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You can't buy a Chinese EV in the United States. But they dominate in Southeast Asia

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You can't buy a Chinese EV in the United States. But they dominate in Southeast Asia

Late last year Chinese automaker BYD surpassed Tesla as the world’s biggest seller of electric vehicles.

But you won’t find its cars in the United States anytime soon. With the Chinese auto industry facing tariffs in the U.S. and the European Union, one of its most important markets is Southeast Asia.

Of the 31 passenger car brands represented last month at the sprawling Indonesia International Auto Show outside Jakarta, about a third were from China. The vast majority of those were electric vehicles.

Striding past fashion models and huge video displays, Safik Bahsein made his way to the BYD display, where he honed in on a BYD Dolphin, which promises 300 miles on a single charge and sells for the equivalent of $26,000.

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Visitors look at a BYD car during an auto show last month. Chinese car companies have been gaining ground in Indonesia, particularly in EVs.

(Tatan Syuflana / Associated Press)

It’s one of three EV models that BYD now sells in Indonesia, the world’s fourth most populous country — with more than 275 million people — and the largest car market in Southeast Asia. The company’s first shipment of 1,000 EVs arrived last month.

“It’s quite beautiful,” said Bahsein, 49, who works in shipping. “Compared with European cars, I think BYD has good prospects in the future.”

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In his view, the quality of Chinese cars now matches those from Europe and Japan. He said he was considering buying one for his wife, though he still prefers his Tesla Model 3, which he had to have specially imported two years ago because there are no dealers in Indonesia.

The country’s car market has long been dominated by the Japanese brands Toyota, Daihatsu and Honda. But Chinese companies have been gaining ground, particularly in EVs, where Japanese automakers have lagged.

Chinese brands accounted for 43% of EV sales in the first half of 2024, according to the Assn. of Indonesia Automotive Industries.

But getting people to buy EVs has been especially challenging in Indonesia, where there are many cheaper alternatives and a dearth of charging stations. Only 17,121 EVs were sold last year — just 2% of all auto sales.

Visitors look at vehicles during an auto show

“Southeast Asia, specifically Thailand and Indonesia, is the beachhead, both as a market and a production base,” said Lei Xing, former chief editor of the China Automotive Review.

(Tatan Syuflana / Associated Press)

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The Indonesian government has created incentives for EV buyers and set a goal of 400,000 EV sales next year. But the international data analytics firm Fitch Solutions has suggested that a more realistic expectation is 56,000 by 2028.

For Goldie Liem, 24, who recently bought a Binguo EV from the Chinese carmaker Wuling, the biggest incentive was the license plate, which exempts Jakarta drivers from road restrictions meant to cut down on traffic.

That saves her time on her daily office commute, which can take up to two hours. She said she also saves on gas, and pays about $60 a year in taxes compared with $430 for her old Mazda.

“It gets me from A to B, that’s it,” she said. “I haven’t tried to take it out of town yet, because I’m not that brave, in terms of charging stations and all that.”

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It would take much more to make her husband an EV convert. They couple had come to the auto show so he could check out gas-powered BMWs.

In China, the EV industry has flourished thanks to clean energy subsidies and access to comprehensive supply chains for battery technology and vehicle manufacturing. But intense domestic competition has prompted price cuts and led automakers to look overseas for growth.

Brazil, Belgium, the United Kingdom, Thailand and the Philippines are the biggest export markets this year, according to the China Passenger Car Assn. Indonesia is among the fastest growing.

A Wuling Air EV is displayed at an auto exhibition

Wuling, a Chinese EV brand, accounts for about 40% of EV sales in Indonesia. But electric cars still only make up about 2% of total car sales, hampered by insufficient charging infrastructure.

(Stephanie Yang / Los Angeles Times)

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“Southeast Asia, specifically Thailand and Indonesia, is the beachhead, both as a market and a production base,” said Lei Xing, an independent auto analyst and former chief editor of the China Automotive Review. “It’s not like you’re going into Europe and competing against the Volkswagens and the BMWs. Now with the EV opportunity, Chinese brands are jumping on that.”

BYD recently announced plans to build a $1.3-billion EV plant two hours from Jakarta that will begin operations in 2026, joining other Chinese brands Neta and Wuling to build electric cars in Indonesia.

It’s no coincidence that Indonesia also happens to be one of the world’s leading producers of nickel and other minerals needed in EV batteries.

China has already invested billions of dollars in Indonesian nickel mines in order to procure the strategic metal. Now Indonesia is trying to attract more Chinese funding to process its natural resources and build cars at home.

In an op-ed this year for China Daily, a state-run newspaper, a senior Indonesian transportation official declared his country’s EV industry “open for business.”

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The official, Rachmat Kaimuddin, the deputy coordinating minister of transportation and infrastructure, also encouraged Chinese carmakers to take advantage of the “golden opportunity” of recently announced tax incentives for international car brands producing in Indonesia.

For brands like BYD, building more facilities in other countries is a critical part of global expansion, particularly as the U.S. and EU have threatened to implement harsher policies to keep cheap Chinese models from pushing out their own domestic manufacturers.

A BYD car on display with its front doors open at an auto expo

Leading Chinese automaker BYD delivered its first 1,000 EVs to Indonesian consumers this year, as it expands its manufacturing and sales in one of Southeast Asia’s biggest auto markets.

(Stephanie Yang / Los Angeles Times)

Last month, the EU announced tariffs of up to 37.6% on Chinese EVs. In the U.S., President Biden raised the existing 25% tariff on Chinese EVs to 100%.

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BYD has also opened a plant in Thailand, and has announced investment plans for Turkey, Hungary and Mexico, which could help the automaker sidestep foreign import taxes in the U.S. and Europe on Chinese goods.

“These are very strategic locations,” said Xing, the auto analyst. “In order to be global, I think the U.S. and Europe are the last two frontiers.”

In the meantime, there is Southeast Asia. At the auto show, Ricky Aristin, 23, spent two hours browsing cars that could potentially replace his Honda Accord. The highlight was climbing into the driver’s seat of a BYD Seal, an electric sedan that sells for about $44,000.

“It feels like an expensive car,” Aristin said. “It’s a good experience from the car with the lowest price.”

Nonetheless, he decided he wouldn’t buy an EV until Jakarta has more charging stations.

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U.S. Steel C.E.O. Says Nippon Deal Will Strengthen National Security

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U.S. Steel C.E.O. Says Nippon Deal Will Strengthen National Security

The chief executive of U.S. Steel said on Tuesday that the proposed takeover of the company by Nippon Steel of Japan would strengthen America’s national security, and he expressed confidence that the federal government would allow the deal to close despite bipartisan calls to block it.

Rebutting concerns from lawmakers and the steelworkers’ labor union about the transaction, the executive, David Burritt, argued that if the acquisition moved forward, the new company would benefit the U.S. economy and allow the United States and Japan to better compete with China in global steel markets.

“By the time we’re done doing all the analysis, it’s very clear that it strengthens national security, economic security and job security,” Mr. Burritt said. “This deal will close on its merits.”

His comments, made at the Detroit Economic Club, came as U.S. Steel has been facing a political storm over Nippon’s $15 billion takeover bid. Top Republicans and Democrats, including President Biden, Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald J. Trump, have said that the iconic steel maker should remain American owned and operated. The United Steelworkers union has accused Mr. Burritt of misleading workers and trying to get a lucrative exit package that would come from selling the company.

The transaction has also become tangled with swing state politics, as U.S. Steel is based in Pennsylvania, which could help to determine the outcome of the November presidential election.

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The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States, which is reviewing the agreement, has warned the companies that the merger could pose risks to American national security. The interagency panel has yet to make a recommendation to the president about whether the deal should be blocked.

The Biden administration signaled this month that it was preparing to block the deal before November. Following public criticism from business groups that the review process was being politicized, officials suggested last week that a decision could be delayed until after the election.

Mr. Burritt dismissed the negative talk about the deal on Tuesday and insisted that it would benefit American workers.

He also laid out the implications for U.S. Steel if the deal were to be blocked. Mr. Burritt said the company would continue to focus its resources on “mini mills” that it operates in the South rather than the larger facilities in Pennsylvania and Indiana that Nippon has said it will upgrade.

Describing the company’s current strategy as “better, not bigger,” Mr. Burritt said, “with Nippon, it would be better and bigger.”

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Mr. Burritt has warned that the company could lay off workers and relocate its headquarters outside Pennsylvania if the deal were blocked.

Critics have said that the deal could threaten national security by ceding a key part of America’s manufacturing supply chain to a foreign-owned company. Biden administration officials have also raised concerns that if Nippon controls U.S. Steel, it could raise objections to American tariffs on steel imports.

Mr. Burritt noted that Japan is America’s closest ally in Asia and argued that the deal would curb China’s steel dominance.

“Bringing Nippon’s expertise with U.S. Steel’s footprint here in the United States — that investment coming in — gives us an opportunity to really compete with China,” he said.

Nippon’s bid for U.S. Steel, which was accepted in December, continues to face strong opposition from the powerful steelworkers’ union. The union has expressed fears about the future of its pension program and raised doubts that Nippon will make the investments in U.S. Steel facilities that it has promised.

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In a letter to its members on Tuesday, the leaders of the steelworkers’ union reiterated their problems with Nippon’s proposal.

“The U.S. government should reject the deal for obvious and important national defense reasons, and U.S.S. can remain an independent company,” David McCall, president of United Steelworkers, and Mike Millsap, chairman of the negotiating committee, said in the letter. “We must remain united as we fight to keep U.S. Steel an American steel company that is domestically owned and operated.”

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Video: Boeing Union Members Vote to Strike

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Video: Boeing Union Members Vote to Strike

new video loaded: Boeing Union Members Vote to Strike

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Boeing Union Members Vote to Strike

Thousands of machinists and aerospace workers walked off the job on Friday, after rejecting a proposal that would have delivered raises and improvements to benefits but fell short of what the union initially sought.

“Strike! Strike! Strike! Strike!” “This is about respect. This is about addressing the past. And this is about fighting for our future. Our members rejected the contract by 94.6 percent. And they voted to strike by 96 percent. We will be back at the table whenever we can get there to drive forward on the issues that our members say are important. Congratulations, machinists.”

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Beverly Hills is dragging its heels on a new building. The governor says: Build it

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Beverly Hills is dragging its heels on a new building. The governor says: Build it

California officials are turning the screws on the city of Beverly Hills, where approval of a new hotel and apartment complex is moving too slowly for state housing bosses and the governor.

The lightning rod is a planned mixed-use development near Wilshire Boulevard that has been brought forth under a state law intended to force cities to add more housing whether they like the proposals or not.

The 19-story building on Linden Drive by local developer Leo Pustilnikov would be big by Beverly Hills standards and include a 73-room hotel and restaurant on the first five floors. Plans call for the higher floors to contain 165 apartments including 33 units reserved for rental to lower-income households.

The project so far has failed to pass muster with city planning leaders, who say Pustilnikov hasn’t provided all the details about the project that the city requires to consider approval.

Pustilnikov has pioneered a novel interpretation of a state law known as the “builder’s remedy” to push cities to allow development projects at a size and scale otherwise barred under zoning rules.

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As part of their efforts to tackle California’s housing shortage and homelessness crisis, legislators recently beefed up the law, by giving developers leverage to get large proposals approved so long as they set aside a percentage for low-income residents.

Last month the state Department of Housing and Community Development backed Pustilnikov in a “notice of violation” to the city, saying it was violating state housing laws by holding up the project.

“The City Council should reverse its decision and direct city staff to process the project without further delay,” the state notice said, referring to a council vote in June to delay the approval process.

Gov. Gavin Newsom piled on in a statement, saying that the city is violating the law by “blocking” the proposal and referring to opponents of the project as NIMBYs — a highly charged acronym for “not in my backyard” that refers to homeowners who resist development projects in their neighborhoods.

“We can’t solve homelessness without addressing our housing shortage,” the governor said. “Now is a time to build more housing, not cave to the demands of NIMBYs.”

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Beverly Hills already faced pressure to approve the Linden project before the state’s letter. In June, Californians for Homeownership, a nonprofit affiliated with the California Assn. of Realtors, sued the city in Los Angeles County Superior Court for not advancing the development.

Some residents in the neighborhood south of Wilshire Boulevard are up in arms about the scale of the project that is designated to fill a parking lot at 125-129 S. Linden Drive between a five-story office building and low-rise apartment buildings.

“None of us are opposed to affordable housing,” said Kenneth A. Goldman, president of the Southwest Beverly Hills Homeowners Assn., but “you don’t have to be a NIMBY to say that’s just so far out of line.”

It would be almost four times taller than the five-story height limit the city has on its books and could threaten the neighborhood’s “quiet lifestyle,” Goldman said. The construction period would be “hell,” he added.

The city has until Sept. 20 to respond to state housing officials and indicated in a statement that the delay was due in part to Pustilnikov changing the original all-residential proposal to include the hotel. It is a switch that could offer a financial coup for the developer in a tourist-friendly city, where getting permission to build a new hotel is a tall order.

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Last year Beverly Hills voters decided to rescind the City Council’s approval of an ultra-opulent hotel called Cheval Blanc on the edge of Rodeo Drive after French luxury retailer LVMH spent millions of dollars planning the project.

Of the Linden Drive proposal, the city said in a statement, “The project has not been denied.”

“What was originally submitted as a purely residential project has now morphed into a 73-room hotel and restaurant project with 35 fewer residential units, including a reduction of 7 affordable units,” it said.

When the application is complete, the city said, a public hearing will be held, followed by Planning Commission review and potential approval by the City Council.

That process may be complicated by Pustilnikov’s stated intention to sell his interest in the Linden Drive property as part of a Chapter 11 bankruptcy proceeding involving another of his real estate projects.

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In 2018, Pustilnikov purchased a 50-acre parcel on the Redondo Beach waterfront that is the site of a defunct power plant. The property is controlled by entities owned by Pustilnikov and a business partner, Ely Dromy. Using the builder’s remedy law, the pair has advanced a massive mixed-use project for the site with 2,700 apartments as its centerpiece. In court documents, Pustilnikov estimates that the development, if completed, would be worth $600 million.

The effort has been stymied amid fights with the city of Redondo Beach, the California Coastal Commission and AES Corp., the owner of the power plant. In late 2022, AES threatened to foreclose on Pustilnikov. To stave that off, one of the entities that own the site filed for bankruptcy.

In a recent filing in the case, Pustilnikov and Dromy said they will sell the Linden property for $27.5 million to help preserve their ownership of the power plant site.

However, a representative for Pustilinkov, Adam Englander, said in a statement that is not necessarily the case.

Instead, more investors may be brought in to the Redondo Beach property and a developer with luxury hotel experience may become a partner in the Linden project, Englander said.

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“It is not anticipated,” Englander said, that the Linden project “in its current form, will be sold prior to completion.”

Pustilnkov has put forward plans to build nearly 3,500 apartment units — 700 of them dedicated as low-income — across a dozen projects in Beverly Hills, Redondo Beach, Santa Monica and West Hollywood under the builder’s remedy. The Linden project is one of seven he’s planning in Beverly Hills alone.

The builder’s remedy provides few avenues for city councils to deny the developments. But because it’s legally untested and separate state environmental laws still apply, projects are not a slam dunk. None of Pustilnikov’s proposals have been approved.

Cities are subject to the law if they do not have state-approved blueprints for future growth. Every eight years, the state requires communities to design a zoning plan accommodating specific numbers of new homes, including those set aside for low- and moderate-income families.

In the current eight-year cycle, Beverly Hills struggled to get a plan that passed muster. Elected officials and residents balked at the city’s requirement to make space for 3,104 homes, saying that doing so would unalterably change the community’s character.

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The city blew multiple deadlines and was sued by Californians for Homeownership. In December, a L.A. County Superior Court judge ruled that Beverly Hills could no longer issue any building permits — including those for pools, kitchen and bathroom remodels and other renovations — because of its failure.

The city appealed the ruling and continued to process permits in the meantime, but the decision sparked alarm among civic leaders. In May, the state approved a revised housing plan for Beverly Hills, ending the threat of the permit moratorium.

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