Illinois
Pro-Israel Illinois Democrat Cancels Two Debates Against Challenger Who Backs Gaza Ceasefire
Rep. Bill Foster, an Illinois Democrat, agreed to three debates in his primary election race against Qasim Rashid, an insurgent progressive. Foster later dropped out of the other two debates, citing conflicting events. The first and only time Foster appeared alongside Rashid, the decadelong incumbent left halfway through the candidate forum, claiming he had another obligation.
Rashid said Foster is reluctant to defend his own record. Among other issues, the incumbent had criticized Israel’s war against Palestinians in Gaza but stopped short of calling for a ceasefire. Protesters were at the forum to express their displeasure with Foster and Rep. Sean Casten, a Democrat from a neighboring district, who also attended, for refusing to call for a ceasefire.
“Fundamentally, they realize that he wants them to vote for a record that even he isn’t willing to defend.”
“Voters are upset,” Rashid told The Intercept, said of Foster’s refusal to debate. “Fundamentally, they realize that he wants them to vote for a record that even he isn’t willing to defend.”
The March 19 Democratic primary in the suburbs and rural towns northwest of Chicago could become another congressional race where Israel plays an outsized role. Rashid is running on a broader progressive platform — hitting Foster for being out of touch with Democrats in the district and his acceptance of money from corporate PACs, fossil fuel companies, and the health insurance and pharmaceutical industries — but the ceasefire debate looms large.
Observers anticipate that Israel issues will attract outside money from lobbying groups like the American Israel Public Affairs Committee that are preparing to spend record amounts to defend Democrats that toe their line. And Foster had already amassed support from pro-Israel donors: One of his top contributors this cycle is the private equality group Apollo Global Management, whose CEO Marc Rowan helped orchestrate the ousting of the president and board chair at the University of Pennsylvania over Israel’s war on Gaza. (Foster’s campaign did not respond to a request for comment.)
Pro-Israel groups have worked to oust other Democrats in Illinois who opposed unconditional U.S. military support for Israel, including Rep. Delia Ramirez and former Rep. Marie Newman. AIPAC joined conservative Democrats to defeat Newman’s 2018 congressional campaign. Newman won election in 2020 but become a target of pro-Israel groups again last cycle and lost her reelection campaign.
Newman, who is supporting Rashid’s campaign, told The Intercept that the threat of spending from groups like AIPAC and its ally, Democratic Majority for Israel, is scaring incumbents into submission and deepening schisms within the Democratic Party.
“In the last 3 months I’ve talked to several MOCs” — members of Congress — “who live in absolute fear of AIPAC and DMFI working against them or primarying them,” Newman said by text. “More than anything else I’m deeply concerned about how AIPAC, Democratic Majority for Israel (DMFI) and their 20 affiliate PACs are putting a huge wedge in the Democratic Party, particularly in the House.”
AIPAC Waiting in the Wings
For decades, AIPAC played an influential role in Middle Eastern policy by sending its legions to lobby members of Congress in their offices and only organizing campaign donations informally among members. In recent years, however, the group transformed its spending on congressional elections with the launch of a new super PAC in the last election cycle.
The direct influence on money in politics has exacerbated partisan rifts that have emerged around Israel and AIPAC. Democratic voters, for their part, are shifting away from AIPAC’s uncompromising positions on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict — especially as a majority of Americans came to support the ceasefire that AIPAC opposes.
Amid the current flare-up of violence, even some more centrist Democrats have found themselves unable to stay in lockstep with AIPAC, which frowns on virtually all criticism of Israel. In Illinois’s 11th Congressional District, for instance, Rashid acknowledged that Foster has also been a vocal critic of Israel. With the death toll in Gaza mounting, Foster has expressed concern about Benjamin Netanyahu’s military strategy and said there was a “special place in hell” for the prime minister, but stopped short of calling for a ceasefire.
Foster’s record, Rashid said, is more notable for the things he has not done. He voted for two measures expressing support for Israel, but neither of them mentioned Palestinians killed by Israeli forces. Foster is not a co-sponsor of the ceasefire resolution introduced in October nor a resolution introduced by another Illinois Democrat, Ramirez, that honored a 6-year-old boy, Wadee Alfayoumi, who was killed in Plainfield in an alleged hate crime during the first week of Israel’s war on Gaza.
Foster criticizes Israel’s actions, Rashid said, but won’t take the steps necessary to end the bloodshed in Gaza — namely supporting a ceasefire.
“The big difference between he and I is not on a question of whether international law is being violated. We both agree with that,” Rashid said. “The difference is that I have the integrity to say it and demand action.”
Foster has long had support from J Street, a pro-Israel advocacy group that positions itself as a liberal alternative to AIPAC. Until this week, J Street had resisted pressure, both internal and external, to call for a ceasefire, even threatening to pull endorsements from members who did so. The group announced support for a “negotiated stop” to violence in Gaza on Monday.
J Street said in a statement to The Intercept that it’s proud to endorse Foster again this year. Foster has “been a champion for pro-Israel, pro-peace, pro-democracy values on Capitol Hill since his election in 2008,” J Street spokesperson Tali DeGroot told The Intercept, pointing to his support for the now-defunct 2015 Iran nuclear deal, which was supported by J Street but opposed by AIPAC, the Israeli government, and a clutch of hawkish Democrats.
“We’ve seen the polling. Eighty percent of Democrats want a ceasefire.”
Rashid’s campaign has been careful to tread lightly on the Israel question while pushing unequivocally for a ceasefire. His approach has been to focus on ending the humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip and tap into majority support for a ceasefire among Democratic voters. “We’ve seen the polling. Eighty percent of Democrats want a ceasefire,” Rashid said. “Even a majority of Republicans and Independents want a ceasefire. For us, this is basic integrity.”
Foster has been in office for a decade and faced few challengers in recent years. Foster’s last opponent in the 2020 Democratic primary, Rachel Ventura, received 41 percent of the vote.
Rashid works at a Chicago law firm and grew up in the area, which he recently returned to. In 2020, he ran as the Democratic candidate in the general election for Virginia’s 1st Congressional District and lost to Republican Rep. Robert Wittman.
Rashid raised $305,000 in the third quarter of 2023 — $10,000 more than Foster — and had $114,000 cash on hand. Foster has $1.3 million cash on hand and $1 million in debts, according to filings with the Federal Election Commission. Rashid said his campaign had received more than 10,000 individual contributions. In the Democratic primary, a large cash intervention by AIPAC or one of its allies could play a major part.
Rashid, for his part, said he was ready for the challenges: “I have immense confidence in voters that they’re sick and tired of the mudslinging and the negativity and these outside lobbyist organizations meddling in our races.”
Illinois
Takeaways: Michigan basketball ends Illinois streak, wins Big Ten
Michigan basketball entered Friday having lost nine straight games to Illinois. With the sole regular-season matchup coming in Champaign against the KenPom No. 4 Illini, it was going to be a tall task for the Wolverines to end that streak.
The game matched up the nation’s No. 2 defense against the No. 1 offense, and in front of a raucous Orange Krush, the maize and blue took a little while to get into an offensive rhythm. Because the No. 5 offense is no slouch, especially against the No. 31 defense. What’s more, Morez Johnson Jr. returned to Champaign after spending his first year with Illinois.
However, the Illini certainly showed how much Michigan appears to be their rival, and really played a physical brand of basketball. After Illinois got a five-point lead, the Wolverines bounced back and got a six-point lead. Illinois had a slight advantage in the first half on the boards, but the Wolverines had a field goal advantage. Both teams were relatively even on turnovers.
Ultimately, Michigan ended up taking a seven-point lead into the locker room at halftime, but backup point guard LJ Cason appeared to have hurt his knee on the final score of the half.
The second half started with a Michigan layup and an Illinois 3. The next round of scoring went exactly the same way. But then Yaxel Lendeborg hit a 3 to stop the asymmetry. They traded baskets, but then after a few Illinois turnovers, the Wolverines pushed the lead to 10.
Cason returned to the game after the under-16 media timeout, providing (temporary) good news for the maize and blue (he would leave the game again shortly). But the Wolverines missed a few shots, and Illinois took advantage, getting a shot from the field by Mirkovic before Wagler hit a 3 to cut the lead to five, prompting a Michigan timeout with 13:09 remaining.
Illinois cut Michigan’s lead back down to six, but Yaxel Lendeborg stretched it back to nine with a layup-and-one. Then Aday Mara started taking over.
Mara was unguardable, scoring floaters, dunks, and putbacks. His quick 7 points put the Wolverines up to a game-high of 14 with 9:13 remaining. The Illini answered to end the nearly three-minute field goal drought, ending Michigan’s 7-0 scoring run. But the Wolverine defense held, and Trey McKenney finally hit his first (of three) 3-point attempts to push the lead to 15, and he hit again on the next trip, pushing the lead to 18 with 7:34 left in the game. It was a 13-2 scoring run for the maize and blue.
After an Illinois timeout, they missed again, and Will Tschetter got in on the contagious, 3-pointer action, pushing the lead to 21. Cadeau finally broke the makes from deep, and Wagler hit to cut the lead back to 18 with 5:41 remaining.
Illinois couldn’t mount a comeback, and Michigan won, 84-70. Here are our five takeaways.
Homecoming for Morez Johnson Jr.
An Illinois native who spent his first year with the Illini, the Orange Krush did as much as it could to make it uncomfortable for the outgoing transfer. However, it wasn’t the case, as Johnson was often the best player on the floor.
He was the only Michigan basketball player in double digits at halftime, with 13 points, five rebounds, and a steal, and he was something of an energizer bunny out on the floor for the Wolverines. There were no qualms for Johnson returning to his old stomping ground, as he played one of his best games in a maize and blue uniform.
Johnson was quiet in the second half, but the damage was done, and it makes his former teammate’s pregame comments more prescient:
What could have been.
Johnson finished with a double-double, scoring 19 points and netting 11 rebounds.
Michigan’s offense outplays Illinois’ offense
As noted, the Illini entered the game with the No. 1 overall offense, while the Wolverines were No. 5. Yet, when the rubber hit the road, it was the maize and blue who had the superior offensive attack, managing to shoot 52.5% overall and 60% in the second half. Illinois managed 41.3% and 43.3% respectively.
The Michigan defense forced Illinois to go through a series of uncomfortable stretches in the second half, with multiple three-minute droughts from the floor. And Illinois, which is accustomed to getting to the foul line, couldn’t seem to draw many fouls until relatively late in the game. Even when the Illini forced three Wolverine turnovers late, they couldn’t seem to take advantage.
Ultimately, Michigan was dominant on both ends of the floor.
Bench, fastbreak, and points in the paint
The Wolverines dominated all three categories, finishing the game with 20 bench points, 10 fastbreak points, and 42 points in the paint. We already discussed Johnson and his homecoming, but we cannot leave out Aday Mara, who was just such a mismatch for Michigan vs. the Illini. As noted, Mara really flexed late in the game, taking it over. He was the catalyst for most of these stats.
Meanwhile, Illinois only had 7 bench points, 1 fastbreak point, and was just behind Michigan with 32 points in the paint.
The streak was emphatically broken
As we said in the open, the Illini had beaten the Wolverines nine straight times. Even the Fab Five couldn’t beat Illinois in Champaign, as the maize and blue have historically struggled at State Farm Arena. Though it took some time for the Wolverines to flex, flex they did, and this was as emphatic of a win as Michigan had all season.
The final score may have been just a 14-point gulf, but honestly, the game wasn’t really that close (and it hadn’t been for most of the final 10 minutes). This was a huge win for the Wolverines, one that’s been years in the making. If not decades.
With the win over Illinois, Michigan has won the outright Big Ten regular-season title.
No. 1 overall seed back in the realm of possibility
It may come down to the Big Ten Tournament now that Michigan has lost the head-to-head with Duke. And the Blue Devils’ 54-point win over Notre Dame pushed them into the No. 1 NET ranking, stealing it away from the maize and blue. But with a win over the No. 4 NET-ranked Illini, the Wolverines have the second-best win in college basketball (behind Duke, of course). They also have wins over No. 5 Gonzaga, No. 7 Purdue, No. 11 MSU, No. 12 Nebraska, and will face No. 26 Iowa on the road next week.
There’s a strong case for the maize and blue to have the No. 1 overall seed given the levels of domination over most all of the aforementioned teams.
Illinois
Wisconsin man, woman killed in head-on Wadsworth crash involving semi ID’d: officials
WADSWORTH, Ill. (WLS) — Two people who were killed in a head-on crash involving a semi in the north suburbs on Thursday morning have been identified, officials said on Friday.
The Lake County sheriff’s deputies and the Newport Township Fire Protection District responded to the Route 173 crash, which happened west of North Kilbourne Road in Wadsworth, around 7:50 a.m.
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Witnesses told investigators that the driver of a 2009 Acura sedan, which was traveling eastbound, appeared to be having difficulty staying in his lane and drifted into the path of a Freightliner semi-truck, which was heading westbound.
The two vehicles then collided head-on, officials said. A third vehicle was also hit.
Chopper 7 was over the scene at 9 a.m., capturing the damage.
The sedan’s driver, a man, and a passenger, a woman, were pronounced dead on the scene.
The Lake County Coroner’s Office identified them as 51-year-old Kelly Wooten and 45-year-old Jacklyn Bradley of Stoughton, Wisconsin. Preliminary autopsy results indicate that both Wooten and Bradley died from blunt-force injuries.
The driver of the third vehicle, a 54-year-old Salem, Wisconsin woman, suffered non-life-threatening injuries.
The crash shut down Route 173 between Kilbourne Road and U.S. 41 in both directions.
The Lake County Sheriff’s Office Technical Crash Investigations Team is investigating.
The video in the player above is from a previous report.
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Illinois
AIPAC faces test of its power in Illinois primary as Democrats debate future of Israel relationship
WASHINGTON — A crowded primary season in Illinois is shaping up as the next test for the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a powerful advocacy organization that’s generating fresh turmoil over the Democratic Party’s relationship to Israel and the role of undisclosed campaign cash in this year’s midterm elections.
AIPAC, which was founded decades ago to lobby for U.S. support for Israel, has reserved at least $1.9 million in advertisements through its super PAC in the race to replace Rep. Danny Davis, a veteran politician who is retiring. The organization hopes to boost Melissa Conyears-Ervin, the city treasurer in Chicago, to victory over a dozen other candidates in the March 17 primary.
Other organizations that critics believe are tied to AIPAC are also spending heavily in Illinois, a source of bitterness and recriminations in a state already known for its bare knuckled brand of politics.
The aggressive spending comes after AIPAC put almost $2 million into a recent Democratic primary for a special election in New Jersey, an effort that’s widely considered to have backfired. AIPAC targeted Tom Malinowski, a former congressman who narrowly lost to progressive candidate Analilia Mejia — who has been outspoken in criticism of Israel.
But AIPAC appears undaunted by the experience, despite an outpouring of criticism from across the political spectrum.
“We expect to be involved in dozens of races both in primaries and general elections this cycle,” said Patrick Dorton, a spokesman for AIPAC’s affiliated super PAC, the United Democracy Project, or UDP.
AIPAC has more urgently pursued its mission as Democratic skepticism and even hostility toward the U.S.-Israel relationship increases because of the war in Gaza, jeopardizing traditional bipartisan support for military assistance to a historic ally. But the group’s assertive interventions in this year’s primaries, which are expected to expand in the months to come, also risk further fracturing the party and eroding any remaining goodwill.
AIPAC has been dividing line in Illinois primary
Campaign finance laws involving super PACs make it nearly impossible to ascertain who is behind much of the money being spent in Illinois. Although UDP is open about its affiliation, recently created groups like Elect Chicago Women and Affordable Chicago Now haven’t yet been required to disclose the sources of their money.
Neither group is obligated to disclose its funding until after the Illinois’ primary. Critics suspect they’re conduits for AIPAC money, and AIPAC has declined to say whether there’s any connection.
UDP, Elect Chicago Women and Affordable Chicago Now are three of the top four spenders on advertisements in House races so far, with almost $11 million total, and the majority going to Illinois. Financial numbers are drawn from AdImpact, a nonpartisan ad-tracking service.
None of the organizations mention Israel in their campaign messaging, a strategy that AIPAC-affiliated groups have used in the past as well.
For example, the United Democracy Project assailed Malinowski in New Jersey as sympathetic to President Donald Trump’s deportation efforts, undermining him with liberal voters. In Illinois, it is promoting Conyears-Ervin to replace Davis in the 7th congressional district by saying she will fight to lower costs and protect healthcare.
The strategy has contributed to speculation and angst about AIPAC’s influence in politics. Supporters of Israel accuse critics of using antisemitic tropes about dual loyalty, and others say the focus on AIPAC is misplaced.
“I think the folks who are talking the most about AIPAC are seeking to demonize Israel and create a break in the U.S.-Israel relationship,” said Rep. Brad Schneider, a Democrat who represents Illinois’ 10th district.
“The problem is Citizens United and the decision to allow dark money,” said Schneider, the co-chair of the Congressional Jewish Caucus. “The problem is the rules. Let’s fix the rules.”
Candidates have been criticizing each other for their perceived willingness to accept help from AIPAC. Four progressive candidates vying for different Illinois congressional seats jointly condemned the organization’s role in the state’s primaries during a press conference in February. Another candidate is selling shirts on her website with anti-AIPAC messaging.
AIPAC has increased its campaign spending in recent years
Malinowski is still raw over his experience as AIPAC’s target in New Jersey, and he said that he won’t support any candidates backed by the organization this year. He described himself as pro-Israel even though he opposed unconditional assistance for the country, a stance that drew AIPAC’s ire.
“Obviously, we were going to talk about Israel and Gaza in the campaign because many voters would be asking questions about it,” Malinowski said. “But I wanted those discussions to be about the substance, not colored by baggage of endorsements from groups that are controversial now.”
AIPAC said in a statement that Mejia’s success in the primary was “an anticipated possibility,” suggesting they had no regrets that their role could have helped pave the way for a candidate who has described Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide.
Although AIPAC has always been politically active, it began spending directly on campaigns during the 2022 midterms.
Since then, it has spent more than $221 million through its traditional PAC and its super PAC, according to Federal Election Commission filings between December 2021 and January 2026.
The super PAC has mostly focused on Democratic primaries. In the 2022 and 2024 cycles, UDP spent at least $1 million supporting or opposing 18 candidates, 16 of whom were Democrats. Many of those candidates were running in open races.
Traditional PACs are allowed to raise and donate up to $5,000 per candidate per election, and may coordinate directly with campaigns. Super PACs don’t have fundraising or spending limits but are not allowed to make direct or in-kind contributions to candidates nor coordinate communications.
In 2024, UDP’s biggest investments were made in support of centrist challengers to progressive incumbents. It spent more than $13 million in the 2024 Democratic primary in New York’s 16th District, in which current Rep. George Latimer defeated former Rep. Jamaal Bowman. It also spent $8.5 million opposing former Rep. Cori Bush, who lost her primary to Rep. Wesley Bell.
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