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Indiana wants to weed out non-citizens from voter rolls. It hasn’t gone well in other states.

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Indiana wants to weed out non-citizens from voter rolls. It hasn’t gone well in other states.


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Earlier this month an Indiana Senate committee heard debate on the merits and pitfalls of “cleaning up” the state’s voter rolls, particularly by cracking down on any non-citizens who might be registered to vote.

Two days later, the same conversation played out in a legislative committee in a different state: Iowa.

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These aren’t new ideas, but part of a trend of “election integrity” legislation that conservative activist groups are championing in statehouses across the country. The proposal to use Bureau of Motor Vehicle records to weed out potential non-citizen voters, in particular, has landed some other states in court.

Watchdog groups expect the same for Indiana should House Bill 1264 become law. The Indiana General Assembly could give final approval to the bill as early as Thursday.

Election clerks in Indiana are split on their opinions of House Bill 1264 ― it’s such a dead heat that the Association of the Clerks of Circuit Courts of Indiana reached a stalemate and says it is “neutral” as a result. The bill has even divided the Indiana Election Division, whose Republican co-director is in favor and Democratic co-director is opposed.

Some county clerks testified they’ve personally dealt with instances ― one or two in a given county ― of non-citizens registering and voting. Voter watchdog groups who view these provisions as disenfranchising certain groups of voters say lawsuits are all but certain to come if House Bill 1264 becomes law. Seventeen of them signed a letter of opposition to Senate leaders and the chair of the Senate elections committee, though the bill ultimately passed out of that committee 5-3.

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Lawsuits aside, they also worry about the bill’s impact on access to the ballot box. Receiving a letter from the state instructing you to prove your citizenship is intimidating, argues Jonathan Diaz, director of voting advocacy and partnerships at the nonpartisan Campaign Legal Center.

“The chilling effect on voters,” he said, “I don’t think can be overstated.”

Where the ideas come from

Voter list maintenance legislation, particularly with respect to citizenship status, has been popping up around the country since at least 2016, but with more fervor after the 2020 election during which dozens of claims of fraudulent voting were investigated and dismissed.

Former President Donald Trump has continuously touted unfounded conspiracy theories about the election in which he lost to President Joe Biden, even as he faces felony charges over his alleged efforts to overturn the election results.

The most contested portions of House Bill 1264 would give the secretary of state the ability to contract with a third party to compare the voter rolls to commercially available data, such as from a credit agency, to check for variations in voter addresses. Plus it would require voting officials to compare the voter rolls with the BMV’s list of people who have temporary driver’s licenses, and notify counties of any matches. The idea there is to find noncitizens who registered to vote. That person would then have 30 days to provide proof of citizenship.

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At least a dozen states have enacted voter list maintenance bills since 2022. Lawmakers in at least a half dozen other states are looking at similar legislation this year.

Roundup: Elections bills moving through Indiana General Assembly that will impact voters

The ideas are promoted by groups like the Heritage Foundation, which has a website of “model legislation” including many of the tenants of House Bill 1264; and the Honest Elections Project, an organization that emerged during the 2020 election to combat alleged voter fraud.

The goal, these groups say, is not to restrict access to the polls but to make sure only legal citizens are voting.

“It’s really a common sense proposal,” said Catherine Gunsalus, director of state advocacy for Heritage Action, the advocacy arm of the Heritage Foundation.

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“Easier to vote, harder to cheat” is the catch phrase both Heritage and Honest Election Project, and others in this space, use.

Watchdog groups say these proposals seek to address a problem that does not exist: alleged widespread voter fraud.

“It’s legislators wanting to say they are cracking down on illegal voting, even though illegal voting is not really happening,” Diaz, of the Campaign Legal Center, said.

Though some Indiana county clerks testified they’ve found a handful of non-citizens on voter rolls, and the bill’s author cites “reports across the state” without evidence, it’s not clear whether any of these instances have been investigated.

IndyStar asked the secretary of state’s office whether it was aware of such instances or any investigations. A spokesperson deferred to the clerks for county-specific information and said Secretary of State Diego Morales encourages them to report any illegal voting to law enforcement agencies.

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“Secretary Morales believes that non-citizen registration or voting is a serious concern that should be guarded against,” spokesperson Lindsey Eaton wrote.

Bill author Rep. Timothy Wesco, R-Osceola, told IndyStar the ideas for this bill came from conversations with the secretary of state’s office, and that it’s partly a continuation of a conversation that began last year when lawmakers passed a law allowing Ukrainian immigrants on humanitarian parole to receive drivers’ licenses. Lawmakers are in the process of repealing that provision in response to an injunction from a federal judge, after a group of Haitian immigrants sued.

When someone goes to get a driver’s license, the BMV asks whether they want to register to vote. The bill’s proponents say, whether accidental or not, people who shouldn’t say yes might say yes.

Regardless of the number of reported instances of illegal voting, Wesco said he believes adding extra safeguards will help bolster trust in elections.

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“Whether insignificant or not, it creates a lot of concern from the public when they come to understand, Oh, you mean someone who’s not even a citizen can register to vote and vote?” he said. “And there’s no safeguards in place to prevent that? That’s a problem.”

Legal battles in other states

Texas experimented with a similar citizenship data review process in 2019, and it ended badly.

The Texas secretary of state’s office flagged 95,000 registered voters as potential noncitizens, based on a data from the Texas Department of Public Safety on people who said they were not citizens when they got a driver’s license or ID card. Counties started sending those voters letters demanding proof of citizenship within 30 days.

But that data didn’t account for people who might have gained citizenship since getting their ID card. Tens of thousands of people shouldn’t have been on that list. Three federal lawsuits were filed, and three months in, the Texas secretary of state agreed to end the experiment as part of a settlement.

Wesco said he believes the process of reaching out to the voter to confirm their citizenship status, rather than automatically removing people from the rolls, should assuage legal concerns. There is also an appeals process outlined in his bill.

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But voting advocates see Texas as a cautionary tale.

“This bill is primed to make the same mistake,” said Liz Avore, senior policy advisor at Voting Rights Lab.

Similarly in Georgia in 2018, a federal judge ordered the state to change its procedure flagging potential non-citizens, after more than 50,000 Georgia residents were flagged because the driver’s license database wasn’t updated when those applicants became citizens.

The constitutional argument against Indiana’s bill, as well as similar proposals in those other states, is that the state would be creating different classes of voters by creating extra burdens for new citizens. There are also logistical hurdles: Immigration attorneys have testified that 30 days is not nearly enough time for new citizens to obtain their credentials.

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A law being challenged in Arizona goes a step further than Indiana’s proposal. Arizona’s House Bill 2492 requires all voters to submit proof of citizenship to register to vote, beyond the attestation all voters are required to check off.

Even though it goes further than Indiana’s proposal, Diaz said he still wouldn’t be surprised if groups filed similar lawsuits in response to House Bill 1264. The Campaign Legal Center is one of the plaintiffs in the Arizona lawsuit.

The basis for the Arizona lawsuit is that the bill creates an extra burden of proof for certain prospective voters.

“Whether Indiana rejects you at the moment or rejects you later, doesn’t really matter,” he said.

Political influence on elections

Less controversial but nonetheless emerging from the same movement among conservative activists is a proposal to further restrict private dollars flowing into county elections offices.

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After the 2020 election, dozens of states, including Indiana, passed laws outlawing elections offices from accepting private dollars to help them conduct elections ― a response to philanthropies backed by Mark Zuckerburg and Priscilla Chan providing $300 million in grants to help elections offices with administrative expenses like ballot sorters, hand sanitizer and staff.

Conservative groups have charged that so-called “Zuck Bucks” were merely a mechanism to influence elections. The Federal Elections Commission voted unanimously to dismiss a complaint alleging this.

Zuckerburg and Chan found a work around in 2023 by routing their donations through a membership organization that doles out grants, often referred to as “Zuck Bucks 2.0.”

So House Bill 1264 bans Indiana elections offices from becoming members of such an organization. The Honest Elections Project, which focuses on this issue, is aware of similar legislation in five other states.

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Even if “Zuck Bucks” weren’t found to tangibly impact the 2020 election, it’s still a bad look to accept private dollars, vice president Chad Ennis said.

“If an election office is underfunded, it should come from the political branch ― from your local or state government,” he said.

Most would agree that elections offices should be funded with nonpartisan, public dollars. The problem, say some groups, is these bills don’t provide such additional funding.

“It’s a little disingenuous to be putting up blocks to funding and then not fully funding offices,” Avore, of the Voting Rights Lab, said.

The Heritage Foundation shared Honest Elections Project’s model legislation on this subject with Wesco, but did not specifically work with him on it, a spokesperson said.

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Two Americas?

The broad trend line is conservative states are making voter access laws more strict, while liberal-led states are seeking to expand access to the ballot.

Already Indiana is one of the more challenging states to cast a ballot in, with early poll closing times and a lack of no-excuse mail-in absentee ballots.

“I think it’s really concerning that your zip code determines your level of access to our democracy,” Avore said. “In this election, a voter’s experience is largely going to be determined by where they live.”

More: From U.S. president to county judge, candidates face challenges to run in Indiana primary

The movement to restrict access has never been louder or more aggressive, Diaz said, and typically motivated by partisan actors.

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At the same time, Americans are more plugged in these days.

“I am very hopeful because it’s clear to me that when you put the facts in front of people, democracy wins every time,” Diaz said.

Contact IndyStar state government and politics reporter Kayla Dwyer at kdwyer@indystar.com or follow her on X, formerly Twitter, @kayla_dwyer17.



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An Indiana district turned to voters to fund more preschool seats. Here’s what happened next.

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An Indiana district turned to voters to fund more preschool seats. Here’s what happened next.


(CHALKBEAT INDIANA) — When Pete Hinnefeld and his wife started looking for a preschool for their daughter, they hoped to send her to the same school her brother attended, which was just down the road from their house and offered Spanish-language immersion.

To do this for Lydia, then age 3, they were prepared to pay the $600 monthly cost.

But after voters approved a property tax referendum to fund early learning for children living within the Monroe County Community School Corporation, the family’s preschool bill was cut by more than half. Nearby preschool cut down time spent commuting to their parents’ house for babysitting, and helped Lydia build social skills.

The family are one of hundreds now benefitting from the 2023 referendum, which has more than doubled the number of children attending 3- and 4-year-old preschools in the district.

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“For us, this is why you pay taxes,” Hinnefeld said. “It’s important for young kids to have access to school and if parents need to work, it’s an opportunity to let them work.”

The referendum put forward by the district, located in Bloomington, is a first in the state, offering all families tuition support on a sliding scale based on income, no matter whether children attend a district preschool or a partner provider.

It represents a local solution to problems with accessing and affording early learning that have left thousands of Indiana families waiting for help. Indiana in December 2024 froze its Child Care and Development Fund, or CCDF, and On My Way Pre-K dollars, which provide funding for early learning for income-eligible households.

A $200 million funding increase for CCDF approved by the State Budget Committee this week will allow Indiana to begin issuing vouchers againin May to around 14,000 more children, for a total enrollment of around 57,000. Those funds will last around one year.

Still, around 20,000 children will remain on the waitlist, and families may have fewer options for where to use their vouchers as hundreds of providers have closed since the freeze was announced, according to early learning advocates in the state. In a recent survey of early childhood educators in Indiana — which includes those working in a variety of settings — 90% of respondents said families are struggling to pay tuition.

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A statewide universal preschool program is unlikely, Republican leaders have said. Instead, a legislative proposal this year would have let cities and counties — not just school districts — ask voters to fund preschool seats. It failed to get traction, but its advocates expect it to return.

The political climate isn’t especially promising for local tax increases: A new Indiana law has placed caps on property tax revenue that are already affecting local budgets. Lawmakers also recently restricted when schools can place referendums on the ballot.

Still, a new local revenue stream could be a boon in some Indiana communities, such as those with high demand for preschool, existing programs, and high social cohesion, said Sam Snideman, vice president of government relations for United Way of Central Indiana.

“There are going to be communities where this makes a ton of sense,” Snideman said. “The increasing challenge for an entity that goes before the public for a referendum is making a very clear value case. What is the common good and what is in the community interest is very important.”

School district’s pre-K enrollment doubles after referendum

Before Monroe schools brought the referendum request to voters, the district conducted a study that showed there were not enough early learning seats to serve children in the community, said Timothy Dowling, director of early learning and enrollment at Monroe schools. And families couldn’t always afford the seats that were available.

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But the district also knew that research links quality early learning improved later academic outcomes, Dowling said.

“We wanted to do everything we can to help our students get the benefit of early learning, because we know it pays off in huge dividends,” Dowling said.

The referendum equated to around a $50 increase yearly for a home with an assessed value of $250,000, according to the district website, and also paid for instructional supplies for K-12 students. It passed with 55% of the vote; Dowling said the community study and transparency about how the referendum funds would be used were key to its success.

As a result of the successful referendum, all families in the district qualify for at least $4,000 in tuition assistance for preschool for 4-year-olds, whether their children attend a district school or at one of seven community providers.

Around 76% students in the district’s program attend for free based on their family’s income, Dowling said. Families in the lowest income tier who send their children to community providers receive $8,000 in tuition assistance.

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The program also offers tuition assistance for 3-year-old preschool based on income and where the student attends school. For families making 225% or less of the federal poverty level, preschool is free at district programs. Often those families struggled the most to afford child care, even when state child care vouchers were available, Dowling said.

In 2024-25, the year after the referendum passed, the number of 4-year-olds attending preschool doubled from 184 to 378, with 64 of those children attending preschool at outside centers. This year, the district expanded preschool for 3-year-olds, based on the timeline laid out in the referendum. Enrollment jumped from 78 to 123, with another 33 students attending community child care centers, Dowling said.

With multiple types of providers, families have options, said Kelly Sipes, the executive director for Penny Lane Childcare Centers, which is a partner provider with the district. Those who need transportation might choose a district-run preschool, she said, but those who need year-round care during school holidays can choose a center like Penny Lane instead.

Her centers are usually at capacity, Sipes said, and child care needs in the community persist. When CCDF funding was cut, some of her families turned to the funding from the district instead.

“It’s awesome for the families,” Sipes said. “We should be all in this together as a community.”

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Pitching child care: ‘We live in a society’

Replicating referendum-funded preschool might work well in communities where school-based providers already exist, and where there’s a sufficient tax base and steady demand for child care, Snideman said. It would also be an incentive to attract working families.

But it could be a harder sell in rural districts, where there are fewer families and less demand.

Generally, school referendums pass in districts that are wealthier, and in areas with less farmland, said Larry DeBoer, a Purdue University professor emeritus of agricultural economics, who has studied school referendums in depth.One of the biggest predictors of success is whether a school district has tried to pass a referendum before — even if they’ve failed, a second referendum is more likely to pass, DeBoer said.

Monroe schools had previously passed an operating referendum the year before its 2023 preschool referendum. As a county, Monroe has a slightly lower per-person income than Indiana as a whole, and has more students than the small and medium-sized districts most likely to propose successful ballot measures. It’s home to Indiana University, and tends to vote Democratic in a largely conservative state.

A legislative proposal this year, HB 1430, would have given the power to levy preschool referendums to counties and cities, potentially casting a wider net for both family demand and child care providers.

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The bill did not receive a hearing, in part because Indiana legislative leaders are usually reluctant to consider bills with a fiscal impact in even-numbered years where they don’t pass a state budget. And the most recent state budget passed in 2025 was tight, with cuts to spending and programs due to a revenue shortfall.

The bill’s author, Rep. Blake Johnson, a Democrat, said that conversations about the bill have been fruitful, and that he expects the idea to return in a future session.

Given budget concerns, a locally funded solution that communities can tailor to their own needs may be more successful than a statewide one, said Patrick McAlister, who leads the Preschool Choice Alliance, a statewide group.

“This is an economic development need. Here’s the tool and the option to exercise it or not,” Johnson said.

A successful referendum would be a boon to working parents who struggle to afford the cost of early learning, said McAlister, who used to be the director of the Indianapolis Mayor’s Office of Education Innovation. But even for non-parents, a preschool referendum could have a positive impact on property values and in other ways, McAlister said.

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Ultimately, it would be one part of an “all and above strategy” addressing care for children from birth to age 2.

“We live in a society,” McAlister said. “There are certain things we hold true and caring for children is a value many people share.”

Aleksandra Appleton covers Indiana education policy and writes about K-12 schools across the state. Contact her at aappleton@chalkbeat.org.



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Ty Simpson tells why he believes Indiana dominated Alabama in Rose Bowl

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Ty Simpson tells why he believes Indiana dominated Alabama in Rose Bowl





© Grace Hollars/IndyStar / USA TODAY NETWORK via Imagn Images

Ty Simpson was a guest on the “Downs 2 Business” podcast with Caleb Downs and Josh Downs, and he discussed why he believed Indiana beat Alabama in the Rose Bowl.

The Crimson Tide’s offense was unable to score a touchdown against the Hoosiers in the 38-3 loss. Simpson shone a light on why he felt Indiana had so much success against Alabama on X.

“From my point of view, I was like they don’t much,” Simpson said. “I was like they do the same thing every down and so when I get the ball, I knew exactly what was going to happen. They just didn’t mess up, bro. They were in the exact same spot they were supposed to be, and they were so well coached. It was so much different than the SEC. In the SEC, they’ll play man, they’ll do these unorthodox coverages because kind of how it is. That game was crazy to me. Of course, I got hurt; that was a bummer. But I just knew what they were going to do, but we couldn’t really run the ball. We didn’t really throw it. It was so crazy to me how it happened.”

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Indiana went on to beat Oregon in the semifinals of the College Football Playoff, and the Hoosiers defeated Miami in the National Championship after defeating the Crimson Tide.

Simpson and Caleb Downs are now both gearing up to be drafted this month.







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3 Big Takeaways From Indiana Basketball’s Transfer Portal Dominance

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3 Big Takeaways From Indiana Basketball’s Transfer Portal Dominance


Indiana may be one of the most decorated programs in college basketball history, but a brand name no longer has the recruiting pull it used to. In the past, the Hoosiers had a foolproof sell: it’s Indiana. Nowadays, in the NIL era, the playing field has been leveled. 

To win in the transfer portal and recruiting as a whole, a program like Indiana needs a premier recruiter – and it has one in Darian DeVries.

Heading into his second season as the Hoosiers head man, DeVries is on an absolute heater, as he just landed his sixth transfer (Villanova guard Bryce Lindsay) on Wednesday night. 

With the addition of Lindsay, the Hoosiers have arguably the No. 1 transfer class in the nation and certainly one of the top three. Here are three takeaways from Indiana’s offseason thus far:

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Indiana Hoosiers head coach Darian Devries reacts in the first half of the NCAA game at Value City Arena on Saturday, March 7, 2026 in Columbus, Ohio. | Samantha Madar/Columbus Dispatch / USA TODAY NETWORK via Imagn Images

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Indiana won’t have a talent problem in 2026-27

On one hand, the expectations are high in Bloomington – especially after the turnaround Curt Cignetti engineered in just two quick years on the gridiron. And an NCAA Tournament appearance isn’t exactly the Herculean task a College Football Playoff berth, let alone a national title, is. 

Then again, DeVries didn’t have much time to craft his 2025-26 roster, and the end result wound up being less-than ideal from a talent perspective. All things considered, DeVries didn’t do a poor job given the roster he had. But it was also his roster. 

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Coaching is a balance of roster-building, X’s and O’s and culture. It’s up to DeVries to tailor a roster fit to his coaching strengths. Here in the 2026 offseason, he’s sent a message: recruiting will not be a problem. As a result, talent won’t be a weakness – it’ll be a strength. 

The question now: can DeVries take advantage of an uber-skilled crew? Can he mesh the pieces and, ideally, create a product better than the sum of its parts? If the 2025-26 season was any sign, the answer is yes – which means a Big Dance appearance should be the bare minimum next year. 

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How will the backcourt depth chart shake out?

Notre Dame guard Markus Burton celebrates during a NCAA men’s basketball game against Missouri at Purcell Pavilion on Tuesday, Dec. 2, 2025, in South Bend. | MICHAEL CLUBB/SOUTH BEND TRIBUNE / USA TODAY NETWORK via Imagn Images
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The Hoosiers are going to have a loaded guard rotation, and DeVries has a variety of options in terms of a starting backcourt.

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Markus Burton is a surefire starter at lead guard, but then DeVries can choose between Bryce Lindsay and Jaeden Mustaf at the two, or, potentially, he could run both together at shooting guard and small forward.

What about Duke transfer Darren Harris, though? He’s more of a wing, but it’s not exactly clear how he’ll fit in the fold. And incoming combo guard Prince-Alexander Moody can also compete for minutes. 

Fortunately, DeVries can’t exactly go wrong. A Burton-Lindsay starting backcourt would be undersized but loaded, chock-full of shooting and playmaking, while a Burton-Mustaf combo would be a slashing nightmare for opponents, strong defensively and tough on the boards. 

And if Moody shocks the college hoops world and manages to sneak in over both Lindsay and Mustaf, that means the Hoosiers have a bona fide star on their hands. 

With the addition of Lindsay, the Hoosiers have arguably the No. 1 transfer class in the nation and certainly one of the top three. Here are three takeaways from Indiana’s offseason thus far.

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The Hoosiers should be much better on the glass

Indiana could have been a lot better on the boards a year ago. The Hoosiers were No. 296 in offensive rebounding rate and No. 122 in defensive rebounding rate, per Bart Torvik. As a squad, Indiana was often undersized – and sometimes by a huge margin. Naturally, the glass suffered, affecting both sides of the floor. 

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Mar 20, 2026; Tampa, FL, USA; Alabama Crimson Tide forward Aiden Sherrell (22) shoots against Hofstra Pride forward Victory Onuetu (6) in the second half during a first round game of the men’s 2026 NCAA Tournament at Benchmark International Arena. Mandatory Credit: Matt Pendleton-Imagn Images | Matt Pendleton-Imagn Images

In 2026-27, the Hoosiers should flip the script in that department. With incoming big men Aiden Sherrell (Alabama) and Samet Yigitoglu (SMU) combining for 14.1 total rebounds per outing despite neither playing more than 30 minutes per game in this past campaign, Indiana should have a dominant glass-cleaning unit in the frontcourt in 2026-27.

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