North Dakota
Hennen: Cramer must want a 'big tent' GOP in ND
Sen. Kevin Cramer is headed for a second term in one of the world’s most exclusive clubs, the United States Senate. Having first defeated incumbent Sen. Heidi Heitkamp by 11 points in 2016, he recently cruised to an even more comfortable 33-point victory over his Democratic opponent, Katrina Christiansen.
It’s been quite a storybook journey for the kid from Kindred, North Dakota. His political service began with his work for a little-known statewide candidate in 1984. Next Cramer began working for and then leading the North Dakota Republican Party at a time when Democrats controlled almost all the levers of political power in the state. Cramer was elected party chairman in 1991. He served in this role until 1993, making him the youngest person to hold that position in the state’s history.
Interestingly, even after attaining elected office, Cramer has never stopped building the state GOP. In the just-completed election cycle, two political action committees he controls contributed nearly $175,000 to North Dakota Republicans at every level. In addition to his leadership PACS, his re-election campaign gave nearly $50,000 to the Republican Party. As impressive as the amount is, the diversity of the recipients is more so. Call them MAGA, Bastiat or just conservative disruptors, Cramer supported them. Call them moderate, establishment or even liberal, he supported them. The one thing they all are is Republican.
Cramer no doubt remembers those challenging political times when Republicans were in the minority in North Dakota. Now the only political fights seem to have Republicans fighting other Republicans. So when conservative groups were running ads against moderate Republicans, Cramer helped level the playing field. An example would be his $5,000 contribution to District 10 legislative candidate Steve Swiontek.
When more establishment types ran ads against disruptors, Cramer helped level the playing field, having given $5,000 to another District 10 legislative candidate Jared Hendrix. He also made contributions to the campaigns of Kelly Armstrong, Julie Fedorchak, Josh Gallion, and legislative candidates Jim Kasper, Ben Koppleman and Michelle Powers. Additionally, there were donations to Districts 4, 8, 9 and 12 ND GOP candidate committees.
According to the same recent Federal Election Commission filings reporting Cramer’s donations, Sen. John Hoeven’s Dakota PAC contributed $10,000 to U.S. House candidate Fedorchak and $10,000 to Gov. Doug Burgum’s campaign for president. The rest of his contributions were to U.S. Senate races elsewhere, which is what the leadership PACs are most often utilized for, and a small amount to his legislative district in Bismarck. Hoeven also gave donations to his Senate colleagues who were not up for reelection, but oddly none to Cramer.
Cramer’s contributions might be a way of building bridges between factions of North Dakota Republicans or pushing back on Republican infighting. He is fond of saying, “Politics only works by addition.” His first foray into big-time politics was when Lee Atwater was the Republican National Committee chairman who clearly articulated the “big tent” theory and never lost sight of who the real adversaries are, the Democrats.
North Dakota
Top 10 NFL Player-Producing North Dakota High Schools
Posted on November 29, 2024
By SuperWest Sports Staff
Heading into the 2024 Season, 31 players who attended high schools in North Dakota have played or are currently playing in the NFL.
That number may increase this fall when recently drafted players play their first regular-season games as pros.
Meanwhile, here is a list of the State’s top pro-producing high schools with their respective ranks, player counts, and cities.
North Dakota’s Central High School has 5 NFL players produced to lead the State, followed by Jamestown with 3 and Shanley Catholic and Wahpeton with w each.
Click on the name of each school to see the players that have played in NFL games.
Top North Dakota NFL Player-Producing High Schools
Source: https://www.pro-football-reference.com/
North Dakota
Court case in North Dakota calls federal environmental review regime into question
BISMARCK — A lawsuit before a North Dakota federal district court could upend nearly five decades of environmental regulations affecting infrastructure projects.
The Council on Environmental Quality was created through an executive order by President Richard Nixon in 1969. It implements the National Environmental Policy Act, which directs federal agencies to assess how projects under their jurisdiction will impact environmental factors like air and water quality.
A coalition of 21 Republican-led states, including North Dakota, seeks to overturn a new regulation adopted by the council that took effect in July. The states argue that the rule introduces unreasonable requirements that will slow or even sink important infrastructure including new highways, airports, bridges and water systems, and unlawfully over-emphasizes climate change and environmental justice in the environmental review process.
In a lawsuit filed in May, the states asked the court to strike down the rule, direct the council to adopt regulations consistent with federal law, and reinstate a weaker version the agency enacted during President Donald Trump’s administration in 2020.
A group of 13 other states, plus the District of Columbia, New York City and a handful of advocacy groups, have joined the case on the side of the Council on Environmental Quality. The defendants argue the agency’s work is vital to protect the environment and public health, and that the 2024 rule should be left in place.
It’s possible that neither side will get what it wants. In a hearing earlier this month, U.S. District Court Judge Daniel Traynor said the Council on Environmental Quality’s entire regulatory regime may be unlawful.
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit found in a
November order
that the agency does not have rulemaking authority because Congress never explicitly granted it the power to implement the National Environmental Policy Act. The appellate court did not strike down any of the council’s regulations, leaving it up to other courts to decide whether the rules should stand.
Traynor questioned how he could leave the regulations intact given the D.C. court’s findings. He said if he were to apply the court’s reasoning to the North Dakota case, he may conclude that all National Environmental Policy Act regulations passed by the council are void. The council issued its first rule implementing the act in 1978.
“If they have no authority, they have no authority,” Traynor said of the council. “It is a paper tiger.”
An attorney representing the Council on Environmental Quality, Gregory Cumming, rebuffed during the hearing the notion that the agency is operating without approval from Congress. The council keeps Congress apprised of its work with annual reports, he noted. If the assembly did not want the agency to pass rules, it could have passed legislation clarifying that stance, Cumming said.
Jan Hasselman — an attorney representing several advocacy groups that joined the case as defendants — said there’s a reason the council’s rulemaking authority has gone unquestioned for almost five decades.
“Nobody benefits when there’s no rules,” he told the judge. “It’s just sort of a mutually assured destruction.”
Traynor voiced skepticism that such a decision would create disarray. Even if the council’s rules disappear, other local and federal regulations would still be intact, he reasoned.
“It’s not like it becomes the Wild West,” he said.
Traynor asked the plaintiffs and defense to prepare legal briefs explaining how they would be impacted if he adopts the D.C. court’s reasoning.
The discussion came as part of a hearing on motions for summary judgment by the plaintiffs and defense. Both sides asked Traynor to decide the case in their favor without going to trial.
James Auslander, an attorney representing the plaintiff states, said the council is unlawfully and arbitrarily infringing on state sovereignty and the new rule will cause them significant economic harm.
“These are critical projects for plaintiff states and our citizens,” he said.
Cumming argued the plaintiff states have not demonstrated that the new rule has actually harmed them, and that many of the components of the rule challenged as cumbersome are guidelines, not requirements.
Traynor took the motions under advisement and has yet to issue a ruling.
The 21 plaintiffs states are Iowa, North Dakota, South Dakota, Kentucky, Utah, Idaho, Wyoming, South Carolina, Kansas, Virginia, West Virginia, Tennessee, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Texas and Alaska.
The 13 states that joined the defense as intervenors are California, Oregon, Washington, Massachusetts, Colorado, Michigan, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York and Wisconsin.
This story was originally published on NorthDakotaMonitor.com
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North Dakota
Court case in North Dakota calls federal environmental review regime into question • North Dakota Monitor
A lawsuit before a North Dakota federal district court could upend nearly five decades of environmental regulations affecting infrastructure projects.
The Council on Environmental Quality was created through an executive order by President Richard Nixon in 1969. It implements the National Environmental Policy Act, which directs federal agencies to assess how projects under their jurisdiction will impact environmental factors like air and water quality.
A coalition of 21 Republican-led states, including North Dakota, seeks to overturn a new regulation adopted by the council that took effect in July. The states argue that the rule introduces unreasonable requirements that will slow or even sink important infrastructure including new highways, airports, bridges and water systems, and unlawfully over-emphasizes climate change and environmental justice in the environmental review process.
In a lawsuit filed in May, the states asked the court to strike down the rule, direct the council to adopt regulations consistent with federal law and reinstate a weaker version the agency enacted during President Donald Trump’s administration in 2020.
A group of 13 other states, plus the District of Columbia, New York City and a handful of advocacy groups, have joined the case on the side of the Council on Environmental Quality. The defendants argue the agency’s work is vital to protect the environment and public health, and that the 2024 rule should be left in place.
It’s possible that neither side will get what it wants. In a hearing earlier this month, U.S. District Court Judge Daniel Traynor said the Council on Environmental Quality’s entire regulatory regime may be unlawful.
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit found in a November order that the agency does not have rulemaking authority because Congress never explicitly granted it the power to implement the National Environmental Review Act. The appellate court did not strike down any of the council’s regulations, leaving it up to other courts to decide whether the rules should stand.
Traynor questioned how he could leave the regulations intact given the D.C. court’s findings. He said if he were to apply the court’s reasoning to the North Dakota case, he may conclude that all National Environmental Policy Act regulations passed by the council are void. The council issued its first rule implementing the act in 1978.
“If they have no authority, they have no authority,” Traynor said of the council. “It is a paper tiger.”
An attorney representing the Council on Environmental Quality, Gregory Cumming, rebuffed during the hearing the notion that the agency is operating without approval from Congress. The council keeps Congress apprised of its work with annual reports, he noted. If the assembly did not want the agency to pass rules, it could have passed legislation clarifying that stance, Cumming said.
Jan Hasselman — an attorney representing several advocacy groups that joined the case as defendants — said there’s a reason the council’s rulemaking authority has gone unquestioned for almost five decades.
“Nobody benefits when there’s no rules,” he told the judge. “It’s just sort of a mutually assured destruction.”
Traynor voiced skepticism that such a decision would create disarray. Even if the council’s rules disappear, other local and federal regulations would still be intact, he reasoned.
“It’s not like it becomes the wild west,” he said.
Traynor asked the plaintiffs and defense to prepare legal briefs explaining how they would be impacted if he adopts the D.C. court’s reasoning.
The discussion came as part of a hearing on motions for summary judgment by the plaintiffs and defense. Both sides asked Traynor to decide the case in their favor without going to trial.
James Auslander, an attorney representing the plaintiff states, said the council is unlawfully and arbitrarily infringing on state sovereignty and the new rule will cause them significant economic harm.
“These are critical projects for plaintiff states and our citizens,” Auslander said.
Cumming argued the plaintiff states have not demonstrated that the new rule has actually harmed them, and that many of the components of the rule challenged as cumbersome are guidelines, not requirements.
Traynor took the motions under advisement and has yet to issue a ruling.
The 21 plaintiffs states are Iowa, North Dakota, South Dakota, Kentucky, Utah, Idaho, Wyoming, South Carolina, Kansas, Virginia, West Virginia, Tennessee, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Texas and Alaska.
The 13 states that joined the defense as intervenors are California, Oregon, Washington, Massachusetts, Colorado, Michigan, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York and Wisconsin.
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