our shoulders up. We need to feel good about what it is that we’re doing.”

Wisconsin could gain more of that Texas swagger if its football program gets back to winning the way it did the last time Eichorst was employed in Madison. Eichorst, who most recently worked as a deputy athletic director at Texas, received a five-year deal worth $1.6 million annually, with provisions for increases and incentives. He was hired 2½ months after Chris McIntosh left to become the Big Ten’s deputy commissioner for strategy.

Eichorst worked at Wisconsin from 2006-11 when Barry Alvarez was AD and Bret Bielema was leading the football program. He followed that up with stints as an athletic director at Miami (2011-12) and Nebraska (2012-17) before Texas athletic director Chris Del Conte hired him in 2018.

He returns to Wisconsin with the Badgers coming off back-to-back losing seasons in football, a notable fall for a program that had 22 straight winning seasons from 2002-23. Wisconsin coach Luke Fickell has gone 17-21 after posting a 53-10 record with one College Football Playoff appearance in his last five years at Cincinnati.

Eichorst hasn’t worked with Fickell before but said he’s encouraged by their initial conversations.

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“Obviously he’s won every place he’s been,” Eichorst said. “My expectation is more of me than him, meaning I need to pour into him, learn more about his program, how he has things set up, how his athletes are taken care of, how we’re supporting that endeavor. And then we can figure out, as we move along, what that might look like.”

Football struggles led to Eichorst’s downfall the last time he was an athletic director.

He fired Nebraska coach Bo Pelini in 2014 and hired Mike Riley, who had gone 93-80 in 14 seasons at Oregon State. Eichorst was dismissed shortly after Nebraska suffered an early-season loss to Northern Illinois in 2017. Riley was fired at the end of that season after going 19-19 in three years.

When Eichorst’s hiring was announced last week, he spoke about how much he had grown from that Nebraska stint. Wisconsin interim chancellor Eric Wilcots led the search and has emphasized Eichorst’s accomplishments at Texas, which has won the Learfield Directors’ Cup all-sports standings five times in the last six years.

Texas ranked anywhere from fifth to ninth in the Directors’ Cup standings in the five years before Wilcots’ arrival. Texas’ football team went a combined 23-27 from 2014-17 but has made two College Football Playoff appearances in the last three years.

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“Everybody looks at the end result of what we did at Texas,” Eichorst said. “When we got there in 2018, we weren’t very good in a lot of areas. And that didn’t change overnight.”

Eichorst said one thing that has caught his attention about Wisconsin is the overall quality of its head coaches.

“You’re going to be as good as your coaches,” Eichorst said. “That’s it. If you have an elite group of coaches who are working together and uniting and galvanizing and learning from one another and taking it out to their individual programs, I think you can start to build something special. I go back to Texas. We built a room of really elite head coaches and put them at the top of everything we did to help guide us.”

Eichorst said this job is particularly important to him because of his Wisconsin roots. He was born in Lone Rock, about 45 miles northwest of the Madison campus.

He treasured his previous stint at Wisconsin and says he believes this school “represents everything that is great about higher education and college athletics.”

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“Nobody will work harder for Wisconsin athletics,” Eichorst said. “I love this state, and I love everything that it represents. The passion is there. You can see it. I don’t have to make it up. I’ve lived it. It’s in my heart.”

___

AP college sports: https://apnews.com/hub/college-sports



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South Milwaukee, Wisconsin, officials in standoff with homeowner over year-round skeleton display

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South Milwaukee, Wisconsin, officials in standoff with homeowner over year-round skeleton display



The city of South Milwaukee, Wisconsin, has ordered a homeowner to take down his year-round giant skeleton display or face fines, but the homeowner is standing firm and refusing, even as the deadline to remove the display has passed.

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Now there’s a skeleton standoff.

The city cited ordinance violations in their order for Sean Oster to dismantle the lawn decorations. The notice specifically references “large Halloween decorations being displayed not during the appropriate time of year.”

Oster was also ordered to make other improvements to his property.

But Oster has refused to take down the display, which is re-dressed as the year goes on and is currently sporting a Fourth of July theme. The Institute for Justice, a public interest law firm, has come to his aid, saying the city’s actions violate Oster’s First Amendment rights.

City administrators declined to comment, citing a pending investigation. Neighbors have been divided by the display; some say they’re fine with it, and think it brings fun and positivity to the neighborhood, but some others want to see it removed and say the lawn should be kept up better and more consistently.

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Oster said he’s hoping to reach an agreement with the city, and said he’s corrected all other violations outside of the display. 



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Former Wisconsin judge to be sentenced after conviction in obstructing arrest of Mexican immigrant

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Former Wisconsin judge to be sentenced after conviction in obstructing arrest of Mexican immigrant


Former Wisconsin Judge Hannah Dugan, who was convicted of felony obstruction for helping an immigrant evade federal officers in a case that highlighted President Donald Trump’s sweeping immigration crackdown, is scheduled to be sentenced Wednesday in federal court.

Dugan, 67, faces up to five years in prison after a jury convicted her on Dec. 19. She resigned from her position as a Milwaukee County circuit judge two weeks later amid threats of impeachment from Republican state lawmakers. She had been a judge for nine years.

Trump administration tried to make an example out of Milwaukee judge

The Trump administration brought the case against Dugan as the president pressed ahead with his sweeping immigration crackdown. Trump’s administration and his allies branded Dugan as an activist judge, while Dugan’s attorneys said during the trial that the Trump administration was trying to make an example out of Dugan to “crush her.”

Immigrant rights advocates and other Dugan allies argued that the administration was trying to use her case to blunt judicial opposition to Trump’s immigration efforts. The case became a bellwether nationally in the conflict between the judiciary and Trump’s immigration crackdown.

Republican U.S. Rep. Tom Tiffany, a fierce Trump loyalist running for Wisconsin governor, urged authorities to “lock her up” in a social media post following her conviction.

Dugan’s attorneys declined to comment ahead of the sentencing. Dugan did not testify during her trial, but her attorneys said she would be making comments to the court on Wednesday. That would be her first public comments on the case in more than a year.

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Prosecutors push for ‘serious sentence’

Dugan’s attorneys argued that as a judge she was immune from prosecution. U.S. District Judge Lynn Adelman, who will hand down the sentence, has rejected attempts by Dugan to vacate her obstruction conviction.

Prosecutors argued in a sentencing memo filed last week that Dugan violated her oath as a judge and put both law enforcement and the public at risk.

“Judges are entrusted with tremendous discretion, but there is a line they cannot cross,” Executive Assistant U.S. Attorney Richard Frohling wrote. “The defendant crossed that line.”

Dugan’s attorneys argued she has “punished enough,” including resigning as a judge and facing threats of violence. They argued in her sentencing memo that she should not be sentenced to any jail time besides the part of one day she already spent in federal custody.

Under federal sentencing guidelines, the presentence report calls for 15 to 21 months behind bars. The judge is not bound by those guidelines.

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Prosecutors said the average sentence for obstruction cases is 16 months, but they did not recommend a sentence.

“This was a serious offense, and it warrants a correspondingly serious sentence,” Frohling wrote.

No matter what she is sentenced to, Dugan’s attorneys said they plan to file an appeal.

Dugan’s case was a first for Wisconsin

Dugan’s case marked the first time that a state judge in Wisconsin went to trial on charges of obstructing immigration agents. She was found not guilty of concealing an individual to prevent arrest, a misdemeanor.

On April 18, 2025, immigration officers went to the Milwaukee County courthouse after learning 31-year-old Eduardo Flores-Ruiz had reentered the country illegally and was scheduled to appear before Dugan for a hearing in a state battery case.

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Dugan confronted agents outside her courtroom and directed them to the chief judge’s office because she told them their administrative warrant wasn’t sufficient grounds to arrest Flores-Ruiz.

After the agents left, she led Flores-Ruiz and his attorney out a private jury door. Agents spotted Flores-Ruiz in the corridor, followed him outside and arrested him after a foot chase. A week later, FBI agents arrested Dugan in the courthouse, leading her outside in handcuffs.

Flores-Ruiz was deported in November.



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