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Sierra Club workers vote to authorize strike amid layoffs, allegations of mismanagement

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Sierra Club workers vote to authorize strike amid layoffs, allegations of mismanagement

Unionized workers at the Sierra Club, a leading environmental organization, have voted overwhelmingly to authorize a potential strike amid layoffs and allegations of financial mismanagement.

The vote, in which 87% of about 180 staffers who cast ballots authorized union leaders to call a strike, raises the likelihood of a work stoppage at the historic institution, which has been roiled by downsizing efforts as fundraising has plummeted.

“What has intensified over the last year is a lack of reciprocity, respect and care for members of the union and a dismissal of their humanity,” said Cecilia Garcia-Linz, who has worked at the Sierra Club for 13 years and serves as president of the Progressive Workers Union, which represents Sierra Club employees. “Just because we love the planet and enjoy the work we do doesn’t mean we should forgo wages or other rights they are trying to take away.”

As contract talks have dragged on for the past several months, the union has filed claims of unfair labor practices with the National Labor Relations Board alleging that Sierra Club leaders have deliberately delayed bargaining and retaliated against union leaders by targeting them for layoffs, as well as unlawfully limited employees’ ability to speak out about their workplace conditions, among other charges.

Garcia-Linz said the union plans to call a strike as soon as Tuesday if progress isn’t made on contract negotiations and union leaders who have been laid off aren’t reinstated. A strike would be undertaken by the roughly 200 unionized workers in the Sierra Club’s national organization, not staffers employed by its various local chapters.

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Sierra Club spokesperson Jonathon Berman called the union’s allegations “baseless” and said the organization has offered robust pay raises and expanded benefits in negotiations.

“A common tactic from PWU National leadership has been to allege union busting and personally attack individuals within the organization whenever leadership cannot agree to one of their demands,” Berman said in an email.

The Sierra Club experienced a boost in fundraising and increased staffing significantly when former President Trump was in office as it and other groups positioned themselves as a line of defense against Trump administration policies widely viewed as being harmful to the environment. After Trump lost his reelection bid, fundraising fell and the organization has been forced to return to pre-2017 staffing levels, Berman said.

Berman said that after layoffs of about 70 employees — about 10% of the total workforce — and eliminating more than 80 vacant positions, the company is now on track to hit its revenue goals for the year. A strike, he added, would “undermine the Sierra Club’s operations and ability to fundraise.”

The total number of employees in the Sierra Club’s chapters and national staff are down from a high of 913 in 2022 to 718 this year, according to a May budget report compiled by the organization.

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A bargaining session with an outside mediator is scheduled for Monday, Berman said.

Much of the union’s ire has been focused on Sierra Club Executive Director Ben Jealous, who took over the organization last year after it went through a wrenching internal reckoning over racist views promoted by its founder, John Muir, more than a century ago and allegations of abuse by a former senior employee that arose out of the #MeToo movement.

Several workers said they were initially excited about the hiring of Jealous, who professed pro-labor sentiment on a listening tour at the beginning of his tenure, but the relationship began to sour when he announced deep cuts to staff and an organizational overhaul in April 2023 that he said would mitigate a budget deficit he had inherited.

In an interview this month, Jealous said the Sierra Club’s leadership was “being extremely transparent,” and that people may not have realized how precarious the group’s finances had been.

“These are the hard decisions that you have to make when you lead a more than century-old institution and you’re committed to it having a future as long as its past,” he said.

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In early June, unionized workers sent a letter to the Sierra Club’s board of directors informing them they had issued a vote of no confidence in the organization’s leadership, with more than 90% of 330 union-represented workers approving the rebuke.

In response to union allegations that Jealous has not reigned in spending and has hired friends for management posts, Berman said that travel budgets have been reduced and that many vacant senior-level positions had needed to be filled.

“Given the looming budget crisis Ben Jealous inherited, we moved quickly to fill those key roles with seasoned leaders,” Berman said. “Having worked with Ben Jealous before should not be a disqualifier.”

Erica Dodt, an elected member of the union’s executive committee and a bargaining team member who is about eight months pregnant, was laid off last month. She said that, along with concerns over losing her healthcare benefits, she worries that the turmoil is coming during a year when Trump is seeking reelection.

And Jennifer Cardenas, who worked as a Sierra Club field organizer in the Inland Empire for about two years before being laid off, said her team was hit hard by layoffs last year. The cuts, she said, had unraveled the team’s work on environmental justice issues in communities of color.

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“It’s really disheartening,” she said.

Staff writer Sammy Roth contributed to this report.

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Supreme Court puts off ruling on whether state social media laws violate the 1st Amendment

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Supreme Court puts off ruling on whether state social media laws violate the 1st Amendment

The Supreme Court on Monday said it is putting off a ruling for now on whether social media laws adopted by Florida and Texas violate the 1st Amendment.

Instead, the justices sent those cases back to lower courts to consider how those laws would apply in specific situations.

Speaking for the unanimous court, Justice Elena Kagan said the lawyers for NetChoice, the group that sued the states, and the lower court judges who ruled so far made a mistake by focusing broadly on free-speech principles without considering how the laws would apply in different circumstances.

“In sum, there is much work to do below on both these cases, given the facial nature of NetChoice’s challenges. But that work must be done consistent with the 1st Amendment, which does not go on leave when social media are involved,” she said.

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All nine justices agreed with the outcome.

Monday’s decision leaves unresolved whether states may play a role in deciding what appears on popular platforms that are seen by tens of millions of viewers.

The two largest red states had passed laws to fine and punish platforms like Facebook, YouTube, Twitter (now X) and Instagram for what they said was “censoring” posts that appeal to conservatives.

The Florida and Texas laws under review arose from complaints three years ago that President Trump had been discriminated against or unfairly blocked by social media sites, including Twitter.

In 2021, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis signed his state’s first-in-the-nation law and said it targeted the “Big Tech censors” who “discriminate in favor of the dominant Silicon Valley ideology.”

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The measure, adopted before billionaire Elon Musk purchased Twitter and changed its name to X, applies to social media sites with more than $100 million in annual revenue or more than 100 million users.

It authorizes lawsuits for damages for “unfair censorship” and large fines if a social media site “deplatforms” a candidate for office.

Texas Gov. Greg Abbott signed a somewhat broader bill a few months later, saying “conservative speech” was being threatened. It says a social media platform with more than 50 million users in the United States “may not censor … or otherwise discriminate against expression” of users based on their viewpoint.

NetChoice and the Computer & Communications Industry Assn. sued to challenge both laws on free-speech grounds, and both laws were put on hold, including by a 5-4 order from the Supreme Court.

The drive to restrict social media is heating up in many states.

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Last week, the court in a 6-3 vote threw out a lawsuit brought by Republican state attorneys that accused the Biden administration of censoring social media.

The administration said it had merely alerted sites about dangerous disinformation about vaccines and COVID-19. Justice Amy Coney Barrett said the state attorneys did not show that Facebook and other social media platforms removed postings because they were pressured to do so by the government.

Last year, the California Legislature adopted a measure to prohibit online companies from collecting and selling data on children and teenagers, but it was blocked on 1st Amendment grounds by a federal judge in San Jose.

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Why is a Monaco billionaire buying so many properties in Carmel and Big Sur?

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Why is a Monaco billionaire buying so many properties in Carmel and Big Sur?

People call it “The Pit.”

It’s a massive, unsightly hole in the ground — the site of a construction project in downtown Carmel-by-the-Sea whose previous owners ran out of money six years ago, leaving behind nothing but concrete, rebar and hard feelings.

In 2020, The Pit was purchased by Patrice Pastor, a billionaire real estate developer from the tiny European nation of Monaco, for $9 million.

Last year, he plopped down $22 million for a much prettier property: Cabin on the Rocks, the only oceanfront home ever designed by famed architect Frank Lloyd Wright.

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Jeff Becom, president of the board of the Carmel Art Assn., stands next to the construction eyesore known as “The Pit” in Carmel-by-the-Sea.

And in mid-June, he got approval from the California Coastal Commission for his “visionary plan” to restore public access at Rocky Point, a seaside property he bought for $8 million in nearby Big Sur with views of the iconic Bixby Bridge.

Pastor has been on a buying spree in and around Carmel-by-the-Sea, dropping more than $100 million on at least 18 properties over the last decade. So much so that his presence has become a source of intrigue, and for some, downright suspicion, in this moneyed one-square-mile town of 3,200 people.

Pastor bought the Hog’s Breath Building, the site of the pub once owned by actor Clint Eastwood. He bought the L’Auberge Carmel hotel, which houses a Michelin star restaurant. He snapped up the Der Ling building, a 1924 shop, done in fairytale-style architecture next to a stone pathway leading to a hidden garden.

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“When someone comes in with so much money and can use that money for influence on so many things, that’s … scary in any community,” said Dee Borsella, who owns a custom pajama shop across from The Pit. “Every person has the right to do this. But why is he picking Carmel?”

1  A visitor walks through the central courtyard of Der Ling Lane.

2 The Bingham Building on Dolores Street, reflected in a storefront window.

3 The Rocky Point Restaurant, one of the latest purchases by Monaco billionaire Patrice Pastor, rests on a bluff high above the Pacific Ocean in Big Sur.

1. A visitor walks through the central courtyard of Der Ling Lane. 2. The Bingham Building on Dolores Street, reflected in a storefront window. 3. The Rocky Point Restaurant, one of the latest purchases by Monaco billionaire Patrice Pastor, rests on a bluff high above the Pacific Ocean in Big Sur.

Pastor is the scion of a powerful real estate family that built much of mega-rich Monaco, a dense, one-square-mile nation on the French Riviera.

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He says he first came to Carmel-by-the-Sea at age 7 during a trip with his father, and that he had never seen his dad more relaxed. The memory stuck with him. He now owns multiple homes in town and visits several times a year.

“It’s not like he picked up a book one day and was like, ‘Let me find the best place to invest.’ It’s that he personally loves it here,’” said Claire Totten, a spokeswoman for Esperanza Carmel LLC, the local branch of his international real estate company.

Still, Pastor has created quite the buzz in this gracefully aging town where, according to Zillow, the typical home price is $2.2 million.

During a scuffle last summer, the city administrator took a swing at an art gallery owner who accused local officials of being xenophobic for slowing one of Pastor’s projects. And the billionaire’s local real estate portfolio burst into international headlines this year after an article by SF Gate quoted an anonymous business owner who said people were “terrified” of his intentions.

Soon afterward, Pastor showed up to a City Council meeting via Zoom and said he would “like to inform those who feel terrified by my presence” that he would be in town a few days later: “So I suggest they either take a vacation during this period or come and meet me for a relaxation class.”

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Pastor — who, according to the French newspaper Le Monde, has squabbled over lucrative development contracts with associates of Monaco’s Prince Albert II — has more humble antagonists in Carmel-by-the-Sea: the City Council, the Planning Commission and the Historic Resources Board.

The city has rejected several of his design proposals, including two for The Pit.

Development — including upgrades to private homes — is notoriously slow here. The city strictly regulates architecture to maintain the so-called village character of this woodsy place. Carmel uses no street addresses (people give their homes whimsical names instead), and has no streetlights or sidewalks in residential areas.

The stone walls of an historic home jut into the ocean like the prow of a ship.

The Mrs. Clinton Walker House is the the only oceanfront home designed by famed architect Frank Lloyd Wright.

Eastwood, who was mayor in the1980s, got involved in local politics after fighting with the City Council over what he said were unreasonable restrictions on the design of an office building he wanted to erect. Pastor now owns that building.

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Pastor “loves that it’s a bit idiosyncratic,” Totten said. “Carmel is a little bit etched in time. The world moves on, but Carmel is still Carmel.”

Pastor’s local defenders question whether he is being discriminated against because he is too rich.

“He’s had a hard time with the city,” said Karyl Hall, co-chair of the Carmel Preservation Assn. “It’s one thing after another after another. They’ve just beaten him down incredibly.”

“There’s no question that he gets more scrutiny,” said Tim Allen, a real estate agent who has handled most of Pastor’s local purchases, including the Frank Lloyd Wright residence, also known as the Mrs. Clinton Walker House.

Completed in 1952 and listed on the National Register of Historic Places, the architectural jewel had been kept within the original owner’s family until Pastor bought it in February 2023. The 1,400-square-foot house, on a rocky bluff jutting into Carmel Bay, has a hexagonal living room and stone masonry walls shaped like a ship’s prow cutting through the waves.

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In a 1945 letter to Wright, artist Della Walker wrote: “I am a woman living alone — I wish protection from the wind and privacy from the road and a house as enduring as the rocks but as transparent and charming as the waves and as delicate as a seashore. You are the only man who can do this — will you help me?”

The architect replied: “Dear Mrs. Walker: I liked your letter, brief and to the point.”

Real estate agent Tim Allen in front of the Forge in the Forest.

“There’s no question that he gets more scrutiny,” real estate agent Tim Allen says of Monaco billionaire Patrice Pastor, whose land purchases in Carmel-By-The-Sea have generated suspicion.

Allen said Pastor’s purchase includes the original furniture, because “he’s buying a piece of history” — albeit one that “needs a ton of work,” including an expensive new roof.

Last spring, Esperanza Carmel LLC, applied for a Mills Act contract for the site, a tax break for owners of historic properties who commit to restoring and preserving them. Although the City Council had approved such a contract for the home’s previous owner, some council members balked at giving the tax break — a saving of an estimated $1.5 million over 10 years — to Pastor and postponed a decision for several months.

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One resident, in a letter to the City Council, wrote: “I doubt the applicant is in financial hardship … I’m not in favor of giving handouts to ultra wealthy property owners.”

Before the council approved the tax break this spring, city officials tried to persuade Pastor to give public tours of the house and to make direct payments to local schools (which are partly funded by property taxes) — requests not made of applicants for other properties. Pastor refused.

Via Zoom, Pastor told the council he would “maintain this wonderful house in perfect condition, even if only to continue to bother those jealous people who will never have access to it.”

City officials are waging another only-in-Carmel fight with Pastor over a mixed-use development and subterranean parking garage on Dolores Street that he has been trying to build for more than three years.

Plans submitted to the city in 2021 called for the demolition of a former bank annex once used as a community room. Because it was less than 50 years old, it did not qualify as a historic structure — but after it turned 50 in October 2022, the Carmel Historic Resources Board voted to add it to the city’s historic resources list.

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Pastor agreed to build around the annex.

Then, another issue arose: The project would require the removal of a small concrete wall, decorated with exposed aggregate and inlaid rocks, built in 1972 by a man local historians dubbed the “father of stamped concrete.”

The City Council last fall said the wall was too important to be moved and sent Pastor’s company back to the drawing board.

Allen, the real estate agent, decried the delays as petty grievances. Pastor’s proposed developments, he said, will add apartments, parking and public restrooms — all of which are sorely needed.

A visitor makes his way through a narrow outdoor passageway.

Carmel-by-the-Sea relies on the tourists drawn to its cottages, courtyards and secret passageways.

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A pedestrian is caught in a reflection of a storefront window.

Carmel-by-the-Sea strictly regulates development to maintain its village character. The city uses no street addresses. Instead, people give their homes whimsical names.

“He doesn’t just buy to terrorize people,” Allen said. “He buys because it’s a good investment.”

Mayor Dave Potter said it is tough for anybody to build here and that Pastor is being treated fairly.

“We pride ourselves on our uniqueness,” he said. “You don’t get to just come in and build whatever you want. We don’t care if you’re a movie star or a mega-millionaire. You have to play by the same rules everybody else does.”

Hall and Neal Kruse, co-chairs of the grassroots Carmel Preservation Assn., are adamant, if surprising, supporters of Pastor.

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They believe modern architecture — which they describe as ‘Anywhere, USA’ buildings with sterile facades and box-like structures — poses an existential threat to Carmel-by-the-Sea, which depends on tourists drawn to its cottages, courtyards and secret passageways.

Hall, a retired research psychologist, said she talks regularly with Pastor, whom she described as “so nice, so charming and so heartfelt,” and noted that he has several modern-architecture projects in the works overseas.

“He said, ‘Karyl, you’d hate them,’” she said, laughing.

Hall and Kruse started the preservation association in response to the first proposal for The Pit, a contemporary design approved by the Planning Commission for the previous owners. They called that planned edifice “the ice box.”

Hall said they were heartened by Pastor, who proposed more traditional buildings for The Pit.

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Longtime residents “remember Carmel, and we remember the sacredness of it and why people come here,” said Kruse, an architectural designer. “We’re the ones that are largely concerned about the loss of character. But Patrice played a central role in reassuring the residents that he would help that not happen.”

A woman smiles as a man unveils a sign that says Carmel Preservation Association.

Karyl Hall, left, and Neal Kruse started the Carmel Preservation Assn. Longtime residents “remember Carmel, and we remember the sacredness of it and why people come here,” Kruse says.

Over more than two years, the Planning Commission rejected two Esperanza Carmel designs for The Pit before approving a third last August for a mixed-use project with apartments, stores and an underground parking garage. Construction has not yet begun.

The 91-year home of the Carmel Art Assn. — of which surrealist painter Salvador Dali was a member — is next door to The Pit. The demolition of two buildings there, which started in 2017, caused the art gallery to shift so much that it damaged its new roof, which started “leaking all over the place,” said Jeff Becom, president of the art association’s board.

“It’s on a sand dune. You dig a big hole and you vibrate it for several weeks, it starts to slip,” Becom said. “It’s an important place, and we didn’t want it to fall into The Pit.”

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With Pastor’s plans, “I have much more hope than I’ve had for some time,” he said.

Across the street, Borsella, owner of the sleepwear shop Ruffle Me to Sleep, is more dubious. She keeps prints of the architectural designs tucked under colorful tissue paper because customers ask her about The Pit every day.

A woman holds up a proposed architectural design.

Dee Borsella, owner of Ruffle Me to Sleep, says Patrice Pastor seems to be on a charm offensive “to ease the collective opinion that somebody’s invading our property, our town.”

Borsella, who used to work in one of the now-demolished buildings, thinks Pastor’s planned complex is too big. She doesn’t like its mezzanine. And she does not think the city should compromise its building standards just because people are sick of looking at a hole in the ground.

Pastor, she said, seems to be on a charm offensive “to ease the collective opinion that somebody’s invading our property, our town.” A few weeks ago,he stopped in her shop to introduce himself.

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“I’m a bit of a lion,” she said. “I knew he was kind of trying to come over and pet me. I felt like he was trying to win me over.”

In 2021, Pastor bought another coastal gem in Big Sur, about 10 miles south of Carmel-by-the-Sea: a 2.5-acre cliffside parcel off Highway 1 occupied by the closed Rocky Point Restaurant.

Pastor inherited a slew of issues with the land, including investigations by the California Coastal Commission into unpermitted development by the previous owners and the use of locked gates and “No Trespassing” signs to block access to public land.

The Coastal Commission struck a deal with Pastor to clear the violations and potential fines if he restores the poison oak-covered bluffs and trails and removes the gates. Pastor also agreed to add public bathrooms, parking and electric vehicle chargers.

The deal is limited to clearing the violations — not the redevelopment or reopening of the restaurant.

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A man stands on a rock outcropping overlooking the ocean.

Jeff Davisson takes in the view from a bluff on Rocky Point in Big Sur.

On a recent blue-sky Monday, Jay Davisson, chief executive of a Carmel-by-the-Sea luxury home-building firm, led family members visiting from Detroit and Tampa, Fla., to a bluff top on the property where they could see the Bixby Bridge.

Davisson, who recently moved to Carmel from Atlanta, said he considered buying Rocky Point, but it was “a little too expensive.” He loves Pastor’s plans to restore access — and has been closely following the news and scuttlebutt about his other purchases.

In such a small town, he said, “everybody talks. But I like the fact that it’s growing.”

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Inflation eases in May, but major relief on interest rates not coming soon

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Inflation eases in May, but major relief on interest rates not coming soon

The rate of inflation eased slightly last month, the government said Wednesday, but the financial squeeze that Americans are feeling is not likely to let up anytime soon, especially in high-cost California.

That’s because a residue of sharply higher prices left behind by the COVID-19 pandemic still weighs on the pocketbooks and psychology of consumers.

Prices of new and used cars and trucks, for example, are 27% higher than before the pandemic, even though they went down 3.4% in May from a year earlier, according to the report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Much the same is true of other consumer goods and services, including dining out and personal care services such as hair salons as well as housing.

And there won’t be much relief on interest rates in the near term. The Federal Reserve has raised interest rates to the highest level in more than two decades to fight inflation, and on Wednesday policymakers said the fight wasn’t over.

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Despite previous expectations of multiple rate cuts this year, fed officials projected just one quarter-point rate cut in 2024 in its benchmark interest rate, which currently is in the range of 5.25% to 5.5%.

The Fed, in its statement, said the economy was growing at a “solid pace,” with strong job gains and low unemployment. And Chairman Jerome H. Powell nodded to Wednesday’s better-than-expected inflation numbers.

“We do see today’s report as progress and as building confidence,” he said at a news conference. “But we don’t see ourselves as having the confidence that would warrant beginning to loosen [monetary] policy at this time.”

According to inflation data released Wednesday, overall consumer prices were up 3.3% in May from a year earlier. That’s down slightly from an annual inflation rate of 3.4% in April but still well above the Fed’s 2% target.

“We still need several more months of this, but the fundamentals are encouraging,” said Paul Ashworth, chief North America economist at Capital Economics, a research firm.

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Other experts were less sanguine about the near-term inflation outlook: “It’s a maddening, sticky, stubborn situation,” said Dan North, senior economist at Allianz Trade, a credit insurance firm.

Both economists and political analysts have been puzzled that President Biden’s standing with the public on the economy has been languishing despite steady growth, strong job gains, and significant improvement in inflation. A big part of the answer is that people are still feeling the aftershocks of price increases in 2021 and 2022, when inflation peaked at 9.1%.

The costs of a broad range of everyday goods went up very sharply in those two years, and they’re not likely to return to pre-pandemic levels soon, if ever. The spillover effects are still playing out.

New vehicle prices, for example, went up by double-digit percent mostly in 2022, but auto insurance premiums, partly reflecting the higher car costs, started taking off last year and were up 20% in May from a year earlier.

Housing inflation, including rising rents and what are called homeowners’ equivalent rents, has been especially sticky, remaining in the range of 4.5% to 4.7% this year. That’s a particular concern in California, where the housing market has soared beyond the reach of most would-be buyers and high interest rates have only compounded the problem.

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Despite broadly higher prices, analysts note that workers’ wages have been outpacing inflation, meaning that their purchasing power overall hasn’t weakened. In May, average weekly earnings were up 3.8% from a year earlier — a half point higher than inflation, according to a separate government report.

Still, most people living today have never experienced the kind of sharp, broad inflation that hit the U.S. during the pandemic.

“Even if you had a job, inflation is stressful because it forces you to think about day-to-day purchases,” said Aditya Bhave, senior U.S. economist at Bank of America Global Research.

People may not get over the inflation gloom and get used to the new price levels, he said, until they have “fully internalized the fact that their wages have also grown.”

But in large part because of the incremental gains in income and job gains, the higher costs have not stopped people from spending.

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Consumer spending, which accounts for about two-thirds of U.S. economic activity, is expected to grow by a solid 2% this year.

Wednesday’s report showed that annual inflation also slowed in the Pacific coast region in May but is running above the nationwide average, at 3.7%, in part because of higher price increases for food, transportation and gas.

Housing inflation in May was 4.6% for the U.S. and 4.5% for the Pacific coast states, including Alaska and Hawaii.

Analysts are expecting inflation across the country to come down very slowly in the remaining months of the year, if at all. Prices for many goods, including appliances and new cars, dropped in the second half of last year, and inflation slowed sharply for other items and some services as well, all of which will make year-over-year comparisons more difficult to show favorable readings.

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