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A new mail-voting exhibition is a reminder that its use dates back to the Civil War

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A new mail-voting exhibition is a reminder that its use dates back to the Civil War

The “Voting by Mail” exhibition at the National Postal Museum in Washington, D.C., tracks the long history of mail-in voting in the United States with a selection of historical ballot envelopes, election mailers and photographs.

Zayrha Rodriguez/NPR


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Zayrha Rodriguez/NPR

Four years ago, millions more voters in the U.S. became familiar with voting by mail.

But a new exhibition at the Smithsonian’s National Postal Museum opens Saturday as a reminder that earlier generations of voters used the postal service to cast absentee ballots decades before the COVID-19 pandemic upended the 2020 election.

“It was sort of presented during the pandemic as a new concept for a lot of folks who may have never encountered it before,” says Carrie Villar, director of curatorial affairs at the Washington, D.C., museum that is open free to the public. “We thought with this presidential election coming up in 2024, there could be no better place than the National Postal Museum to have an exhibit where we talk about voting by mail and how it’s not a new thing. It’s been around for over 160 years in various forms.”

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On a wall nestled within the museum’s stamp salon, Villar’s team of curators has assembled a small selection of mail-in ballot envelopes, election mailers, photographs and other artifacts to lay out a timeline that begins with the Civil War election of 1864, which is considered the start of large-scale use of voting by mail in the United States.

“That was the big moment that voting by mail stepped up to a national stage,” Villar says, noting that there were earlier examples at the state and local levels dating back to the 18th century.

The exhibition includes election mailers sent in Georgia’s Fulton County and California’s Orange County ahead of 2021 elections to encourage voters to cast their ballots by mail.

The exhibition includes election mailers sent in Georgia’s Fulton County and California’s Orange County ahead of 2021 elections to encourage voters to cast their ballots by mail.

Zayrha Rodriguez/NPR


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Villar hopes the exhibition can be expanded one day with more artifacts to fill in gaps in its presentation of mail-in voting’s extensive history.

Visitors, for example, won’t find any items on display that represent the spread of baseless claims of widespread absentee ballot fraud during the 2020 election, or how those allegations have fueled distrust of the voting method among conservatives, although the exhibition does note that the pandemic “brought attention to concerns over election integrity that have existed since the beginning of voting at polling places and by mail.”

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The museum is counting on the public, in part, to help more fully tell the story going forward with donations of historical objects and archival material.

“We’re actively collecting through this election and beyond because we want to continue the story,” Villar says. “There’s so much being printed and put out there that it gets thrown away. We would love to see some of that saved.”

Even with its limited look at voting by mail through the years, Villar adds she hopes visitors who are eligible to cast a ballot will leave “inspired to vote however they choose to do it and to know more that voting by mail has a long history of successfully being carried out.”

Here are some highlights from the exhibition “Voting by Mail: Civil War to Covid-19”:

An envelope used during the 1864 election to mail a sheet tallying the votes of Civil War soldiers from Ohio’s Highland County at a Union Army field hospital in Georgia

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An envelope used during the 1864 election to mail a sheet tallying the votes of Civil War soldiers from Ohio’s Highland County at a Union Army field hospital in Georgia

An envelope used during the 1864 election to mail a sheet tallying the votes of Civil War soldiers from Ohio’s Highland County at a Union Army field hospital in Georgia

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“Different states had different approaches, but they wanted to give a way for soldiers who are away, out of state at war to have a chance to vote in the election,” Villar says. “Voting by mail and absentee voting for our military has really been a key part that has moved voting by mail forward in the last 160 years. And when you think about it, these men and women are out there risking their lives for our country and disenfranchising them by not being able to vote in an election doesn’t make a lot of sense.”

A photo of Japanese American citizens waiting for their absentee ballots to be notarized in 1942 while they were wrongfully incarcerated at the Tule Lake prison camp in California during World War II 

A photo of Japanese American citizens waiting for their absentee ballots to be notarized in 1942 while they were wrongfully incarcerated at the Tule Lake prison camp in California during World War II

A photo of Japanese American citizens waiting for their absentee ballots to be notarized in 1942 while they were wrongfully incarcerated at the Tule Lake prison camp in California during World War II

Francis Leroy Stewart/National Archives


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“It’s a really powerful story and one that really makes you think about what it means to be American and that right to vote that we may sometimes take for granted,” Villar explains. “The people who were incarcerated in these camps had to battle through a lack of knowing what their state requirements were for allowing them to vote. They were limited in the information they were getting from back home about who to vote for. These good citizens who were in these camps by their own government still took the time and effort to exercise that duty to vote.”

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An unused federal war ballot issued in 1944 for absentee voters serving in World War II

An unused federal war ballot issued in 1944 for absentee voters serving in World War II

An unused federal war ballot issued in 1944 for absentee voters serving in World War II

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Zayrha Rodriguez/NPR

“It’s a big undertaking to get all of this material out all around the world during war. And so they ended up printing these official ballots that didn’t have the candidate names in them yet,” Villar explains. “The voter would actually handwrite in who they were voting for. And then someone on the other end would have to read it. They had to sort of decipher out and make sure that the right candidate was getting a vote. It’s unusual to see a ballot without any names on it.”

An informational card the U.S. Postal Service sent in 2020 to help voters prepare to vote during the COVID-19 pandemic

An informational card the U.S. Postal Service sent in 2020 to help voters prepare to vote during the COVID-19 pandemic

An informational card the U.S. Postal Service sent in 2020 to help voters prepare to vote during the COVID-19 pandemic

Zayrha Rodriguez/NPR

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“The messaging around voting by mail is so challenging,” Villar says. “The Postal Service sent this out, trying to educate postal customers, and soon realized that there isn’t a one-size-fits-all direction for voting by mail and that every voter needs to check with their own state and local rules and regulations. There was some backlash to this postcard, and they ended up having to correct the information.”

For those who can’t stop by in person before the exhibition is set to close on Feb. 23, 2025, a virtual exhibition is available on the museum’s website in English and Spanish.

Edited by Benjamin Swasey

Visuals edited by Grace Widyatmadja

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If you loved ‘Sinners,’ here’s what to watch next

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If you loved ‘Sinners,’ here’s what to watch next

Michael B. Jordan plays twin brothers Smoke and Stack in Sinners.

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Warner Bros. Pictures

What to watch if you loved…

Ryan Coogler’s supernatural horror stars Michael B. Jordan playing twin brothers who open a 1930s juke joint in Mississippi. Opening night does not go as planned when vampires appear outside. “In a straightforward metaphor for all the ways Black culture has been co-opted by whiteness, the raucous pleasures and sonic beauty of the juke joint attract the interest of a trio of demons … they wish to literally leech off of the talents and energy of Black folks,” writes critic Aisha Harris. The film made history with a record 16 Academy Award nominations.

We asked our NPR audience: What movie would you recommend to someone who loved Sinners? Here’s what you told us:

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Near Dark (1987)
Directed by Kathryn Bigelow; starring Adrian Pasdar, Jenny Wright, Lance Henriksen
If you want another cool vampire movie with Western kind of vibes, check out Kathryn Bigelow’s Near Dark — super underseen and kind of hard to find, but really gritty and sexy and another very different take on what you might think is a genre that had been wrung dry. – Maggie Grossman, Chicago, Ill.

30 Days of Night (2007)
Directed by David Slade; starring Josh Hartnett, Melissa George, Danny Huston
It follows a group of people in a small Alaskan town as they struggle to survive an invasion of vampires who have taken advantage of the month-long absence of the sun. Both this and Sinners revolve around a vampire takeover and the people’s fight to outlast the “night.” – Nathan Strzelewicz, DeWitt, Mich.

The Wailing (2016)
Directed by Na Hong-jin; starring Kwak Do-won, Hwang Jung-min, Chun Woo-hee, Jun Kunimura
In this South Korean supernatural horror film, a mysterious illness causes people in a quiet rural village to become violent and murderous. A local police officer investigates while trying to save his daughter, who begins showing the same disturbing symptoms. The film blends folk horror, religion, and psychological dread, exploring themes of faith, evil, and moral weakness. Like Sinners, it centers on a supernatural force corrupting a close-knit community, builds slow-burning tension, and examines spiritual conflict and human frailty. – Amy Merke, Bronx, N.Y.

Fréwaka (2024)
Directed by Aislinn Clarke; starring Bríd Ní Neachtain, Clare Monnelly, Aleksandra Bystrzhitskaya
In this Irish folk horror film, a home care worker, Shoo, is assigned to stay with an elderly woman who’s convinced she’s under siege by malevolent fairies. Like Sinners, Fréwaka blends folk traditions and social commentary with horror. The social failures Shoo copes with (untreated mental health issues, religious abuse) are just as frightening as the supernatural forces. – Kerrin Smith, Baltimore, Md.

And a bonus pick from our critic:

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Ma Rainey’s Black Bottom (2020)
Directed by George C. Wolfe; starring Viola Davis, Chadwick Boseman, Glynn Turman
This is an adaptation of August Wilson’s play about a legendary blues singer (Viola Davis) muscling through a recording session with white producers who want to control her music. Chadwick Boseman’s blistering in his final role. – Bob Mondello, NPR movie critic

Carly Rubin and Ivy Buck contributed to this project. It was edited by Clare Lombardo.

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Solar energy for renters has taken off in 10 states. Not in California

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Solar energy for renters has taken off in 10 states. Not in California

The tiny town of West Goshen, Calif., was exactly the kind of place that community solar was designed for.

Near Visalia, most of its 500 residents live in mobile homes, where companies won’t install rooftop panels without a solid foundation. And until recently, they used propane for heating and cooking, with price fluctuations in the winter posing hardships for low-income families.

Community solar, in which residents get a discount on their bills for subscribing as a group to small solar arrays nearby, was designed to help low-income residents, apartment dwellers, renters and others who can’t put panels on their own roofs.

Over the last 11 years, New York, Maine, Minnesota, Massachusetts and other states have built thriving community solar programs. But California has built, at most, only 34 projects since 2015, and experts say that’s a generous accounting.

“We’ve had community solar for a dozen years, and it simply has not produced anything of scale and anything of note,” said Derek Chernow, director of Californians for Local, Affordable Solar and Storage, a developer trade group that’s pushing to get a more robust program off the ground. “Projects don’t pencil out.”

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The West Goshen residents were among the lucky few, becoming part of a community solar project in 2024.

“It has kind of allowed us to kind of breathe a little bit,” said resident and community organizer Melinda Metheney. Her bill has dropped by about $300 in the summer months, thanks to the 20% community solar discount, stacked with other low-income discounts and clean energy incentives, she said.

West Goshen’s panels sit about 10 miles out of town, in a field surrounded by farms. Energy and climate experts agree California must add much more clean energy to its grid, some 6 gigawatts by 2032, the California Public Utilities Commission said in a new plan last week.

Assemblymember Christopher M. Ward (D-San Diego), who in 2022 authored a bill to create a more effective community solar program, said the state needs to double its annual solar installation rate to reach that goal and is not on track to do that using only large utility-scale solar farms and individual rooftop arrays.

“We need mid-scale community solar,” he said.

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Aerial view of solar panels installed on top of Extra Space Storage in Pico Rivera

Energy and climate experts agree California must add much more clean energy to its grid, some 6 gigawatts by 2032, the California Public Utilities Commission said in a new plan last week. Above, solar panels at Extra Space Storage in Pico Rivera.

(Kayla Bartkowski / Los Angeles Times)

He and a coalition of environmental groups, solar developers and the Utility Reform Network, a ratepayer advocacy group, worked to put his 2022 law into effect. They coalesced around requiring utilities to pay community solar developers and customers for the electricity they feed to the grid using the same formula they use for people who install rooftop solar.

But in May 2024, the California Public Utilities Commission decided to go with a late-in-the-game proposal backed by the state’s investor-owned utilities to pay community solar at a lower rate.

The agency, along with its public advocate’s office, argued that crediting solar developers at the higher rate would raise bills for customers who don’t have solar, who would still have to shoulder the cost of grid maintenance. It’s similar to the argument they’ve made to cut incentives for rooftop solar.

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The new program relied on federal money, including the Biden administration’s Solar for All, to sweeten the deal for developers. But the utilities commission spent very little of the $250 million available under that grant before the Trump administration tried to claw it back last summer, and now it is held up in litigation.

At a legislative oversight hearing last week, Kerry Fleisher, the commission’s director of distributed energy resources, blamed the loss for the new program’s failure to launch.

“There’s been a tremendous amount of uncertainty in terms of the Solar for All funding that was intended to supplement this program,” Fleisher said. “That’s part of the reason why this has taken longer than normal.” She said the commission still plans to release a program in the next several months.

Ward, the San Diego lawmaker who wrote the community solar bill, called the program “fatally flawed” in an interview.

He’s now considering a bill to bring the community solar program more in line with what he initially envisioned — higher incentives, requirements for battery storage, and compliance with state law that mandates new houses be built with solar.

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A study last year funded by a solar trade group found that could save California’s electric system $6.5 billion over 20 years. But Ward’s effort to revive his program last year failed to pass the Assembly appropriations committee.

“All the other states in our country that have adopted similar community solar program models, they are working,” said Ward, adding that 22 states have programs comparable to the one solar advocates want in California. “The writing on the wall suggests that, exactly as we feared years ago, this was not the way to go.”

California Public Utilities Commission spokesperson Terrie Prosper called California “a leader in cost-effective, least-cost solar deployment overall compared to any other state,” in an emailed statement.

Under the commission’s definition, the state has brought on 34 projects, representing 235 megawatts of community solar. But studies from groups such as the Institute for Local Self-Reliance and Wood Mackenzie use different definitions for community solar, and they show California far behind at least 10 other states.

Meanwhile, advocates and developers involved in successful community solar projects in California say they were difficult to get off the ground.

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A view of homes in the Avocado Heights area of Los Angeles County

Homes in the Avocado Heights area of Los Angeles County are part of a community solar project.

(Kayla Bartkowski / Los Angeles Times)

One that came online in May in the unincorporated communities of Bassett and Avocado Heights in the San Gabriel Valley provides solar electricity to about 400 low-income residents. They get 20% discounts on their electric bills for subscribing to panels installed on two Extra Space Storage building rooftops in Pico Rivera.

Organizers said it took nearly five years to find the right location and comply with utility requirements. They also got a grant in addition to funding provided by the state utilities commission’s solar program.

It “would not have happened if it hadn’t been for the grant,” said Genaro Bugarin, a director at the Energy Coalition nonprofit that proposed and coordinated the project.

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Brandon Smithwood, vice president of policy at Dimension Energy, the developer for the project in West Goshen, said he still hopes to see a community solar program in California that compensates projects for the way they help out the grid.

“We’ve seen it can work, and we know what we have won’t work,” Smithwood said at the hearing.

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Mundane, magic, maybe both — a new book explores ‘The Writer’s Room’

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Mundane, magic, maybe both — a new book explores ‘The Writer’s Room’

There’s a three-story house in Baltimore that looks a bit imposing. You walk up the stone steps before even getting up to the porch, and then you enter the door and you’re greeted with a glass case of literary awards. It’s The Clifton House, formerly home of Lucille Clifton.

The National Book Award-winning poet lived there with her husband, Fred, starting in 1967 until the bank foreclosed on the house in 1980. Clifton’s daughter, Sidney Clifton, has since revived the house and turned it into a cultural hub, hosting artists, readings, workshops and more. But even during a February visit, in the mid-afternoon with no organized events on, the house feels full.

The corner of Lucille Clifton's bedroom, where she would wake up and write in the mornings

The corner of Lucille Clifton’s bedroom, where she would wake up and write in the mornings

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“There’s a presence here,” Clifton House Executive Director Joël Díaz told me. “There’s a presence here that sits at attention.”

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Sometimes, rooms where famous writers worked can be places of ineffable magic. Other times, they can just be rooms.

The Writer’s Room: The Hidden Worlds That Shape the Books We Love

Princeton University Press

Katie da Cunha Lewin is the author of the new book, The Writer’s Room: The Hidden Worlds That Shape the Books We Love, which explores the appeal of these rooms. Lewin is a big Virginia Woolf fan, and the very first place Lewin visited working on the book was Monk’s House — Woolf’s summer home in Sussex, England. On the way there, there were dreams of seeing Woolf’s desk, of retracing Woolf’s steps and imagining what her creative process would feel like. It turned out to be a bit of a disappointment for Lewin — everything interesting was behind glass, she said. Still, in the book Lewin writes about how she took a picture of the room and saved it on her phone, going back to check it and re-check it, “in the hope it would allow me some of its magic.”

Let’s be real, writing is a little boring. Unlike a band on fire in the recording studio, or a painter possessed in their studio, the visual image of a writer sitting at a desk click-clacking away at a keyboard or scribbling on a piece of paper isn’t particularly exciting. And yet, the myth of the writer’s room continues to enrapture us. You can head to Massachusetts to see where Louisa May Alcott wrote Little Women. Or go down to Florida to visit the home of Zora Neale Hurston. Or book a stay at the Scott & Zelda Fitzgerald Museum in Alabama, where the famous couple lived for a time. But what, exactly, is the draw?

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Lewin said in an interview that whenever she was at a book event or an author reading, an audience question about the writer’s writing space came up. And yes, some of this is basic fan-driven curiosity. But also “it started to occur to me that it was a central mystery about writing, as if writing is a magic thing that just happens rather than actually labor,” she said.

In a lot of ways, the book is a debunking of the myths we’re presented about writers in their rooms. She writes about the types of writers who couldn’t lock themselves in an office for hours on end, and instead had to find moments in-between to work on their art. She covers the writers who make a big show of their rooms, as a way to seem more writerly. She writes about writers who have had their homes and rooms preserved, versus the ones whose rooms have been lost to time and new real estate developments. The central argument of the book is that there is no magic formula to writing — that there is no daily to-do list to follow, no just-right office chair to buy in order to become a writer. You just have to write.

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