Business
Commentary: With 'Alligator Alcatraz,' Trump and DeSantis define their immigration policy as a tragic farce
Just as you may have thought that it was finally safe to think about American politics without thinking about Florida’s Republican governor, Ron DeSantis, he has slinked his way into the national news again.
The occasion was a tour he hosted Tuesday for Donald Trump and Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem of what has become known as “Alligator Alcatraz,” a detention camp hastily erected in the Everglades to hold immigration detainees in tents and within chain-link cages.
(Environmental groups already have filed lawsuits about the camp’s encroachment into the environmentally sensitive Everglades.)
Individuals with brown skin are approached or pulled aside by unidentified federal agents, suddenly and with a show of force, and made to answer questions about who they are and where they are from.
— Perdomo v. Noem
The day before the tour, DeSantis cackled over the conditions awaiting detainees in the camp located about 45 miles west of Miami amid swamps inhabited by pythons and alligators. “Good luck getting to civilization,” he said. “So the security is amazing — natural and otherwise.”
Trump seconded that view during the tour: “We’re surrounded by miles of treacherous swampland and the only way out is, really, deportation,” he said.
DeSantis, whom Trump humiliated during their campaigns for the GOP presidential nomination in 2024 as “Ron DeSanctimonious,” basked in his apparent return to Trump’s favor.
One could hardly put matters better than Nicole Lafond of Talking Points Memo, who described how DeSantis and Trump came together over their “shared passion: finding creative new ways to dehumanize immigrants, carried out with a trollish flair.”
As it happens, the tour took place the day before immigrant advocates and several people swept up in immigration raids described in a federal court filing the behavior of Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents conducting the raids, as well as the atrocious conditions in which the detainees are held in an ICE facility in downtown Los Angeles.
That filing documents the continuum of immigration enforcement under the Trump administration nationwide.
In Florida, officials boast of the cruelty of holding detainees in a swamp before their immigration status is adjudicated — Noem stated that detainees would be offered forms to self-deport at the very entrance to the camp.
In California, “individuals with brown skin are approached or pulled aside by unidentified federal agents, suddenly and with a show of force, and made to answer questions about who they are and where they are from,” according to the filing. “If they hesitate, attempt to leave, or do not answer the questions to the satisfaction of the agents, they are detained, sometimes tackled, handcuffed, and/or taken into custody.”
Then they’re held in the “dungeon-like” L.A. facility, sometimes for days, and often “pressured into accepting voluntary departure.”
A Homeland Security spokesperson called the assertions in the filing “disgusting and categorically false.” The spokesperson told me by email, “Any claim that there are subprime conditions at ICE detention centers are false.”
More on that in a moment. First, a quick review of how DeSantis, like other GOP politicians, has exploited immigration and other hot-button issues for political advantage.
On the national level, this began as a campaign against pandemic lockdowns and mask mandates — at one point while COVID was raging across his state, DeSantis publicly upbraided schoolchildren for wearing masks at a presentation, calling it “COVID theater.” He progressed to questioning the safety of COVID vaccines and to trying to demonize Anthony Fauci, then the most respected public health official in the land.
The ultimate harvest was one of the worst rates of COVID deaths in the nation. DeSantis’ defenders explained that this was because Florida has a high proportion of seniors, but couldn’t explain why its rate was worse than other states with even higher proportions of elderly residents. He pursued attacks on LGBTQ+ people through an “anti-woke” campaign, though judges ruled against his efforts to legislate how teachers and professors did their jobs.
DeSantis tried to take his show on the road via a quest for the presidential nomination, but his culture warfare didn’t obscure his maladroit skills on the stump. (I once described DeSantis as having “all the charisma of a linoleum floor,” after which The Times received an indignant letter from a reader asserting that I owed linoleum an apology.)
But his policymaking has long ceased to be a laughing matter, especially when it comes to immigration.
In February, DeSantis signed a law making it a felony for an undocumented immigrant to enter the state of Florida. That law was blocked in April by federal Judge Kathleen M. Williams of Miami, who subsequently found state Atty. Gen. James Uthmeier in contempt for indicating to law enforcement officers that they didn’t have to comply with her order.
The cruelty-for-cruelty’s-sake nature of Trump’s immigrant crackdown is vividly illustrated not only by his glee over the Everglades camp, but also the brutality of the ICE raids as depicted by the plaintiffs in the Los Angeles lawsuit.
The plaintiffs in the class action include five individuals (among them two U.S. citizens) who were detained in the raids, the United Farm Worker and three immigrant advocacy organizations.
Since early June, Southern California “has been under siege,” the lawsuit asserts. “Masked federal agents, sometimes dressed in military-style clothing, have conducted indiscriminate immigration operations, flooding street corners, bus stops, parking lots, agricultural sites, day laborer corners, and other places, setting up checkpoints, and entering businesses, interrogating residents as they are working, looking for work, or otherwise trying to go about their daily lives, and taking people away.”
The plaintiffs ascribe this behavior to a quota of 3,000 immigration arrests per day set by presidential aide Stephen Miller. “It is practically impossible to arrest 3,000 people per day without breaking the law flagrantly,” Mohammad Tajsar of the ACLU of Southern California, which represents the plaintiffs, told me.
The lawsuit cites reporting by my colleague Rachel Uranga that, although the administration describes the raids’ targets as “the worst of the worst,” most of those nabbed had never been charged with a crime or had no criminal convictions.
Of the five individual plaintiffs, three were arrested at a bus stop while waiting to be picked up for a job, one — a U.S. citizen — at an Orange County car wash and one at an auto yard where he says he was manhandled by agents even after explaining that he is a U.S. citizen.
The agents’ refusal to identify themselves and give detainees the reason for their arrest violates legal regulations, the lawsuit states.
As the lawsuit describes the L.A. holding location, the basement of a federal building downtown, it’s not designed for long-term detention. It lacks beds, showers and medical facilities. The detainees are held in rooms so overcrowded that they “cannot sit, let alone lie down, for hours at a time.” Lawyers and families have often been prevented from seeing them the plaintiffs say.
A 2010 settlement of a previous lawsuit stipulated that detainees would not be held in the facility for more than 12 hours, and that they be permitted to meet with their lawyers for at least four hours a day seven days a week. Some detainees have been held there for days.
The settlement has since expired; the plaintiffs say “the unlawful conditions that led to the settlement more than a decade ago are recurring today.”
Make no mistake: None of this is accidental or unavoidable. Trump’s comments during his tour of the Everglades camp, and the actions of immigration agents in L.A. — many of which have been documented by onlookers’ videos — make clear that sowing fear among people trying to go about their daily lives is high among the goals of what has become a theatrical anti-immigrant farce. It’s no less tragic for that.
Business
How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner
Times Insider explains who we are and what we do, and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together.
Politicians in Washington and the reporters who cover them have an often adversarial relationship.
But on the last Saturday in April, they gather for an irreverent celebration of press freedom and the First Amendment at the Washington Hilton Hotel: The White House Correspondents’ Association dinner.
Hosted by the association, an organization that helps ensure access for media outlets covering the presidency, the dinner attracts Hollywood stars; politicians from both parties; and representatives of more than 100 networks, newspapers, magazines and wire services.
While The Times will have two reporters in the ballroom covering the event, the company no longer buys seats at the party, said Richard W. Stevenson, the Washington bureau chief. The decision goes back almost two decades; the last dinner The Times attended as an organization was in 2007.
“We made a judgment back then that the event had become too celebrity-focused and was undercutting our need to demonstrate to readers that we always seek to maintain a proper distance from the people we cover, many of whom attend as guests,” he said.
It’s a decision, he added, that “we have stuck by through both Republican and Democratic administrations, although we support the work of the White House Correspondents’ Association.”
Susan Wessling, The Times’s Standards editor, said the policy is a product of the organization’s desire to maintain editorial independence.
“We don’t want to leave readers with any questions about our independence and credibility by seeming to be overly friendly with people whose words and actions we need to report on,” she said.
The celebrity mentalist Oz Pearlman is headlining the evening, in lieu of the usual comedy set by the likes of Stephen Colbert and Hasan Minhaj, but all eyes will be on President Trump, who will make his first appearance at the dinner as president.
Mr. Trump has boycotted the event since 2011, when he was the butt of punchlines delivered by President Barack Obama and the talk show host Seth Meyers mocking his hair, his reality TV show and his preoccupation with the “birther” movement.
Last month, though, Mr. Trump, who has a contentious relationship with the media, announced his intention to attend this year’s dinner, where he will speak to a room full of the same reporters he often derides as “enemies of the people.”
Times reporters will be there to document the highs, the lows and the reactions in the room. A reporter for the Styles desk has also been assigned to cover the robust roster of after-parties around Washington.
Some off-duty reporters from The Times will also be present at this late-night circuit, though everyone remains cognizant of their roles, said Patrick Healy, The Times’s assistant managing editor for Standards and Trust.
“If they’re reporting, there’s a notebook or recorder out as usual,” he said. “If they’re not, they’re pros who know they’re always identifiable as Times journalists.”
For most of The Times’s reporters and editors, though, the evening will be experienced from home.
“The rest of us will be able to follow the coverage,” Mr. Stevenson said, “without having to don our tuxes or gowns.”
Business
MrBeast company sued over claims of sexual harassment, firing a new mom
A former female staffer who worked for Beast Industries, the media venture behind the popular YouTube channel MrBeast, is suing the company, alleging she was sexually harassed and fired shortly after she returned from maternity leave.
The employee, Lorrayne Mavromatis, a Brazilian-born social media professional, alleges in a lawsuit she was subjected to sexual harassment by the company’s management and demoted after she complained about her treatment. She said she was urged to join a conference call while in labor and expected to work during her maternity leave in violation of the Family and Medical Leave Act, according to the federal complaint filed Wednesday in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of North Carolina.
“This clout-chasing complaint is built on deliberate misrepresentations and categorically false statements, and we have the receipts to prove it. There is extensive evidence — including Slack and WhatsApp messages, company documents, and witness testimony — that unequivocally refutes her claims. We will not submit to opportunistic lawyers looking to manufacture a payday from us,” Gaude Paez, a Beast Industries spokesperson, said in a statement.
Jimmy Donaldson, 27, began MrBeast as a teen gaming channel that soon exploded into a media company worth an estimated $5 billion, with 500 employees and 450 million subscribers who watch its games, stunts and giveaways.
Mavromatis, who was hired in 2022 as its head of Instagram, described a pervasive climate of discrimination and harassment, according to the lawsuit.
In her complaint, she alleges the company’s former CEO James Warren made her meet him at his home for one-on-one meetings while he commented on her looks and dismissed her complaints about a male client’s unwanted advances, telling her “she should be honored that the client was hitting on her.”
When Mavromatis asked Warren why MrBeast, Donaldson, would not work with her, she was told that “she is a beautiful woman and her appearance had a certain sexual effect on Jimmy,” and, “Let’s just say that when you’re around and he goes to the restroom, he’s not actually using the restroom.”
Paez refuted the claim.
“That’s ridiculous. This is an allegation fabricated for the sole purpose of sparking headlines,” Paez said.
Mavromatis said she endured a slate of other indignities such as being told by Donaldson that she “would only participate in her video shoot if she brought him a beer.”
“In this male-centric workplace, Plaintiff, one of the few women in a high-level role, was excluded from otherwise all-male meetings, demeaned in front of colleagues, harassed, and suffered from males be given preferential treatment in employment decisions,” states the complaint.
When Mavromatis raised a question during a staff meeting with her team, she said a male colleague told her to “shut up” or “stop talking.”
At MrBeast headquarters in Greenville, N.C., she said male executives mocked female contestants participating in BeastGames, “who complained they did not have access to feminine hygiene products and clean underwear while participating in the show.”
In November 2023, Mavromatis formally complained about “the sexually inappropriate encounters and harassment, and demeaning and hostile work environment she and other female employees had been living and experiencing working at MrBeast,” to the company’s then head of human resources, Sue Parisher, who is also Donaldson’s mother, according to the suit.
In her complaint, Mavromatis said Beast Industries did not have a method or process for employees to report such issues either anonymously or to a third party, rather employees were expected to follow the company’s handbook, “How to Succeed In MrBeast Production.”
In it, employees were instructed that, “It’s okay for the boys to be childish,” “if talent wants to draw a dick on the white board in the video or do something stupid, let them” and “No does not mean no,” according to the complaint.
Mavromatis alleges that she was demoted and then fired.
Paez said that Mavromatis’s role was eliminated as part of a reorganization of an underperforming group within Beast Industries and that she was made aware of this.
Business
Heidi O’Neill, Formerly of Nike, Will Be New Lululemon’s New CEO
Lululemon, the yoga pants and athletic clothing company, has hired a former executive from a rival, Nike, as its new chief executive.
Heidi O’Neill, who spent more than 25 years at Nike, will take the reins and join Lululemon’s board of directors on Sept. 8, the company announced on Wednesday.
The leadership change is happening during a tumultuous time for Lululemon, which had grown to $11 billion in revenue by persuading shoppers to ditch their jeans and slacks for stretchy leggings. But lately, sales have declined in North America amid intense competition and shifting fashion trends, with consumers favoring looser styles rather than the form-fitting silhouettes for which Lululemon is best known.
“As I step into the C.E.O. role in September, my job will be to build on that foundation — to accelerate product breakthroughs, deepen the brand’s cultural relevance, and unlock growth in markets around the world,” Ms. O’Neill, 61, said in a statement.
Lululemon, based in Vancouver, British Columbia, has also been entangled in a corporate power struggle over the company’s future. Its billionaire founder, Chip Wilson, has feuded with the board, nominated independent directors and criticized executives.
Lululemon’s previous chief executive, Calvin McDonald, stepped down at the end of January as pressure mounted from Mr. Wilson and some investors. One activist investor, Elliott Investment Management, had pushed its own chief executive candidate, who was not selected.
The interim co-chiefs, Meghan Frank and André Maestrini, will lead the company until Ms. O’Neill’s arrival, when they are expected to return to other senior roles. The pair had outlined a plan to revive sales at Lululemon, promising to invest in stores, save more money and speed up product development.
“We start the year with a real plan, with real strategies,” Mr. Maestrini said in an interview this year. “We make sure decisions are made fast.”
Lululemon said last month that it would add Chip Bergh, the former chief executive of Levi Strauss, to its board to replace David Mussafer, the chairman of the private equity firm Advent International, whom Mr. Wilson had sought to remove.
Ms. O’Neill climbed the organizational chart at Nike for decades, working across divisions including consumer sports, product innovation and brand marketing, and was most recently its president of consumer, product and brand. She left Nike last year amid a shake-up of senior management that led to the elimination of her role.
Analysts said Ms. O’Neill would be expected to find ways to energize Lululemon’s business and reset the company’s culture in order to improve performance.
“O’Neill is her own person who will come with an agenda of change,” said Neil Saunders, the managing director of GlobalData, a data analytics and consulting company. “The task ahead is a significant one, but it can be undertaken from a position of relative stability.”
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