Nearly a year after the assassination of a Minnesota legislative leader, lawmakers across the U.S. have worked to fortify security in state capitols and improve safeguards when officials are in their communities.

The changes have followed a rise in political violence nationwide that included the stunning assassination last June of Rep. Melissa Hortman, the top Democratic leader in the Minnesota House, and the September killing of conservative activist Charlie Kirk, who was speaking at a college in Utah.

In Minnesota, most doors at the state Capitol are now locked, and people entering must go through weapons detectors. People entering the visitors’ galleries to watch floor debates must go through a second set of detectors.

“It’s important for us to be able to not have our government fall apart if our legislators are under threat,” said Minnesota Rep. Julie Green, a Democrat who sits directly across the aisle from Hortman’s old desk, which remains empty except for fresh roses, her portrait and a speaker’s gavel. “It’s a complicated, complex, very emotional issue, as you can imagine.”

In addition to the killings of Hortman and Kirk, violence targeting political figures in the U.S. in the last few years has included an arson attack last year at the home of Democratic Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro; an assassination attempt on then-candidate Donald Trump at a Pennsylvania rally in 2024; and a hammer attack on the husband of Democratic then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi at their California home in 2022.

Twenty-five states, including Minnesota, now formally allow candidates to use campaign funds for personal security. Most made the change after the killings of Kirk and Hortman. Eleven states have laws permitting it, while others have approved it through rules or other mechanisms, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures and the VoteMama Foundation.

This year alone, Alabama, Oregon, Nebraska and Utah enacted laws allowing campaign funds for security. Bills to legalize it are pending in about a dozen other states.

It’s not just happening at the state level. Security spending for congressional and presidential campaigns has jumped fivefold over the past decade. Federal political committees spent more than $40 million on expenses labeled as security during the 2023-24 campaign cycle, according to an April report from the nonpartisan Public Service Alliance.

Metal detectors — one of the most visible signs of concerns about political violence — were installed at Alaska’s Capitol last year. Democratic Rep. Sara Hannan said the change was due to “increased risk of violence in our public institutions.” Lawmakers approved them before Hortman was killed.

But some states have balked at making it harder to access the halls of power. Wisconsin Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, a Republican who knew Hortman, resisted efforts to install metal detectors in his state, saying he didn’t want to “fortify” the Capitol. Wisconsin’s is one of 11 state capitols that don’t have metal detectors, a state audit found.

Minnesota lawmakers are also considering creating a special unit within the State Patrol, which oversees Capitol security, that would provide protection for legislators, the state attorney general, secretary of state, state auditor, and Supreme Court justices.

One lead author is Democratic Sen. John Hoffman, who survived being shot nine times the night Hortman was killed. Prosecutors say the gunman, disguised as a police officer, began his rampage by shooting Hoffman and his wife, then stopped at the residences of two other lawmakers who weren’t home. He then went to Hortman’s home, where he killed the representative and her husband, and wounded their dog so severely that he had to be euthanized.

At a hearing Tuesday, Hoffman called his measure “a necessary response” that would “keep elected officials and Supreme Court justices safe and dedicate the resources necessary and hopefully stop future tragedies from happening.”

Numerous states have also taken action to protect lawmakers’ personal information. North Dakota lawmakers on Wednesday discussed a bill draft for next year that would make confidential the home addresses of candidates and public officials upon request.

The NCSL in February created a $1.5 million fund to reimburse legislatures for expenses related to lawmakers’ personal safety and security while they’re away from their statehouses. More than 30 states have applied or are preparing to, NCSL spokesperson Katie Ziegler said.

NOTE: The original airdate of the video attached to this article is April 23, 2026.

This wasn’t close. With the Denver Nuggets missing Aaron Gordon with a calf injury, the Minnesota Timberwolves jumped out to a 25-11 first-quarter lead in Game 3 and never looked back. The Wolves came away with a 113-96 victory and a 2-1 series lead behind a team effort and a dominating defensive performance that included holding Nikola Jokić to 27 points on 7-for-26 shooting.

Let’s get to some takeaways.

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The Minnesota Timberwolves defended

The Nuggets led the NBA this season in points per game (122.1 PPG). The Nuggets led the NBA this season in offensive rating (121.2). The Nuggets scored 96 points in Game 3.

Minnesota pressured and sped up the Nuggets right from the jump. By the end of the first quarter, the Nuggets were 3 for 21 from the field (1 of 9 from 3). Active ball pressure bogged the Nuggets’ attack down, physicality disrupted their off-ball movement. The Wolves flew around all night long to keep the Nuggets in a box. Denver had only 12 assists as a team in Game 3. For comparison, Jokić averaged 10.7 a night in the regular season.

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Rudy Gobert protected the paint and contested versus Jokić. Jaden McDaniels and Donte DiVincenzo hounded Jamal Murray. Denver’s dynamic duo combined to shoot 12-for-43, a credit to the Wolves’ game plan and execution.

Ayo, look at this team effort

If you wondered what the ceiling was for Minnesota after it added Ayo Dosunmu at the trade deadline, it was on display in Game 3. His ability to defend and attack in transition always jumped off the page, but on Thursday night we saw a command within what Minnesota wanted to do. His drives were consistent, his paint touches were important and his ability to punish Denver’s defense was key. He and DiVincenzo allowed the Wolves to find a flow in the second quarter.

Think about this: Anthony Edwards played only 23 minutes, with eight of those coming in the second half, and I did not feel that until typing this very sentence. That was the impact of the team effort from Minnesota.

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McDaniels set the tone with his Game 2 postgame comments. It’s one thing to talk the talk, it’s another thing to walk the walk, and he ended up strutting like Oba Femi in this one. The ball pressure and screen navigation against Murray were one thing, but the cuts, drives and dunks were another.

It would be hyperbole to call this Gobert’s most impactful game, but it was a reminder of his impact for Minnesota. There was a confidence from Gobert (see: left-hand hook), a command as far as keeping the flow going, and a trust from his teammates to make the right play.

Where does Denver go from here?

Losing Gordon was a big blow, but the contrast between the group we saw in Game 1 and Game 3 was startling. Jokić/Murray shooting aside, this was one of the rare occasions we didn’t feel the force of Denver’s offense. All of its off-ball actions, cuts and movement were disrupted.

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Ball movement became a stagnant adventure. Transition attacks did not feel as dangerous. Pressure points were not hit. The defense that looked great in Game 1 and slipped in Game 2 disappeared Thursday night.

The Nuggets have to get back to (at the very least) their identity to deal with this Wolves team. The offense has to keep the pressure on, getting the ball where the Nuggets want, and playing with their tempo. And the defense cannot be what we’ve seen the last two games. The formula is there, but the effort has to match. Never forget that Wolves can detect their prey.