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Russia’s Sanctions-Busting Cryptocurrency Empire

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Russia’s Sanctions-Busting Cryptocurrency Empire

In early March, the Central Asian state of Kyrgyzstan made a bold move, announcing that it was preparing to take the European Union to court. A few days earlier, the bloc had threatened to ban exports of sensitive dual-use goods to Kyrgyzstan in order to prevent their reexport to Russia—a proposal that enraged Kyrgyz officials, who fear that could harm their country’s reputation as Central Asia’s most law-abiding, Western-friendly state. The EU’s concerns about covert shipments of dual-use goods to Russia from Kyrgyzstan are valid, but they may well obscure an even larger issue. Over the past year, Moscow has developed a crypto-based sanctions-evading channel powered by the Russian fintech company A7 and the ruble-linked cryptocurrency A7A5. Part of these flows are routed through Kyrgyzstan.

Western sanctions cut off their targets from global finance, including the SWIFT messaging network, cross-border correspondent banking relationships, and clearing mechanisms for dollar payments. For sanctioned economies, the workaround is obvious: developing Western-proof financial channels. This is what the Kremlin set out to do in late 2024, when it supported the creation of A7, a Moscow-based start-up that specializes in cryptocurrencies. The firm looks innocuous on paper, but scratch beneath the surface, and the Kremlin’s fingerprints appear everywhere. Fugitive Moldovan oligarch Ilan Shor founded A7 after Russia granted him citizenship. The state-owned bank Promsvyazbank, which serves Russian defense firms, controls 49 percent of A7. To underline the Kremlin’s interest in the venture, Russian President Vladimir Putin attended a virtual ribbon-cutting ceremony for the opening of A7’s Vladivostok branch in September 2025.

In early March, the Central Asian state of Kyrgyzstan made a bold move, announcing that it was preparing to take the European Union to court. A few days earlier, the bloc had threatened to ban exports of sensitive dual-use goods to Kyrgyzstan in order to prevent their reexport to Russia—a proposal that enraged Kyrgyz officials, who fear that could harm their country’s reputation as Central Asia’s most law-abiding, Western-friendly state. The EU’s concerns about covert shipments of dual-use goods to Russia from Kyrgyzstan are valid, but they may well obscure an even larger issue. Over the past year, Moscow has developed a crypto-based sanctions-evading channel powered by the Russian fintech company A7 and the ruble-linked cryptocurrency A7A5. Part of these flows are routed through Kyrgyzstan.

Western sanctions cut off their targets from global finance, including the SWIFT messaging network, cross-border correspondent banking relationships, and clearing mechanisms for dollar payments. For sanctioned economies, the workaround is obvious: developing Western-proof financial channels. This is what the Kremlin set out to do in late 2024, when it supported the creation of A7, a Moscow-based start-up that specializes in cryptocurrencies. The firm looks innocuous on paper, but scratch beneath the surface, and the Kremlin’s fingerprints appear everywhere. Fugitive Moldovan oligarch Ilan Shor founded A7 after Russia granted him citizenship. The state-owned bank Promsvyazbank, which serves Russian defense firms, controls 49 percent of A7. To underline the Kremlin’s interest in the venture, Russian President Vladimir Putin attended a virtual ribbon-cutting ceremony for the opening of A7’s Vladivostok branch in September 2025.

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A7 offers access to a unique product: A7A5, a cryptocurrency issued by the obscure Kyrgyz firm Old Vector and regulated by Kyrgyz financial rules. It is also backed by Promsvyazbank’s deposits. Three features of A7A5 make it clear that its creators designed it for sanctions evasion at an industrial scale. First, the Promsvyazbank backing ensures virtually unlimited liquidity. Second, Russian firms can convert rubles into A7A5, circumventing the restrictions on ruble payments and Russian-held accounts implemented by all major cryptocurrency exchanges since 2022. Third, A7A5 holders can use the platform’s instant swap service to convert their coins into mainstream, dollar-pegged stablecoins, such as tether. Conveniently, the service lacks know-your-customer (KYC) processes to verify identities, hindering efforts to attribute transactions to sanctioned Russian firms.

This anonymity may sound counterintuitive, since the blockchain technology behind cryptocurrencies relies on public ledgers. However, “public” does not mean “identified.” The ledger records transfers between wallet addresses, not identifiable individuals or firms—like a highway where every car is visible but none has a license plate identifying its owner. The fact that A7A5’s crypto-to-stablecoin swap service has no KYC processes further reinforces anonymity. While Western security services can monitor A7A5 transactions in real time, connecting a wallet to a sanctioned Russian firm is a more difficult undertaking. Attribution requires names, documents, or intercepted communications, which the entire A7A5 architecture is designed to deny.

Experts estimate that A7A5 turnover stood at around $72 billion$93 billion in 2025, a range that is equivalent to as much as one-third of Russia’s entire imports bill. Meanwhile, A7 processed some $39 billion in transactions linked to sanctions evasion, a figure roughly equivalent to Russia’s prewar annual import bill for high-tech—and often dual-use—goods. The list of cryptocurrency addresses doing business with A7 reads like a who’s who of sanctions evasion networks. Many of the addresses are tied to Chinese, Southeast Asian, and South African firms that procure sensitive electronic goods, dual-use equipment, and shipping services that Moscow can use for its war effort. TRM Labs, which specializes in blockchain investigations, has also tied A7-linked addresses to U.S.- and European Union-designated terrorist groups such as Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and Hamas.

Western policymakers have no simple solution for curbing crypto-enabled sanctions evasion. For starters, consider the obvious issue: A7, Promsvyazbank, and Old Vector are all under U.S. sanctions, meaning they already operate outside Western financial channels and their owners have nothing to lose. Moreover, addressing sanctions evasion often resembles a game of whack-a-mole: Designate an entity, and it will soon reopen under a different name. Garantex, a Russian crypto exchange that specialized in money laundering, drug trafficking, and terrorist financing, illustrates this challenge. Washington sanctioned Garantex in 2022, yet the exchange still operated for three more years. After a joint U.S.-EU law enforcement operation seized the firm’s domains and servers in Germany and Finland in 2025, five other exchanges replaced Garantex within weeks.

Western policymakers also face a tricky political environment domestically. In the United States, President Donald Trump, his family, and some of his business partners have embraced cryptocurrencies with gusto. He has launched his own memecoin, embraced dollar-backed stablecoins that networks such as A7 plug into, and pushed for financial deregulation. Just a few weeks after A7 fell under U.S. sanctions, Donald Trump Jr. was a VIP speaker at the Token2049 cryptocurrency conference in Singapore, where A7A5 was a platinum sponsor. A7A5 abruptly disappeared from the program after Reuters sent a request for comment to the organizers.

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Meanwhile, European policymakers also know that there is little they can do about Russia’s cryptocurrency activities. MiCA, the EU’s cryptocurrency regulation, only applies to EU-based exchanges. Therefore, the legislation cannot reach networks operating entirely outside European jurisdiction, such as A7/A7A5 or even tether. Implementing new sanctions on Russia-enabled cryptocurrencies would also be easier said than done. The bloc had planned an EU-wide ban on all crypto transactions with Russia-based counterparties in its 20th sanctions package, but Hungary’s and Slovakia’s vetoes over energy measures have put the new package in limbo.

Not all is lost, though. EU policymakers still have options to curb the rise of cryptocurrencies designed for illicit activities, such as A7A5. One option would be to collaborate with the United States to pressure issuers of dollar-pegged stablecoins to implement robust KYC checks. The goal would be to prevent anonymous A7A5 holders from converting their assets into mainstream stablecoins. With Trump in the White House, however, this is probably a steep ask—but it remains worth a try. Alternatively, the EU could pressure A7A5’s weak points over which the bloc has leverage—its dependence on Kyrgyzstan—to disrupt the network’s operations. Threatening to ban the export of EU-made dual-use products to Kyrgyzstan could be a useful stick in such discussions.

Moscow’s newfound interest in cryptocurrencies is not an outlier. Tehran has offered to accept cryptocurrency payments for its drone and missile sales, and Pyongyang steals cryptocurrency to boost its revenues. Together, these developments raise the question of how effective sanctions are against the growth of financial networks that the U.S. deregulation drive is helping to build. The Western sanctions toolbox was designed for a world of banks and wire transfers, not one in which cryptocurrencies can be exchanged for dollars in seconds—no questions asked. With A7A5, Moscow has provided a proof of concept. It’s likely only a matter of time before other sanctioned regimes follow in its footsteps.

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Charles Schwab Announces Crypto Accounts Are ‘Coming Soon’

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Charles Schwab Announces Crypto Accounts Are ‘Coming Soon’

Key Takeaways:

  • Charles Schwab is launching direct Bitcoin and Ether trading for its 46 million clients.

  • With $12 trillion managed, Schwab’s entry proves direct crypto demand rivals ETFs.

  • CEO Rick Wurster indicated that demand for direct crypto holdings is present among customers.

Charles Schwab To Allow Direct Cryptocurrency Trading With Crypto Accounts

While the cryptocurrency markets are not enjoying their most booming phase, institutions are still interested in adding crypto to their investment offerings.

Charles Schwab, a brokerage institution managing over $12 trillion for more than 46 million customers, has announced that it will include cryptocurrency trading services directly from its platform. On its webpage, it disclosed that “Schwab Crypto,” in the form of cryptocurrency trading accounts offered by Charles Schwab Premier Bank, SSB, would be “coming soon.”

While details are scant at the moment, the page did specify that Bitcoin and Ether would be the specific crypto assets offered at launch, and that the service will be available in neither New York nor in Louisiana.

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The move was anticipated by the institution’s CEO, Rick Wurster, last month, when he highlighted that while the cryptocurrency fever had subsided, a significant number of its customers were still seeking to directly hold cryptocurrencies, even when having other proxy investment options like exchange-traded funds (ETFs) at their disposal.

He declared:

“Clients are still interested in it. We think it’ll round out our offering. And I think how blockchain and tokenization play out is still to be determined.”

Charles Swab has proven to be a pro- crypto company, being involved in plans to launch a Trump Media ETF offering in partnership with Crypto.com, offering custody to up to $250 million.

The institution recently acquired Forge, a private markets exchange, with the intention of broadening access to pre-IPO company shares.

In the same way, the institution has not ruled out executing crypto-related acquisitions to expand its digital asset footprint, with Wurster stressing that it would consider it “if the right opportunity presented itself at the right price” in December.

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TVA awarded $18 million in credits to Knoxville cryptocurrency mine

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TVA awarded  million in credits to Knoxville cryptocurrency mine
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The resolution of a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit shows the Tennessee Valley Authority promised $18 million in electricity incentives over five years to Bitdeer, a cryptocurrency miner operating in Knoxville as Carpenter Creek.

The total amount paid out by TVA was closer to $21 million, according to records from the Knoxville Utility Board, due to the crypto miner’s actual consumption. From 2020 to 2025, Carpenter Creek paid nearly $113 million to KUB in utility charges, with nearly 20% of that offset by TVA incentive credits. The crypto mine also received a $125,000 grant from TVA.

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The lawsuit to obtain the information was filed in 2024 after TVA refused to disclose its agreements with the crypto company to mine Bitcoin. Carpenter Creek used 86 megawatts of energy in the last quarter of 2025, enough to power tens of thousands of homes.

While TVA initially withheld the contracts under various exemptions, the documents were released in November after the contract obligations were complete. As part of the settlement, TVA agreed to pay $9,440.88 in attorney’s fees and costs. The plaintiff, reporter Melanie Faizer, was represented by attorney Paul McAdoo of the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press.

TVA says data center growth to double by 2030

Though TVA says it no longer seeks out data centers or crypto miners as customers, it did provide an unknown number of incentive contracts to those companies from about 2018 through 2023 that helped draw them to the region.

Now those data centers and cryptocurrency mines are putting pressure on the energy consumption landscape.

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As of 2025, they accounted for 18% of TVA’s industrial power use, up from just 1% in 2019. TVA projects data center growth could double by 2030, and recently announced plans to add 150 megawatts of power to xAI’s Memphis data center.

Those incentives “were bad policy,” said Stephen Smith, executive director of the advocacy group Southern Alliance for Clean Energy. Those types of operations typically don’t employ many people, which is one of the reasons TVA, under former CEO Jeff Lyash, discontinued the incentives. TVA has long kept its economic incentive contracts secret.

“There’s no independent entity that looks over TVA’s shoulder on this,” Smith said. “There’s nobody external to the agency that is reviewing their policy, whereas for somebody like Southern Company or Duke Energy … the regulators can have visibility on these incentive packages.”

Lawmakers push for transparency

Federal lawmakers are seeking more transparency from TVA. U.S. Reps. Steve Cohen and Tim Burchett recently reintroduced the TVA Increase Rate of Participation Act, which aims to end what they describe as “obscure and opaque” decision-making by the federal utility.

Cohen said the current planning process relies on “hand-picked” organizations rather than broad stakeholder input, a practice he said must change to meet the region’s growing energy needs.

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Energy planning also affects the cost to residential consumers, according to the Southern Alliance for Clean Energy, which argues TVA has “prioritized industrial customers over the public.” The nonpartisan group Think Tennessee found Tennessee ranked 45th nationally in savings from energy-efficiency programs, resulting in higher bills for residents. That same report showed a decline in energy reliability.

TVA said it’s investing $11 billion over the next three years to build power generation and expand the grid. In a February webcast, TVA also said it’s now considering a separate rate category for larger electricity consumers like the data centers.

“Our focus is to protect consumers from subsidizing energy for other customers,” TVA spokesperson Scott Fiedler said.

In a follow-up request to obtain TVA’s other incentive contracts to crypto mines, the utility said its records don’t specify companies as “cryptocurrency companies” and so it was “unable to identify or locate further records.” A second request to obtain some of those contracts is pending.

Risks to utilities

The crypto miners’ presence could pose a credit risk for utilities like KUB that have come to rely on the income from an unstable and risky industry. Carpenter Creek’s monthly payments to the KUB averaged $1.8 million per month in 2024 as KUB’s largest industrial customer.

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KUB, in an emailed statement, said that “while the majority of a customer’s electric bill goes toward the cost of purchasing power from TVA, loss of a large customer from KUB’s service area results in decreased revenue for KUB to operate and maintain the electric system.”

The KUB said that Carpenter Creek paid up front for the electrical infrastructure upgrades required to support its operations on KUB’s system.

Melanie Fazier is a journalist and professor of practice at the University of Tennessee at Knoxville. Email: mfaizer@utk.edu.

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Premier League’s Last Gambling Shirt Season: £140M and a UK Crackdown

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Premier League’s Last Gambling Shirt Season: £140M and a UK Crackdown

Arsenal’s First Title Push in 22 Years Plays Out as Clubs Face Revenue Cliff and Potential Blank Shirts Next Season

In 2023, Premier League clubs entered a voluntary agreement to remove gambling front-of-shirt sponsors by 2026/27 – and the cliff edge is coming. Going beyond this change, the UK government announced on February 23 that it would launch a consultation this spring aimed at banning unlicensed gambling operators from sponsoring British sports organizations entirely, potentially closing a loophole that currently allows offshore betting firms to maintain shirt deals.

This proposal goes further than the voluntary ban and covers sleeves, training kits, stadium branding, and every other promotional avenue. Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy said it was “not right that unlicensed gambling operators can sponsor some of our biggest football clubs, raising their profile and potentially drawing fans towards sites that don’t meet our regulatory standards.”

Multiple Premier League clubs still carry unlicensed gambling firms as front-of-shirt sponsors heading into the tail end of the season. Under the voluntary ban, licensed gambling brands would still be permitted on shirt sleeves, training kits, stadium signage, and pitchside LED boards from next season. However, the government’s proposed crackdown on unlicensed operators would go further, potentially barring them from all sponsorship arrangements with British sports clubs, not just front-of-shirt placement.

Historically, gambling firms have paid up to double what alternative sectors offer for such a marketing opportunity. An audit published by The ESK found that gambling brands account for £95 million, or 23.3% of the total £408 million front-of-shirt market. For several of the affected teams, gambling sponsorships make up between 28% and 38% of total commercial revenue.

ESK’s analysis recorded 27,440 gambling-related messages during the opening weekend of the current season alone across TV, radio, and social media – fewer than 10% of which came from shirt sponsors. FX, crypto, fintech, and payroll brands are emerging as the primary competitors for the vacant front-of-shirt inventory.

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The ban’s final weeks coincide with one of the most dramatic title races in recent Premier League history. Arsenal, who do not carry a gambling shirt sponsor, lead Manchester City nine points at the time of writing, with the Pep Guardiola-led side having a game in hand and a defining fixture between the two set to take place at the Etihad on April 19. Statistical models give the Gunners a 97% chance of winning their first league title since 2004.

None of the traditional “Sky Six” clubs are directly affected by the sponsorship ban: Arsenal wear Emirates, Manchester City wear Etihad, Manchester United wear Qualcomm, Liverpool wear Standard Chartered, and Tottenham wear AIA. Chelsea started the season without a front-of-shirt sponsor after failing to close a reported £65 million replacement deal. The 11 clubs carrying gambling brands on their shirts this season are concentrated in the league’s middle and lower tiers, where the financial impact will be sharpest, especially among the key relegation candidates.

Reports have emerged that some clubs are struggling to secure replacement sponsors in time for next season. According to BritBrief, the prospect of teams starting the 2026/27 campaign with blank shirt fronts is being described within the industry as “not a great look” for the world’s most-watched football competition. West Ham – one of the teams flirting with relegation this season – are among the clubs understood to have approached premium automotive brands, but agreements remain elusive.

Previous record shirt sponsorship deals in the Premier League include Manchester United’s £235 million agreement with Qualcomm signed in 2024 and Chelsea’s reported £40 million-per-year deal with Infinite Athlete. Manchester City settled a legal dispute with the Premier League over sponsorship rules in September, clearing the path for a new Etihad Airways deal reportedly worth up to £1 billion over 10 years – potentially the largest commercial partnership in British sporting history.

FAQ 🔎

  • When does the Premier League gambling shirt ban start? The voluntary ban on front-of-shirt gambling sponsorship takes effect from the start of the 2026/27 season, making 2025/26 the final campaign with betting logos on matchday shirts.
  • How many Premier League clubs have gambling shirt sponsors? Eleven of the 20 Premier League clubs carry gambling brands on their front-of-shirt this season, including Aston Villa, Everton, West Ham, Nottingham Forest, and Wolves.
  • Can gambling brands still sponsor Premier League clubs after the ban? Licensed gambling operators can still appear on shirt sleeves, training kits, stadium signage, and LED boards, but a separate UK government consultation could ban unlicensed operators from all sponsorship arrangements entirely.
  • How much revenue will Premier League clubs lose from the gambling ban? The collective value of front-of-shirt gambling deals exceeds £140 million per season, with some affected clubs deriving between 28% and 38% of their total commercial revenue from betting sponsors.
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