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Opinion | One Sentence Does Not Define a Curriculum

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Opinion | One Sentence Does Not Define a Curriculum

The idea behind the disproportionate response to this one passage seems to have been that any statement that recalls the way slavery was presented to America’s children until the 1960s — as a benevolent institution whose dissolution subjected the South to unfair punishment — must be decried as a menace that threatens a return to old assumptions. This exemplifies a snag in argumentation that I observe frequently. Too often the idea of the slippery slope is presented as a given, rather than as an assertion requiring evidence. The idea that this one sentence in an otherwise rather ordinary document must be treated as so fearsome implies that we teeter always upon the possibility that students will be taught a vision of slavery out of “Gone With the Wind.”

But I’m not sure I see actual evidence of that, or anything close to it. I certainly do not detect maximal nationwide enlightenment about slavery. But I do perceive that America has become infinitely more informed about slavery than it was 50 years ago. Signature works such as “Roots” (the 1977 original of which was remade seven years ago), “Amistad,” “12 Years a Slave” and others have imprinted the horrors of slavery on the public consciousness in a way that was all but unknown in popular culture before the 1970s. There now exists a massive literature about slavery, both popular and academic, written by both white and Black authors, with key works amply covered in the national press. The widespread adoption of the term “enslaved person” rather than “slave” is testimony itself to the degree to which awareness has changed.

Given that the Florida curriculum proposal overall takes its cue from exactly this seismic change in awareness over its hundreds of directives in more than 200 pages of social studies curriculum, whence the idea that a single sentence threatens to return us to the racist ignorance of the past? To propose such an idea is, in its way, to dismiss the work so many have done to change minds. It also subverts constructive engagement for the theater of politics.

There are, to be sure, other things in the curriculum that also need fixing. It refers to “acts of violence perpetrated against and by African Americans but … not limited to 1906 Atlanta Race Riot, 1919 Washington, D.C., Race Riot, 1920 Ocoee Massacre, 1921 Tulsa Massacre and the 1923 Rosewood Massacre.” The “by” here has justifiably attracted attention, in implying that brutal riots such as those on the list occurred in part because of violence from Black people themselves. That is so nonsensical an idea that I assume the work group is referring to later riots in which Black people committed acts of violence in protest against acts by white vigilantes and/or policemen. And as such, the passage should be fixed. The group was given only a few months to compile the curriculum, and errors like that happen in haste.

But in general, if I had been handed this curriculum before the outcry, my impression would have been that it was going to offend the anti-woke crusaders of the right, not critics on the left. It is such a standard-issue coverage of what slavery was that it is, again, almost surprising that Ron DeSantis would want it to go out under his name. I would have processed that single “benefit” sentence as a tip of the hat to an idea, hardly uncommon among Black people thinking about our history, that even slaves exercised a degree of agency and human strength amid the horror of the condition imposed upon them.

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Video: Clashes Break Out at U.C.L.A.

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Video: Clashes Break Out at U.C.L.A.

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Clashes Break Out at U.C.L.A.

Police arrested more than 20 pro-Palestinian demonstrators on U.C.L.A.’s campus after several physical confrontations with security guards.

“Are you OK, are you OK?” “Don’t hit him. Don’t hit.” “Wrong person, wrong person, wrong person.” “I was just holding you.”

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Read a Judge’s Letter of Recommendation for Elias Irizarry

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Read a Judge’s Letter of Recommendation for Elias Irizarry

Tanya S. Chutkan
Judge
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
June 1, 2023
E. BARRETT PRETTYMAN COURTHOUSE
WASHINGTON, DC 20001
202-354-3390
The Citadel, The Military College of South Carolina
Admissions Office
171 Moultrie Street
Charleston, South Carolina 29409
Re:
Letter of Recommendation for Elias Irizarry for Readmission to The Citadel
Dear Admissions Office,
I am writing to recommend Elias Irizarry for readmission to The Citadel. I first encountered Mr.
Irizarry in 2021, when he appeared as a defendant in one of my cases, and I have had the opportunity to
learn more about him during the plea hearing, status conferences, and sentencing hearing. It is rare for
me to write a letter on behalf of a defendant, and this is the first time I have done so to recommend a
defendant for college admission. But Mr. Irizarry impressed me and has demonstrated that he is an
individual worthy of a second chance.
In considering Mr. Irizarry’s particular circumstances, I am reminded of the words of human
rights lawyer Bryan Stevenson: “Each of us is more than the worst thing we’ve ever done.” These
words acknowledge the potential for growth and transformation within us all, especially for someone as
young as Mr. Irizarry, who was only 19 years old when he committed the offense for which I sentenced
him. I ask that you look beyond Mr. Irizarry’s past mistakes, for which he has demonstrated genuine
remorse, defer to his exceptionally positive history, and allow him the opportunity to prove that the sum
of his character extends beyond a singular flawed decision.
Mr. Irizarry is a bright young man who wishes to serve his community and his country. He has
been a diligent and committed student and community member and received outstanding grades and
numerous accolades from esteemed institutions like The Citadel, the United States Marine Corps, Model
UN, and JROTC. Over the past five years, he has dedicated nearly 600 hours to community service,
assisting at hurricane sites and a Veterans Hospital. He has further demonstrated his commitment for
civil service by completing training to become a FEMA volunteer firefighter.
Although Mr. Irizarry’s actions were serious and were dealt with as such, it is important to weigh
his youth and susceptibility to influence. As a judge and the mother of two sons in their twenties, I
know that Mr. Irizarry is at a crucial inflection point for young adults. The educational system, like the
criminal justice system, can serve as a catalyst for positive transformation, enabling youth to learn from
their mistakes.
Accordingly, I write this letter because Mr. Irizarry has displayed impressive sincerity, remorse,
and a determination to make amends. I believe that if he is given the opportunity to re-enroll at The
Citadel, he will continue to thrive academically and personally, as well as encourage others to overcome
obstacles and pursue public service.
Should you require any further information or assistance, please do not hesitate to contact me.
Sincerely,
Tanya S. Chutkan
Tanya S. Chutkan

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Video: ‘It Didn’t Have to Happen This Way:’ U.Va. Faculty Call for Review of Police Response to Protests

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Video: ‘It Didn’t Have to Happen This Way:’ U.Va. Faculty Call for Review of Police Response to Protests

Protesters: “Disclose! Divest!” In student-led protests around the country, university faculty have stood in support of demonstrators, risking arrest. “He is a professor. He is a professor.” At the University of Virginia, The Times got an inside look at faculty’s role. “I can take you through the blow by blow of the day if you want.” And how their negotiations with police broke down at a crucial moment. “Why is he —” “Back up.” “In a wanton fashion, they allowed the Virginia State Police to come here fully armed, rifles, mace. One of my colleagues was standing right there trying to talk to the Virginia State Police. He got arrested. The other one standing next to him got pushed back behind the line, and he got partially maced. It didn’t have to happen this way.” The night before police raided a pro-Palestinian encampment, a few University of Virginia professors tried to deescalate the standoff and recorded their conversation with the university police chief, Tim Longo. The Times agreed to blur the faces of faculty who had concerns about their job security. Protesters had refused to engage with the university. So a handful of professors stepped in to be intermediaries. This, at times, frustrated administrators who told The Times the process required a leap of faith. “We basically took shifts, two-hour shifts being here. We had these yellow armbands that we wore to distinguish that we were faculty liaison. And our job really was just to communicate between the administration, the police and the students.” Hours later, Professors Walter Heinecke and Mark Sicoli, who documented the incident on his phone, approached the police chief again, stating confusion about what the campus policy actually states for use of smaller recreational tents. Within half an hour, before professors and police could come to an agreement about the tent policy, Chief Longo called the Virginia State Police. Troopers soon arrived with pepper spray and M4 assault rifles to help dismantle the encampment. In all, a few dozen protesters in about 20 tents. “Shame on you. Shame on you.” University officials say they warned protesters for days that they were in violation of school policy. Twenty-seven people were arrested, including at least one professor, who declined to speak with us for this story. “He is a professor. This is a professor.” “We were in front of the camp students. And then in front of us were faculty. And then the Virginia State Police were here and moved in. I was hit with a riot shield, which is when I got this bruise. They pepper-sprayed me. I was detained for about 10 minutes, if I had to guess. And then eventually, they just, like, cut off my zip ties.” The heavy police response raised alarm across campus. And now, several faculty members, including Heinecke, want to hold the university accountable for what they say was a violent clampdown on free speech, protesting Israel’s war in Gaza. “I’ve just got to show you one thing where they get around on —” “If they would have just said, you know, let’s negotiate, let’s leave the tents up for a couple more days and we’ll negotiate this out. It’s not like you’re robbing a bank or anything. You put a couple of tents on. Why couldn’t we have just done this a different way because the stakes were so low?” The university president and campus police chief did not respond to requests for comment. “And then I’ll turn to Chief Longo.” But in a virtual town hall on May 7, university police and administration defended their actions, citing unidentified outside agitators as a primary concern. “The police were met with physical confrontation and attempted assault, and didn’t feel equipped to engage given the situation. That’s when the decision was made to call on the state police.” “We have a duty to fight for Palestine.” “We have a —” “I was afraid that myself and the assistant chief would be surrounded, and that we would be put in a position to have to defend ourselves. It was clear to me by word and action, this was escalating.” “Free, free Palestine.” “In front of the historic rotunda.” In response, Heinecke and several other faculty members held their own town hall to try to show that the police action was unwarranted. Then on May 10, the U.V.A. faculty senate held a hearing with President Ryan to discuss the university response to protests. “I, for one, am thankful for him that he prevented us to get into a situation, which would be similar to a Columbia.” While there was support, most of the speakers were critical. “My heart broke because of what took place.” “To the condemnable call of the Virginia State Police in full gear, and the use of excessive force to terrorize our students in their own backyard.” “If all of you decide I’m not the right leader, that’s your choice.” In a vote, faculty called for an independent review of his and Chief Longo’s decisions on May 4, but stopped short of condemning the police action outright. “All right. Once again, I need people who are just here for court.” On the same day across town, supporters of protesters facing trespassing charges gathered in solidarity at the courthouse. “It’s first hearing for everybody who was charged with trespass, which includes our two students.” On May 15, many of those arrested at the protest encampment had their charges dismissed by the public prosecutor. A U.V.A. spokesman told The Times that the university has not yet agreed to an independent review of its decision to call in state police.

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