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Ballot measures to legalize recreational use of cannabis fail in Florida, North Dakota and South Dakota

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Ballot measures to legalize recreational use of cannabis fail in Florida, North Dakota and South Dakota


Nov. 5, 2024, was a tough day for cannabis legalization supporters.

Recreational legalization ballot questions in Florida, North Dakota and South Dakota all failed.

Two medical measures passed in Nebraska but face legal challenges over the validity of the signatures required to get the measures on the ballot. Why two measures? One legalizes the medical use of cannabis, and the second regulates it.

A medical use ballot measure also appeared on the ballot in Arkansas, but the state Supreme Court ruled before the election that the votes can’t be counted because the title and name were “misleading.”

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These failures raise questions about where the movement to legalize cannabis goes from here.

The red wall holds

I’ve been researching cannabis legalization in the U.S. since 2014. I’ve previously written about how the cannabis legalization movement’s primary obstacle is the “red wall,” a term I use to refer to the 20 states where Republicans have total control of state government and recreational cannabis remains illegal.

Another four states without recreational legalization – Kansas, Wisconsin, Kentucky and North Carolina – could be described as “red wall adjacent.” These states have Democratic governors, but Republicans control the state legislatures.

Pennsylvania may become the fifth of these red wall adjacent states if Republicans can win a majority in the state House of Representives.

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Support for recreational legalization is much lower among Republicans than Democrats, which in part explains why red states still have some of the most restrictive marijuana laws in the country.

In both North Dakota and South Dakota, recreational measures were defeated for the third time in 2024. It remains to be seen whether supporters think it’s worth the time and money to try again.

In Florida, the measure failed despite the majority of voters supporting it. State law requires amendments to pass with 60% of the vote, and the measure got approximately 56%.

Medical marijuana has more support. In Nebraska, the two medical measures passed decisively. However, legal challenges could void the results. Things will remain uncertain for weeks or even months, as any decision will probably be appealed to the state Supreme Court.

The red wall fortified by a red wave

In national elections, it was a good night for Republicans.

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Former President Donald Trump won a decisive victory and will return to the White House. Republicans will control the U.S. Senate, though they won’t have the 60 votes needed to overcome a filibuster. The day after the election, it is still unclear whether Republicans will control the U.S. House.

Trump will have the opportunity to set the political agenda in Washington, including for cannabis. He has voiced support for some legalization measures in the past, such as creating safety regulations, rescheduling, preserving states’ rights to pass their own laws and decriminalization of small amounts of marijuana for personal use.

But cannabis legalization was not a priority during his campaign or his previous presidency. Though Trump backed Amendment 3 for recreational use in Florida, his support was tepid compared with priority issues like immigration. The fact that the measure failed and is unpopular within the Republican Party does not create much incentive for him to put the issue at the top of his agenda once he returns to office.

What happens now?

Where the legalization movement goes from here is unclear.

The ballot initiative process has been a key tool of the movement, providing activists with a way to bypass elected officials who oppose legalization. But the results of the Nov. 5 elections suggest that this strategy may no longer be viable in red wall states. This is particularly the case when state officials are committed to keeping legalization measures from being implemented even if they pass, as happened in South Dakota in 2020 and is currently happening in Nebraska.

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A sign in Bismarck, N.D., shows support for legalizing recreational marijuana. The ballot question failed.
AP Photo/Jack Dura

The failed initiative in Arkansas is also significant. On the surface it was a bill to expand and enhance medical access. But it also included a novel provision that would automatically legalize recreational use in the state in the event federal legalization were to happen.

It was this provision, and the failure to highlight it in the proposed amendment’s name and title, that prompted the state Supreme Court to label the measure “misleading” and prevent the votes on it from being counted.

Given that medical cannabis legalization remains significantly more popular than recreational, this strategy made sense in a red state like Arkansas. Had it been successful, it would have provided a new way for activists to navigate the unique challenges posed by red wall states.

Looking ahead, legalization supporters will have to wait and see what’s possible once Trump is in office. The federal rescheduling process that began under President Joe Biden might still go through. If it does, it would move cannabis to Schedule III from Schedule I, the status reserved for substances like heroin and LSD that are considered to have the least medical benefit and highest potential for misuse. But it would not resolve the gaps between state and federal law in states where cannabis is legal.

It also would not create an obvious path toward recreational cannabis legalization – and might even hinder it further. This is because Schedule III drugs include substances like Tylenol with codeine and ketamine – both of which are legally available but require a prescription and are tightly regulated.

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This is a far cry from the “regulate it like alcohol” strategy that helped recreational legalization gain a foothold 10 years ago.



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North Dakota

North Dakota Badlands national monument proposed with tribes’ support

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North Dakota Badlands national monument proposed with tribes’ support


A coalition of conservation groups and Native American tribal citizens on Friday called on President Joe Biden to designate nearly 140,000 acres of rugged, scenic Badlands as North Dakota’s first national monument, a proposal several tribal nations say would preserve the area’s indigenous and cultural heritage.

The proposed Maah Daah Hey National Monument would encompass 11 noncontiguous, newly designated units totaling 139,729 acres in the Little Missouri National Grassland. The proposed units would hug the popular recreation trail of the same name and neighbor Theodore Roosevelt National Park, named for the 26th president who ranched and roamed in the Badlands as a young man in the 1880s.

“When you tell the story of landscape, you have to tell the story of people,” said Michael Barthelemy, an enrolled member of the Mandan, Hidatsa and Arikara Nation and director of Native American studies at Nueta Hidatsa Sahnish College. “You have to tell the story of the people that first inhabited those places and the symbiotic relationship between the people and the landscape, how the people worked to shape the land and how the land worked to shape the people.”

The U.S. Forest Service would manage the proposed monument. The National Park Service oversees many national monuments, which are similar to national parks and usually designated by the president to protect the landscape’s features.

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Supporters have traveled twice to Washington to meet with White House, Interior Department, Forest Service and Department of Agriculture officials. But the effort faces an uphill battle with less than two months remaining in Biden’s term and potential headwinds in President-elect Trump’s incoming administration.

If unsuccessful, the group would turn to the Trump administration “because we believe this is a good idea regardless of who’s president,” Dakota Resource Council Executive Director Scott Skokos said.

Dozens if not hundreds of oil and natural gas wells dot the landscape where the proposed monument would span, according to the supporters’ map. But the proposed units have no oil and gas leases, private inholdings or surface occupancy, and no grazing leases would be removed, said North Dakota Wildlife Federation Executive Director John Bradley.

The proposal is supported by the MHA Nation, the Spirit Lake Tribe and the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe through council resolutions.

If created, the monument would help tribal citizens stay connected to their identity, said Democratic state Rep. Lisa Finley-DeVille, an MHA Nation enrolled member.

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North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum is Trump’s pick to lead the Interior Department, which oversees the National Park Service. In a written statement, Burgum said: “North Dakota is proof that we can protect our precious parks, cultural heritage and natural resources AND responsibly develop our vast energy resources.”

North Dakota Sen. John Hoeven’s office said Friday was the first they had heard of the proposal, “but any effort that would make it harder for ranchers to operate and that could restrict multiple use, including energy development, is going to raise concerns with Senator Hoeven.”



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Port: Make families great again

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Port: Make families great again


MINOT — Gov.-elect Kelly Armstrong is roaring into office with some political capital to spend. I have some ideas for how to spend it during next year’s legislative session.

It’s a three-pronged plan focused on children. I’m calling it “Make Families Great Again.” I’m no marketing genius, but I have been a dad for 24 years. There are some things the state could do to help.

The first is school lunches. The state should pay for them. The Legislature had a rollicking debate about this during the 2023 session. The opponents, who liken this to a handout, largely won the debate. Armstrong could put some muscle behind a new initiative to have the state take over payments. The social media gadflies might not like it, but it would prove deeply popular with the general public, especially if we neutralize the “handout” argument by reframing the debate.

North Dakota families are obligated to send their children to school. The kids have to eat. The lunch bills add up. I have two kids in public school. In the 2023-2024 school year, I paid $1,501.65 for lunches. That’s more than I pay in income taxes.

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How much would it cost? In the 2023 session,

House Bill 1491

would have appropriated $89.5 million to cover the cost. The price tag would likely be similar now, but don’t consider it an expense so much as putting nearly $90 million back in the pockets of families with school-age children. A demographic that, thanks to inflation and other factors, could use some help.

Speaking of helping, the second plank of this plan is child care. This burgeoning cost is not just a millstone around young families’ necks but also hurts our state’s economy. We have a chronic workforce shortage, yet many North Dakotans are held out of the workforce because they either cannot find child care or because the care available is prohibitively expensive.

State leaders haven’t exactly been sitting on their hands. During the 2023 session, Gov. Doug Burgum signed

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a $66 million child care package

focusing on assistance and incentives. We should do something bolder.

Maybe a direct tax credit to cover at least some of the expenses?

The last plank is getting vaccination rates back on track.

According to data from the state Department of Health,

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the kindergarten-age vaccination rate for chicken pox declined 3.76% from the 2019-2020 school year. The rate for the measles, mumps and rubella vaccine is down 3.72%, polio vaccines 3.54%, hepatitis B vaccines 2.27%, and the vaccine for diphtheria, tetanus and pertussis 3.91%.

Meanwhile, personal and religious exemptions for kindergarten students have risen by nearly 69%.

This may be politically risky for Armstrong. Anti-vaxx crankery is on the rise among Republicans, but, again, Armstrong has some political capital to spend. This would be a helpful place for it. A campaign to turn vaccine rates around would help protect the kids from diseases that haven’t been a concern in generations. It would help address workforce needs as well.

When a sick kid can’t go to school or day care, parents can’t go to work.

These ideas are practical and bold and would do a great deal to help North Dakota families.

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Rob Port is a news reporter, columnist, and podcast host for the Forum News Service with an extensive background in investigations and public records. He covers politics and government in North Dakota and the upper Midwest. Reach him at rport@forumcomm.com. Click here to subscribe to his Plain Talk podcast.





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North Dakota 77-73 Loyola Marymount (Nov 22, 2024) Game Recap – ESPN

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North Dakota 77-73 Loyola Marymount (Nov 22, 2024) Game Recap – ESPN


LOS ANGELES — — Treysen Eaglestaff had 23 points in North Dakota’s 77-73 win over Loyola Marymount on Friday night.

Eaglestaff also contributed five rebounds for the Fightin’ Hawks (3-2). Mier Panoam scored 16 points and added seven rebounds. Dariyus Woodson had 12 points.

The Lions (1-3) were led in scoring by Caleb Stone-Carrawell with 17 points. Alex Merkviladze added 16 points, eight rebounds, four assists and two steals. Will Johnston had 15 points and four assists.

North Dakota went into the half ahead of Loyola Marymount 36-32. Eaglestaff led North Dakota with 12 second-half points.

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The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar.



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