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How Wisconsin could improve tracking of dishonest police officers

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How Wisconsin could improve tracking of dishonest police officers


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  • Prosecutors nationwide must provide the defense with information that could call into question the credibility of police officers or anyone else who might testify — whether that’s a history of criminal activity, dishonesty or some other integrity violation. 
  • In many cases, prosecutors track such information through what’s called a “Brady list” of officers. No clear Wisconsin or federal standards exist for when officers should be listed for disclosure.
  • The consequences for failing to disclose Brady material can be dire, even leading people to be incarcerated for crimes they didn’t commit.
  • Brady list policies elsewhere range widely, with some jurisdictions more meticulous than others. Such policies should consider the rights of police and citizens, experts say.
  • Arizona and Colorado have developed statewide disclosure systems.

When someone is charged with a crime, law enforcement testimony can play a crucial role in court, even determining whether the defendant lands in prison. 

That’s why prosecutors nationwide must provide the defense with information that could call into question the credibility of officers or anyone else who might testify — whether that’s a history of criminal activity, dishonesty or some other integrity violation. 

But how do prosecutors determine what to disclose about whom? 

That’s where it gets complicated, and it’s the subject of an ongoing investigation by Wisconsin Watch, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and TMJ4 News called Duty to Disclose.  

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Many district attorneys maintain lists of officers accused of acting in ways that erode their credibility. These are often called Brady or Giglio lists, named for two U.S. Supreme Court rulings related to disclosure. 

In investigating Milwaukee County’s Brady list of nearly 200 current or former officer names, reporters found inaccuracies and inconsistencies — raising questions about transparency in criminal proceedings. 

How do prosecutors across the rest of the state and country disclose such information and what best practices do experts recommend?

Here’s what to know.  

What are the standards for Brady lists in Wisconsin? 

No clear state or federal standards exist for when officers should be listed for disclosure.

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It’s up to district attorney’s offices, which are responsible for prosecuting crimes, to maintain such records.

The district attorney should know when an officer is referred for potential criminal charges. But when officers face non-criminal internal violations, prosecutors rely on law enforcement to share that information for consideration. That’s the case in Milwaukee County, according to District Attorney Kent Lovern. If such sharing doesn’t happen, his office may be left unaware.   

Milwaukee County District Attorney Kent Lovern makes decisions about which officers to put on — or take off — his Brady list. He is shown being interviewed by reporters for Wisconsin Watch, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and TMJ4 News in January 2025. (TMJ4 News)

The accuracy of a Brady list hinges on clear communication between law enforcement departments and prosecutors, said Rachel Moran, an associate law professor at University of St. Thomas School of Law in Minneapolis who has researched Brady systems nationwide. 

“That is where a lot of the sloppiness happens is that prosecutors don’t set up a good system with the police for even learning about the information,” Moran said. 

In Duty to Disclose, reporters asked 23 law enforcement agencies in Milwaukee County for policies governing how to handle Brady material. 

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Only seven provided a written policy. The Milwaukee Police Department and eight other agencies said they lacked a written policy, while the remaining seven did not respond.  

What do Brady lists look like in Wisconsin? 

A 2024 Wisconsin Watch investigation found some of Wisconsin’s counties keeping spotty Brady records. Records requests to 72 counties turned up more than 360 names of officers on Brady lists. The tally was incomplete since 17 counties either denied a records request or said they didn’t keep track.

Another 23 district attorneys said they had no names on file, although some said they would reach out to local agencies to update their list.

Milwaukee County disclosed incomplete information at the time. But after TMJ4 News made its own request and threatened to sue, the county released a full list of 192 officers listed for a wide range of conduct — from a recruit who cheated on a test to officers sentenced to federal prison for civil rights violations. Some officers were listed multiple times. 

Of more than 200 entries on the Milwaukee County list released in September, nearly half related to an integrity or misconduct issue, such as officers lying on or off duty. About 14% related to domestic or intimate partner violence, and nearly 10% related to sex crimes, including sexual assault or possessing child pornography. Another 14% involved alcohol-related offenses.

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But the list omits some officers who have cost taxpayers millions in misconduct lawsuits and whose testimony judges have found not credible. That includes two detectives who, according to a civil jury, falsely reported a man’s confession to a crime. 

What can go wrong if Brady disclosure doesn’t happen?

The consequences for failing to disclose Brady material can be dire, even leading people to be incarcerated for crimes they didn’t commit.

In one extreme case in 1990, an Arizona woman was convicted of kidnapping and murdering her 4-year-old son based largely on the testimony of a Phoenix police detective who had a history of lying under oath — details prosecutors did not disclose. As a result, Debra Milke sat on death row for 22 years before a judge vacated her conviction in 2014. 

Official misconduct has contributed to more than half of wrongful convictions dating back to 1989, according to a 2020 study from the National Registry of Exonerations.

What are other benefits of consistent Brady list disclosure? 

The lack of consistent disclosure has prompted some defense attorneys to maintain their own internal Brady systems based on information they learn, said Alissa Heydari, director of the Vanderbilt Project on Prosecution Policy and a former prosecutor. 

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That extra scrutiny makes it even more important for prosecutors to be aware of witness credibility issues.

“From a strategic point, you want to know the weaknesses in your own case and in your own witnesses,” Heydari said.

Consistent, transparent tracking of Brady information could also improve trust in police, Moran said. 

“I don’t think this is an attack on police,” she said. “If anything, I think it could help the credibility of law enforcement to be more transparent about the officers with histories of misconduct.”

Some police unions have sought to influence how Brady lists are created or maintained — including in Los Angeles, Brooklyn and Philadelphia, according to Moran’s research.  

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Little federal enforcement and a lack of political incentive to challenge police power often prevent state or local tightening of Brady standards.

“Police misconduct disproportionately impacts communities that are often not heard and not represented in media investigations and not represented as well in politics and in places of power,” Moran said.

Following publication of the first Duty to Disclose installments, the Wisconsin Fraternal Order of Police criticized Milwaukee County’s Brady list release, saying officers could face “significant career and reputational damage.”

“We appeal to the legislature to establish a standardized, transparent process that ensures the protection of officers’ due process rights, while maintaining the public’s trust in the integrity of our law enforcement agencies,” the police group said in a March 4 statement. 

A Milwaukee officer who appears on the county’s Brady list has called for inconsistencies on the list to be exposed. 

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What are best practices for maintaining Brady lists? 

Brady list policies elsewhere range widely, with some jurisdictions more meticulous than others. Such policies should consider the rights of police and citizens, Heydari said.

Prosecutors are increasingly recognizing the importance of crafting such policies, but “my guess is that it’s a pretty small minority of offices that are doing it,” Heydari added.  

John Jay University’s Institute for Innovation in Prosecution in 2021 highlighted 11 jurisdictions nationwide —from San Francisco to Philadelphia — that clearly spell out their policies. 

The institute offers a variety of recommendations, including collecting as much information as possible from police departments about misconduct, providing staff with training, designating a group of people responsible for deciding when to list officers and crafting clear criteria for additions. 

Puzzle piece of police officer's head
The lack of consistent disclosure by prosecutors has prompted some defense attorneys to maintain their own internal Brady systems based on information they learn about law enforcement officers’ histories. (Andrew Mulhearn for Wisconsin Watch)

“You don’t want to be frivolously adding police officers who, for instance, have unsubstantiated allegations against them,” Heydari said.

Moran cautions against making that criteria too narrow. 

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The Milwaukee County District Attorney’s Office uses strict criteria, listing officers only when they have a pending criminal charge, a past conviction or an internal investigation “that brings into question the officer’s integrity.”

That has left off, for instance, some officers who a judge found to lack credibility.

That’s in contrast to Cook County State’s Attorney Office in Chicago, which tracks adverse credibility findings — as do prosecutors in New York. 

Last year, the Hennepin County Attorney’s Office in Minneapolis expanded the type of conduct

that may qualify as Brady material, announced specialized training for attorneys, created a new tracking system for judicial orders related to witness credibility and hired staff to exclusively focus on Brady compliance. 

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Are there any statewide Brady disclosure systems? 

Arizona and Colorado have developed statewide disclosure systems, although government watchdogs have called them imperfect.

Colorado became the first state to mandate standards for tracking dishonesty in law enforcement in 2019. But a Denver Post investigation later found inconsistencies in the tracking system. 

A bipartisan bill in 2021 expanded disclosure requirements, making Brady list policies and mechanisms transparent to the public. The legislation requires minimum disclosure standards for counties, with options to disclose more than is required.  

Colorado maintains a searchable Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST) database that includes decertifications and disciplinary files including untruthfulness. The 2021 law required dishonesty flags be made public. However, the POST website emphasizes that the database itself is not a Brady list.

Still, more recent watchdog reporting found lingering gaps in the data and inconsistencies in enforcement.

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Arizona lacks state mandates for tracking and disclosing Brady lists. The Arizona Prosecuting Attorneys’ Advisory Council does, however, publish a statewide database of listed officers — an effort that followed a 2020 investigation by ABC15 that found some prosecutors failed to keep accurate Brady lists. The council also publishes best practices for such disclosure. 

Still, ABC15’s follow-up reporting has found continuing transparency gaps in the state. 

Are Wisconsin leaders interested in standards?

Milwaukee County Supervisor Justin Bielinski said a statewide Brady standard and database could help the county manage liability in hiring. As Milwaukee County police departments aggressively recruit officers from other jurisdictions, those with a history of questionable policing may slip under the radar, he said. The problem of “wandering officers” is well documented.  

“A state law change that would centralize this kind of record keeping or at least standardize the process for how the locals go about doing it could be helpful,” Bielinski said, adding that the county board lacks power to craft such standards for the sheriff’s department.

But Bielinski, who also serves as the communications director for state Sen. Chris Larson, D-Milwaukee, doubts legislation to create Brady list standards would advance in a Legislature controlled by Republicans who more often back police groups and “tough on crime” platforms. 

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Larson has a different view, saying that legislation for consistency standards across law enforcement agencies and a statewide database housed at the Wisconsin Department of Justice could garner bipartisan support.

“Even Republicans would want to have consistency with their law enforcement so that they’re held to the highest standards,” Larson said. 

Wisconsin state Sen. Chris Larson
Wisconsin state Sen. Chris Larson, D-Milwaukee, is photographed during a state Senate session on June 7, 2023, in the Wisconsin State Capitol building in Madison, Wis. (Drake White-Bergey / Wisconsin Watch)

Asked if he supports statewide Brady standards, Wisconsin Attorney General Josh Kaul said district attorneys should retain their discretion, which depends on a range of factors and the circumstances of the cases.

“It’s not as simple as whether somebody is on a list or not,” the Democrat told the Journal Sentinel. “There’s more analysis that needs to go into it.”

Still, Kaul said any Brady lists should be accessible and include “as much consistency as possible.”  

Ashley Luthern of the Journal Sentinel and Ben Jordan of TMJ4 News contributed reporting. 

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This story is part of Duty to Disclose, an investigation by the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, TMJ4 News and Wisconsin Watch. The Fund for Investigative Journalism provided financial support for this project.

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Add massive transmission towers to list of invasive species | Opinion

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Add massive transmission towers to list of invasive species | Opinion



We are managing the land to preserve native vegetation and reduce invasive species. Perhaps the greatest invasive will now be the MariBell project’s huge metal stanchions.

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  • Massive 765kV transmission lines are being proposed for construction across western and eastern Wisconsin.
  • One proposed project, the MariBell transmission line, would cut through the state’s Driftless region.
  • The new lines would replace existing 161kV lines with structures soaring 200 feet high.
  • Concerns have been raised about the project’s impact on the landscape, wildlife, and property values.

How much power do we really need and where should it come from? 

Across the state people are being asked to sacrifice precious land for the construction of massive 765kV transmission lines that are mounted on erector set-like structures that soar 200 feet into the air and cut a swath 250 feet wide across the landscape of both western and eastern Wisconsin. Land and resources that cannot be replaced.

One of these lines is the MariBell transmission line that will cut through the heart of the Driftless region. This line, if it were to go through the Driftless area as proposed, will cross miles of land that avoided the assault of glaciers eons ago to now be destroyed by bulldozers to erect gigantic metal towers for the worship of greed.

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This line would replace existing 161 kV lines with 765 kV lines that are more than double the width of existing lines. This means taking out trees, prairies, farms and homes for not only people but endangered wildlife.

Wisconsin wants more power, but at what cost?

The metal towers that soar 200 feet up in the air will be seen for miles away, some on ridgetops may need lights at night. Lights that could harm nocturnal animals and bring diffuse light for all of us who would prefer to see stars at night and occasionally the Northern Lights.

There has not been an established need for this massive line nor is the Driftless region a location worth destroying. This project will place an ever increasing financial burden on utility users who do not even benefit from the line and adversely affect property values in Crawford and Vernon counties. It will cause irreparable damage to the land, air and water as well as the beauty of the Wisconsin landscape that we all love.

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It is past time for all Wisconsinites and all those we elect to take a step back and really identify what it is we value and what we want our future to look like. Then act to protect those values! Do electric power utilities, and the regulatory Public Service Commission, only have a responsibility to provide power and not the responsibility to do no harm to the people and native landscape?

Stewardship of Driftless landscape becoming more difficult

We are landowners in Crawford County, Wis., that currently has a 161kV power line going over it and will most likely be right on the route of this new 765kV powerline. We have a cabin that is not connected to electricity, as we are trying to have as small of a footprint on the land as possible. 

We are managing the land to preserve native vegetation and reduce invasive species. Perhaps the greatest invasive will now be the huge metal stanchions. The challenge of being responsible, sustainable stewards of the land has just become harder.

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Tim Eisele and Linda Eisele have a cabin on 100 acres of land in the Town of Seneca.



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No Kings protests draw crowds in Oshkosh, Appleton and across Northeast Wisconsin Saturday

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No Kings protests draw crowds in Oshkosh, Appleton and across Northeast Wisconsin Saturday


OSHKOSH (WLUK) — ‘No Kings’ protests took place across Northeast Wisconsin Saturday in opposition to President Donald Trump.

These protests align with the national ‘No Kings’ protests occurring across the country Saturday.

People showed up with signs and flags at Rainbow Park in Oshkosh Saturday beginning at 10 a.m., protesting against the president to voice their concerns.

Protesters expressed their concerns over Trump’s decisions surrounding the war in Iran, as well as his immigration policies– which the protesters believe reflect an expansion of presidential power they oppose.

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“This is also an open invitation to anyone who feels disappointed or even betrayed– those who promised greater affordability, fewer global conflicts/wars and transparency on issues such as the Epstein files, and are still waiting,” protester Deb Martin said.

Similar ‘No Kings’ protests and marches took place in Appleton, Green Bay, De Pere and Sturgeon Bay.

Beginning at 3 p.m. in Appleton, protesters marched from Houdini plaza down College Ave. for two blocks in a loop. Several organizations collaborated for the march including Appleton Area NOW, Wisconsin Resist, Hate Free Outagamie, ESTHER, Forward Fox Valley, Democratic Socialists of America and Citizen Action of Wisconsin.

Protesters say the Trump Administration’s actions are an attack on democracy.

Organizers planned more than 3,000 events nationwide, with turnout expected to reach into upwards of nine million people.

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A flagship rally in St. Paul, Minnesota, drew thousands and featured high-profile speakers and performers, underscoring the scale and national reach of the movement.

Headlining the observance will be Bruce Springsteen, performing “Streets of Minneapolis,” which he wrote in response to the deaths of Renee Good and Alex Pretti, and in tribute to the thousands of Minnesotans who took to the streets over the winter.

The White House dismissed the planned protests as the product of “leftist funding networks” with little real public support.

“The only people who care about these Trump Derangement Therapy Sessions are the reporters who are paid to cover them,” White House spokesperson Abigail Jackson said in a statement.

Trump reacted to previous “No Kings” rallies by insisting “I’m not a king” and saying attendees were “not representative of the people of our country.”

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In battleground Wisconsin, the 2026 elections are poised to bring a ‘changing of the guard’

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In battleground Wisconsin, the 2026 elections are poised to bring a ‘changing of the guard’


A year and a half after Donald Trump’s victory in Wisconsin, Democrats are sensing a vibe shift that could reshape the balance of power in the critical battleground state.

In the last three months, seven state Republican lawmakers have announced their retirements — including the party leaders in the Assembly and the Senate — providing a boost to Democrats’ hopes they could win control of at least one legislative chamber for the first time in 16 years.

A massive fundraising advantage in next month’s open Wisconsin Supreme Court race has liberals feeling confident about further expanding their majority on a bench that up until a few years ago was long dominated by conservatives. Liberals are already even eyeing another seat next year, after a conservative justice said she wouldn’t run for re-election.

And Democrats are hoping another state Supreme Court victory would provide a jolt of momentum heading into a governor’s contest that will bring significant change no matter the result. A crowded field of Democratic candidates is vying to succeed Gov. Tony Evers and likely take on GOP front-runner Rep. Tom Tiffany in November.

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“These retirements have largely confirmed what we had already thought, which is that we have an extraordinary opportunity this year in Wisconsin,” Wisconsin Democratic Party Chairman Devin Remiker said in an interview, referring to the GOP lawmakers who declined to run for re-election. “I think that a very potent disaster is brewing for Republicans, and it is my desire to capitalize on it by winning the Democratic trifecta.”

Recent polling underscores that the political winds are currently blowing in Democrats’ direction. A Marquette University Law School poll conducted in mid-March found that about half of Wisconsin Democrats said they were very enthusiastic about voting in the technically nonpartisan Supreme Court election in April, compared to a third of Republicans. And the survey showed that 56% of registered voters disapproved of Trump’s job performance. That’s the highest share from any of Marquette’s Wisconsin polls during the president’s two terms in office, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel noted.

The 2026 elections mark a continuation of Democrats’ efforts to unravel Republicans’ hold on state power that began in 2010, when the GOP had a trifecta. Over two terms in office, Republican Gov. Scott Walker, with majorities in the Legislature and on the Supreme Court, enacted a sweeping conservative agenda.

Since then, Democrats have gained control of the governorship and the Supreme Court, and now have their sights on maintaining their advantages there while making inroads in the Legislature this year, with more competitive maps in place. Most notable among the recent string of retirements was Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, who had held the position since Walker first took office.

“There is certainly a changing of the guard. The top three people in the Capitol today are all not going to be there a year from now. It’s going to be a significant turnover in terms of who’s making decisions in that building come next year,” said Mark Graul, a Republican strategist in Wisconsin.

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In addition to Vos, Wisconsin Senate President Devin LeMahieu, who has held the job since 2021, announced last week he would not seek another term. Of the seven retiring Republican lawmakers, all but one has served in the Legislature for at least a decade, and in many cases far longer.

The Republican lawmaker exodus is also inextricably linked with the liberals’ ascent on the state Supreme Court. Armed with their first majority on the high court in 15 years after an expensive and high-profile election in 2023, liberals quickly struck down the state’s legislative maps that heavily favored the GOP. Democrats then made substantial gains in both legislative chambers in the 2024 elections. This year, they would need to net two seats to control the state Senate and five seats to have a majority in the Assembly.

After retaining their majority in an even more expensive state Supreme Court race last year, liberals could put control of the bench out of reach for conservatives for at least the rest of the decade in less than two weeks.

Wisconsin Supreme Court candidates Maria Lazar and Chris Taylor.Wisconsin Court System

The Democratic-backed Chris Taylor holds a clear fundraising and ad spending advantage over Republican-backed Maria Lazar in the race to fill a seat held by retiring conservative Justice Rebecca Bradley. The election has been much quieter than the last two court races in Wisconsin, with 46% of voters saying they were undecided in the new Marquette poll. But Taylor held a slight lead with 30% support, compared to 22% for Lazar.

Democrats have said they’re encouraged by early voting data in the race, even as turnout is down so far from last year’s election.

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Meanwhile, the governor’s race is still taking shape. Of the eight Democratic candidates included in Marquette’s poll, only one, former lieutenant governor and Senate candidate Mandela Barnes had name identification above 50%. The primary will mark a generational shift for the party, as the leading candidates are all much younger than Evers, 74.

Wisconsin Republican Party spokesperson Anika Rickard rejected that the raft of GOP lawmaker retirements would fuel Democratic gains and expressed optimism around her party’s prospects in the Supreme Court and governor races, too.

“I don’t think their departures indicate anything when it comes to flipping the Senate or the Assembly. We’re very confident we’ll hold both of those,” she said. “The energy is still on our side, not with Democrats.”

Democrats and Democratic-backed candidates have won 18 of the last 23 statewide races in Wisconsin. But that hasn’t affected its swing state status. The last three presidential elections in Wisconsin, two of which Trump won, were decided by less than 1 point. Regardless of what happens in the state this year over the next seven months, it will once again be at the center of the 2028 map.

To that point, Graul said Democrats’ recent string of success is less about what they have accomplished and more about their ability to seize on anti-Trump sentiment, particularly when the president isn’t on the ballot.

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“What’s shaping Wisconsin, in 2026, to be a good year for Democrats is what’s happening in Washington, not what is happening in Wisconsin,” he said.



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